Among the innumerable manuscripts in the British Museum there is

perhaps none which opens a wider field for guesswork. In its entirety

the _Roman de Lusignan_ was, if appearances are to be trusted, a

leisured and ambitious handling of the Melusina legend; but in the

preserved portion Melusina figures hardly at all. We have merely the

final chapters of what would seem to have been the first half, or

perhaps the first third, of the complete narrative; so that this

manuscript account of Melusina's beguilements breaks off,

fantastically, at a period by many years anterior to a date which those

better known versions of Jean d'Arras and Thuring von Ringoltingen

select as the only appropriate starting-point.

By means of a few elisions, however, the episodic story of Melicent

and of the men who loved Melicent has been disembedded from what

survives of the main narrative. This episode may reasonably be

considered as complete in itself, in spite of its precipitous

commencement; we are not told anything very definite concerning

Perion's earlier relations with Melusina, it is true, but then they are

hardly of any especial importance. And speculations as to the tale's

perplexing chronology, or as to the curious treatment of the Ahasuerus

legend, wherein Nicolas so strikingly differs from his precursors,

Matthew Paris and Philippe Mouskes, or as to the probable course of

latter incidents in the romance (which must almost inevitably have

reached its climax in the foundation of the house of Lusignan by

Perion's son Raymondin and Melusina) are more profitably left to M.

Verville's ingenuity.

3

One feature, though, of this romance demands particular comment. The

happenings of the Melicent-episode pivot remarkably upon _domnei_--upon

chivalric love, upon the _Frowendienst_ of the minnesingers, or upon

"woman-worship," as we might bunglingly translate a word for which in

English there is no precisely equivalent synonym. Therefore this

English version of the Melicent-episode has been called _Domnei_, at

whatever price of unintelligibility.

For there is really no other word or combination of words which seems

quite to sum up, or even indicate this precise attitude toward life.

_Domnei_ was less a preference for one especial woman than a code of

philosophy. "The complication of opinions and ideas, of affections and

habits," writes Charles Claude Fauriel,[1: _Histoire de la littérature

provençale_, p. 330 (Adler's translation, New York, 1860)] "which

prompted the chevalier to devote himself to the service of a lady, and

by which he strove to prove to her his love and to merit hers in

return, was expressed by the single word _domnei_."

And this, of course, is true enough. Yet _domnei_ was even more than a

complication of opinions and affections and habits: it was also a

malady and a religion quite incommunicably blended.

Thus you will find that Dante--to cite only the most readily accessible

of mediaeval amorists--enlarges as to _domnei_ in both these last-named

aspects impartially. _Domnei_ suspends all his senses save that of

sight, makes him turn pale, causes tremors in his left side, and sends

him to bed "like a little beaten child, in tears"; throughout you have

the manifestations of _domnei_ described in terms befitting the

symptoms of a physical disease: but as concerns the other aspect, Dante

never wearies of reiterating that it is domnei which has turned his

thoughts toward God; and with terrible sincerity he beholds in Beatrice

de'Bardi the highest illumination which Divine Grace may permit to

humankind. "This is no woman; rather it is one of heaven's most radiant

angels," he says with terrible sincerity.

With terrible sincerity, let it be repeated: for the service of domnei

was never, as some would affect to interpret it, a modish and ordered

affectation; the histories of Peire de Maënzac, of Guillaume de

Caibestaing, of Geoffrey Rudel, of Ulrich von Liechtenstein, of the

Monk of Pucibot, of Pons de Capdueilh, and even of Peire Vidal and

Guillaume de Balaun, survive to prove it was a serious thing, a stark

and life-disposing reality. En cor gentil domnei per mort no passa, as

Nicolas himself declares. The service of domnei involved, it in fact

invited, anguish; it was a martyrdom whereby the lover was uplifted to

saintship and the lady to little less than, if anything less than,

godhead. For it was a canon of domnei, it was the very essence of

domnei, that the woman one loves is providentially set between her

lover's apprehension, and God, as the mobile and vital image and

corporeal reminder of heaven, as a quick symbol of beauty and holiness,

of purity and perfection. In her the lover views--embodied, apparent to

human sense, and even accessible to human enterprise--all qualities of

God which can be comprehended by merely human faculties. It is

precisely as such an intermediary that Melicent figures toward Perion,

and, in a somewhat different degree, toward Ahasuerus--since Ahasuerus

is of necessity apart in all things from the run of humanity.

Yet instances were not lacking in the service of _domnei_ where worship

of the symbol developed into a religion sufficing in itself, and became

competitor with worship of what the symbol primarily represented--such

instances as have their analogues in the legend of Ritter Tannhäuser,

or in Aucassin's resolve in the romance to go down into hell with "his

sweet mistress whom he so much loves," or (here perhaps most perfectly

exampled) in Arnaud de Merveil's naïve declaration that whatever

portion of his heart belongs to God heaven holds in vassalage to

Adelaide de Beziers. It is upon this darker and rebellious side of

_domnei_, of a religion pathetically dragged dustward by the luxuriance

and efflorescence of over-passionate service, that Nicolas has touched

in depicting Demetrios.

4

Nicolas de Caen, himself the servitor _par amours_ of Isabella of

Burgundy, has elsewhere written of _domne_i (in his _Le Roi Amaury_) in

terms such as it may not be entirely out of place to transcribe here.

Baalzebub, as you may remember, has been discomfited in his endeavours

to ensnare King Amaury and is withdrawing in disgust.

"A pest upon this _domnei_!"[1: Quoted with minor alterations from

Watson's version] the fiend growls. "Nay, the match is at an end, and I

may speak in perfect candour now. I swear to you that, given a man

clear-eyed enough to see that a woman by ordinary is nourished much as

he is nourished, and is subjected to every bodily infirmity which he

endures and frets beneath, I do not often bungle matters. But when a

fool begins to flounder about the world, dead-drunk with adoration of

an immaculate woman--a monster which, as even the man's own judgment

assures him, does not exist and never will exist--why, he becomes as

unmanageable as any other maniac when a frenzy is upon him. For then

the idiot hungers after a life so high-pitched that his gross faculties

may not so much as glimpse it; he is so rapt with impossible dreams

that he becomes oblivious to the nudgings of his most petted vice; and

he abhors his own innate and perfectly natural inclination to

cowardice, and filth, and self-deception. He, in fine, affords me and

all other rational people no available handle; and, in consequence, he

very often flounders beyond the reach of my whisperings. There may be

other persons who can inform you why such blatant folly should thus be

the master-word of evil, but for my own part, I confess to ignorance."

"Nay, that folly, as you term it, and as hell will always term it, is

alike the riddle and the masterword of the universe," the old king

replies....

And Nicolas whole-heartedly believed that this was true. We do not

believe this, quite, but it may be that we are none the happier for our

dubiety.

EXPLICIT

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. LES AMANTS DE MELICENT, Traduction moderne, annotée et procedée d'un

notice historique sur Nicolas de Caen, par l'Abbé. * * * A Paris. Pour

Iaques Keruer aux deux Cochetz, Rue S. Iaques, M. D. XLVI. Avec

Privilège du Roy. The somewhat abridged reprint of 1788 was believed to

be the first version printed in French, until the discovery of this

unique volume in 1917.

II. ARMAGEDDON; or the Great Day of the Lord's Judgement: a Parcenesis

to Prince Henry--MELICENT; an heroicke poeme intended, drawne from

French bookes, the First Booke, by Sir William Allonby. London. Printed

for Nathaniel Butler, dwelling at the _Pied Bull_, at Saint Austen's

Gate. 1626.

III. PERION UNO MELICENT, zum erstenmale aus dem Franzôsischen ins

Deutsche ubersetzt, von J. H. G. Lowe. Stuttgart und Tübingen, 1823.

IV. Los NEGOCIANTES DO DON PERION, publicado por Plancher-Seignot. Rio

de Janiero, 1827. The translator's name is not given. The preface is

signed R. L.

V. LA DONNA DI DEMETRIO, Historia piacevole e morale, da Antonio

Checino. Milan, 1833.

VI. PRINDSESSES MELICENT, oversat af Le Roman de Lusignan, og udgivna

paa Dansk vid R. Knôs. Copenhagen, 1840.

VII. ANTIQUAe FABULAe ET COMEDIAe, edid. G. Rask. Göttingen, 1852. Vol.

II, p. 61 _et seq_. "DE FIDE MELICENTIS"--an abridged version of the

romance.

VIII. PERION EN MELICENT, voor de Nederlandsche Jeugduiitgegeven door

J. M. L. Wolters. Groningen, 1862.

IX. NOUVELLES FRANCOISES EN PROSE DU XIVE ET DE XVE SIÈCLE, Les textes

anciens, édités et annotés par MM. Armin et Moland. Lyons, 1880. Vol.

IV, p. 89 et seq., "LE ROMAN DE LA BELLE MELICENT"--a much condensed

form of the story.

X. THE SOUL OF MELICENT, by James Branch Cabell. Illustrated in colour

by Howard Pyle. New York, 1913. This rendering was made, of course,

before the discovery of the 1546 version, and so had not the benefit of

that volume's interesting variants from the abridgment of 1788.

XI. CINQ BALLADES DE NICOLAS DE CAEN, traduites en verse du Roman de

Lusignan, par Mme. Adolpe Galland, et mises en musique par Raoul

Bidoche. Paris, 1898.

XII. LE LIURE DE MÉLUSINE en fracoys, par Jean d'Arras. Geneva, 1478.

XIII. HISTORIA DE LA LINDA MELOSYNA. Tolosa, 1489.

XIV. EEN SAN SONDERLINGKE SCHONE ENDE WONDERLIKE HISTORIE, die men

warachtich kout te syne ende autentick sprekende van eenre vrouwen

gheheeten Mélusine. Tantwerpen, 1500.

XV. DIE HISTORI ODER GESCHICHT VON DER EDLE UND SCHÖNEN MELUSINA.

Augsburg, 1547.

XVI. L'HISTOIRE DE MÉLUSINE, fille du roy d'Albanie et de dame

Pressine, revue et mise en meilleur langage que par cy devant. Lyons,

1597.

XVII. LE ROMAN DE MÉLUSINE, princesse de Lusignan, avec l'histoire de

Geoffry, surnommé à la Grand Dent, par Nodot. Paris, 1700.

XVIII. KRONYKE KRATOCHWILNE, o ctné a slech netné Panne Meluzijne.

Prag, 1760.

XIX. WUNDERBARE GESCHICHTE VON DER EDELN UND SCHÔNEN MELUSINA, welche

eine Tochter des König Helmus und ein Meerwunder gewesen ist. Nurnberg,

without date: reprinted in Marbach's VOLKS BÜCHER, Leipzig, 1838.

BOOKS _by_ MR. CABELL

_Biography:_

BEYOND LIFE

DOMNEI (_The Soul of Melicent_)

CHIVALRY

JURGEN

THE LINE OF LOVE

GALLANTRY

THE CERTAIN HOUR

THE CORDS OF VANITY

FROM THE HIDDEN WAY

THE RIVET IN GRANDFATHER'S NECK

THE EAGLE'S SHADOW

THE CREAM OF THE JEST

_Genealogy:_

BRANCH OF ABINGDON

BRANCHIANA

THE MAJORS AND THEIR MARRIAGES

Domnei: A Comedy of Woman-Worship · 第 8 / 8 段