Speaking of these, I am yet sanguine that our rulers will open their
eyes to see the grievance which Catholic British subjects suffer in
the spoliation of the Propaganda. For my part I cannot altogether
blame the Ministry. I think we have not pressed the matter upon them
sufficiently, and they need, and, indeed, invite this kind of pressure.
I know, too, that they are much disinclined to disoblige Italy, which
the great Whig leader, Lord Palmerston, formed, though, as we have seen
last Monday evening, for motives very much other than the real good of
England. Still English Statesmen have had proof enough of what they may
expect from “United Italy” since its formation. And I am persuaded,
notwithstanding seeming favourable symptoms regarding Egyptian affairs,
that England is destined to experience still more of the nature of
Italian Masonic “gratitude.” I think I know the feelings of the party now
ruling in Italy. It is perfectly intolerant of English domination in the
Mediterranean, and would, if it could, give a blow to her rule in Malta,
in Cyprus, in Gibraltar, and in Egypt to-morrow. Masonic Italy is best
kept in order by wholesome fear, and had England shown a bold front in
favour of the rights of British subjects involved in the spoliation of
the Propaganda, she would have obtained, I firmly believe, much more from
the respect her conduct would inspire than she will ever get from the
love of Piedmontese Freemasons. There is also something in the blessing
of God which follows the doing of the right thing for the oppressed, and
perhaps much more will be soon lost to the nation by the want of this
blessing in the conduct of Egyptian affairs than ever could be gained
by siding with the heartless violation of British international rights
by the Freemasons, now working their unholy will upon the city and the
property of the Popes.
On this subject I had in London lately a long conversation with a great
and good Catholic Irish Statesman, Mr. A. M. Sullivan. He was, of course,
acquainted with the fact of the spoliation of the Propaganda, but he only
knew in part the nature of the injustice. When I laid that fully before
him he suggested that I should deliver such a lecture as I have given
this evening upon it, and he promised to take the chair at that lecture,
and to speak also himself upon the matter, as he of all living Irishmen
could best do. He had, I must say, great faith in the justice and spirit
of fair play characteristic of Mr. Gladstone, and he believed that if
the great Premier were properly approached by the Irish Parliamentary
Party, he would use his influence to have the injustice done to us by the
Italian Freemasons removed. He thought it, perhaps, difficult to get back
lands already sold, but he also thought that the men in power in Italy
would surely yield to the pressure of England and liberate the vinculated
bonds, thus at least saving us a portion of our property. He thought
the case of Father Michael Doyle, one which no Government could refuse
to recognise, while that of the other donors to the same institution,
whether Spanish or of any other nation, was equally strong. I grieve that
this good man is gone from our midst whilst the injustice I complain of,
and which he would willingly have removed, lives on; but I feel myself
bound to give utterance not only to my own but to his sentiments, however
feebly, regarding the merits of a case for redress, although in itself
it is all-powerful.
Our duty is to seek this redress if only to save our national honour. But
come what may, I believe that all who have heard what I have stated this
evening will agree that it is our duty to save at any cost an institution
so valuable and so necessary to us. By it, we reach and save the Heathen.
By it, we comfort the sadly oppressed Oriental Catholic, still groaning
under the oppression of the Mahometan. By it, we carry on the vast
machinery of the Church of God in three-fourths of the entire world.
As Catholics, we can never permit Italian Freemasonry to destroy it.
We must sustain it; and how can we? Lately, on hearing the news of its
Spoliation, an Italian noble, faithful to the traditions of his princely
house, gave us an example. He left it several thousand pounds which
the Italian Freemasons tried to prevent the Propaganda receiving, but
failed. It is for us who benefit by the Institution to follow so noble an
example. It is a way by which everyone blessed with worldly wealth may
make a most useful protest against the Spoliation, and at the same time
contribute to the continuation of the work of the Sacred Congregation. It
can find for twenty times the wealth it had at any time, immense fields,
yet unexplored by the Christian Missionary. I do say that no one ought
permit a shilling to go where an Italian Freemason can manage to steal
it, but money for the Propaganda can be left in trust to one’s Bishop or
Archbishop, as the case may be, and, as the testator may direct, that
money can be applied either in a lump sum, or still better, as principal,
producing interest, for the purposes of the Propaganda. It will then
go surely and safely to its destination. I indicate this as one way by
which God’s people may help a work so worthy. There are many other ways
which the generosity of the faithful will easily discover. But there
is one unfailing means which all, even the very poorest, can employ to
assist the great Institution in the day of its need. That is by fervently
praying to God, through the intercession of His Blessed, Immaculate,
Virgin Mother, that the pride of the infidel may cease, and that the
elect of the Lord may be liberated; that counsel, and love, and strength
may reign amongst the faithful of Christ; and that surrounding His Vicar
in a spirit of filial unity, they may show an unbroken, intelligent
front to the foe, and so sustain the grandest cause ever given by God to
man to support on earth—the cause of Christian Faith and Civilization,
now imperilled by the most deadly enemies of the Cross that have ever
appeared in this world.