[Footnote 1: See "The Prehistoric Culture of Tusayan," _American
Anthropologist_, May, 1896. "Two Ruins Recently Discovered in the Red
Rock Country, Arizona," ibid., August, 1896. "The Cliff Villages of
the Red Rock Country, and the Tusayan Ruins, Sikyatki and Awatobi,
Arizona," Smithsonian Report for 1895.]
[Footnote 2: The reader's attention is called to the fact that this
report is not intended to cover all the ruins in the section of
Arizona through which the expedition passed; it is simply a
description of those which were examined, with a brief mention of such
others as would aid in a general comprehension of the subject. The
ruins on the Little Colorado, near Winslow, Arizona, will be
considered in a monograph to follow the present, which will be a
report on the field work in 1896. If a series of monographs somewhat
of this nature, but more comprehensive, recording explorations during
many years in several different sections, were available, we would
have sufficient material for a comprehensive treatment of southwestern
archeology.]
[Footnote 3: It may be borne in mind that several other clans besides
the Patki claim to have lived long ago in the region southward from
modern Tusayan. Among these may be mentioned the Patuñ (Squash) and
the Tawa (Sun) people who played an important part in the early
colonization of Middle Mesa.]
[Footnote 4: Report upon the Indian Tribes, Pacific Railroad Survey,
vol. III, pt. iii, p. 14, Washington, 1856. The cavate dwellings of
the Rio Verde were first described by Dr E. A. Mearns. Although it has
sometimes been supposed that Coronado followed the trail along Verde
valley, and then over the Mogollones to Rio Colorado Chiquito,
Bandelier has conclusively shown a more easterly route.]
[Footnote 5: See mention of cliff houses in Walnut canyon in the Fifth
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.]
[Footnote 6: The kinship of Cliff dwellers and Pueblos was long ago
recognized by ethnologists, both from resemblances of skulls, the
character of architecture, and archeological objects found in each
class of dwellings. It is only in later years, however, that the
argument from similar ceremonial paraphernalia has been adduced, owing
to an increase of our knowledge of this side of Pueblo life. See
Bessels, Bull. U. S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the
Territories, vol. II, 1876; Hoffman, Report on Chaco Cranium, ibid.,
1877, p. 457. Holmes, in 1878, says: "The ancient peoples of the San
Juan country were doubtless the ancestors of the present Pueblo tribes
of New Mexico and Arizona." See, likewise, Cushing, Nordenskiöld, and
later writers regarding the kinship of Cliff villagers and Pueblos.]
[Footnote 7: Report of the Director of the Bureau of American
Ethnology for the year ending June 30, 1894; Smithsonian Report,
1894.]
[Footnote 8: The ruins in Chaves Pass, 110 miles south of Oraibi, will
be considered in the report of the expedition of 1896, when extensive
excavations were made at this point. About midway between the Chaves
Pass ruins and those of Beaver creek, in Verde valley, there are other
ruins, as at Rattlesnake Tanks, and as a well-marked trail passes by
these former habitations and connects the Verde series with those of
Chaves Pass, it is possible that early migrations may have followed
this course. There is also a trail from Homolobi and the Colorado
Chiquito ruins through Chaves Pass into Tonto Basin.]
[Footnote 9: Smithsonian Report, 1883; Report of Major Powell,
Director of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 57 et seq. Explorations in the
Southwest, ibid., 1886, p. 52 et seq.]
[Footnote 10: Report of an Expedition down the Zuñi and Colorado
rivers; Washington, 1853.]
[Footnote 11: Smithsonian Report, 1883, Report of the Director of the
Bureau of Ethnology, p. 62: "Pending the arrival of goods at Moki, Mr
Cushing returned across the country to Zuñi for the purpose of
observing more minutely than on former occasions the annual sun
ceremonials. En route he discovered two ruins, apparently before
unvisited. One of these was the outlying structure of K'n'-i-K'él,
called by the Navajos Zïnni-jin'ne and by the Zuñis He'-sho'ta
pathl-tâ[)i]e, both, according to Zuñi tradition, belonging to the
Thlé-e-tâ-kwe, the name given to the traditional northwestern
migration of the Bear, Crane, Frog, Deer, Yellow-wood, and other
gentes of the ancestral pueblos."]
[Footnote 12: The reduplicated syllable recalls Hopi methods of
forming their plural, but is not characteristic of them, and the word
Totonteac has a Hopi sound. The supposed derivation of Tonto from
Spanish _tonto_, "fool," is mentioned, elsewhere. The so-called Tonto
Apache was probably an intruder, the cause of the desertion of the
"basin" by the housebuilders. The question whether Totonteac is the
same as Tusayan or Tuchano is yet to be satisfactorily answered. The
map makers of the sixteenth century regarded them as different places,
and notwithstanding Totonteac was reported to be "a hotte lake" in the
middle of the previous century, it held its place on maps into the
seventeenth century. It is always on or near a river flowing into the
Gulf of California.]
[Footnote 13: Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology.]
[Footnote 14: Mr Mindeleff's descriptions deal with the same cluster
of cavate ruins here described, but are more specially devoted to the
more southern section of them, not considering, if I understand him,
the northern row here described. I had also made extensive studies of
the rooms figured by him previously to the publication of his article,
but as my notes on these rooms are anticipated by his excellent memoir
I have not considered the rooms described by him, but limited my
account to brief mention of a neighboring row of chambers not
described in his report.]
[Footnote 15: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. II,
No. 1. All the Tusayan kivas with which I am familiar have this raised
spectator's part at one end. The altars are always erected at the
opposite end of the room, in which is likewise the hole in the floor
called the _sipapû_, symbolic of the traditional opening through which
races emerged to the earth's surface from an underworld. Banquettes
exist in some Tusayan kivas; in others, however, they are wanting. The
raised platform in dwelling rooms is commonly a sleeping place, above
which blankets are hung and, in some instances, corn is stored. A
small opening in the step often admits light to an otherwise dark
granary below the floor. In no instance, however, are there more than
one such platform, and that commonly partakes of the nature of another
room, although seldom separated from the other chamber by a
partition.]
[Footnote 16: Counting from the point of the cliff shown in plate
XCI_a_. The positions of the rooms are indicated by the row of
entrances.]
[Footnote 17: It was from this region that the individual chambers,
described by Mindeleff, were chosen.]
[Footnote 18: Mr Mindeleff, in his valuable memoir, has so completely
described the cavate dwellings of the Rio Grande and San Juan regions
that their discussion in this account would be superfluous.]
[Footnote 19: See Mindeleff, Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly,
_American Anthropologist_, April, 1895. The suggestion that cliff
outlooks were farming shelters in some instances is doubtless true,
but I should hesitate giving this use a predominance over outlooks for
security. In times of danger, naturally the agriculturist seeks a high
or commanding position for a wide outlook; but to watch his crops he
must camp among them.]
[Footnote 20: Ancient Dwellings of the Rio Verde Valley, Dr E. A.
Mearns; _Popular Science Monthly_, vol. XXVII. Mindeleff, Aboriginal
Remains in Verde Valley; Thirteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology.]
[Footnote 21: Since the above lines were written Mr C. F. Lummis, who
has made many well-known contributions to the ethnology and archeology
of the Pueblo area, has published in _Land of Sunshine_ (Los Angeles,
1895), a beautiful photographic illustration and an important
description of this unique place.]
[Footnote 22: Miscellaneous Ethnographic Observations on Indians
inhabiting Nevada, California, and Arizona, Tenth Annual Report of the
Hayden Survey, p. 478; Washington, 1878.]
[Footnote 23: The cliff houses of Bloody Basin I have not examined,
but I suspect they are of the same type as the so-called Montezuma
Castle, or Casa Montezuma, on the right bank of Beaver creek. The
latter is referred to the cliff-house class, but it differs
considerably from the ruins of the Red-rocks, on account of the
character of the cavern in which it is built (see figure 246).]
[Footnote 24: Fortified hilltops occur in many places in Arizona and
are likewise found in the Mexican states of Sonora and Chihuahua,
where they are known as _trincheras_. They are regarded as places of
refuge of former inhabitants of the country, contemporaneous with
ancient pueblos and cliff houses.]
[Footnote 25: This pinnacle is visible for miles, and is one of many
prominences in the surrounding country. Unfortunately this region is
so imperfectly surveyed that only approximations of distances are
possible in this account, and the maps known to me are too meager in
detail to fairly illustrate the distribution of these buttes.]
[Footnote 26: In certain cavate houses on Oak creek we find these
caverns in two tiers, one above the other, and the hill above is
capped by a well-preserved building. In one of these we find the
entrance to the cavern walled in, with the exception of a T-shape
doorway and a small window. This chamber shows a connecting link
between the type of true cavate dwellings and that of cliff-houses.]
[Footnote 27: The absence of kivas in the ruins of the Verde has been
commented on by Mindeleff, and has likewise been found to be
characteristic of the cliff houses on the upper courses of the other
tributaries of Gila and Salado rivers. The round kiva appears to be
confined to the middle and eastern ruins of the pueblo area, and are
very numerous in the ruins of San Juan valley.]
[Footnote 28: See "Tusayan Totemic Signatures," _American
Anthropologist_, Washington, January, 1897.]
[Footnote 29: An exhaustive report on the ruins near Winslow, at the
Sunset Crossing of the Little Colorado, will later be published. These
ruins were the sites of my operations in the summer of 1896, and from
them a very large collection of prehistoric objects was taken. The
report will consider also the ruins at Chaves Pass, on the trail of
migration used by the Hopi in prehistoric times in their visits, for
barter and other purposes, to the Gila-Salado watershed.]
[Footnote 30: Possibly the Shoshonean elements in Hopi linguistics are
due to the Snake peoples, the early colonists who came from the north,
where they may have been in contact with Paiute or other divisions of
the Shoshonean stock. The consanguinity of this phratry may have been
close to that of the Shoshonean tribes, as that of the Patki was to
the Piman, or the Asa to the Tanoan. The present Hopi are a composite
people, and it is yet to be demonstrated which stock predominates in
them.]
[Footnote 31: A Study of Pueblo Architecture: Tusayan and Cibola;
Eighth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886-87.]
[Footnote 32: This account was copied from a copy made by the eminent
scholar, A. F. Bandelier, for the archives of the Hemenway Expedition,
now at the Peabody Museum, in Cambridge, Massachusetts.]
[Footnote 33: Hano or "Tewa."]
[Footnote 34: Sichomovi. In the manuscript report by Don José Cortez,
who wrote of the northern provinces of Mexico, where he lived in 1799,
Sichomovi is mentioned as a nameless village between Tanos (Hano) and
Gualpi (Walpi), settled by colonists from the latter pueblo. One of
the first references to this village by name was in a report by Indian
Agent Calhoun (1850), where it is called Chemovi.]
[Footnote 35: Mishoñinovi.]
[Footnote 36: Shipaulovi.]
[Footnote 37: Shuñopovi.]
[Footnote 38: In 1896 I collected over a hundred beautiful specimens
from this cemetery.]
[Footnote 39: There lived in Walpi, years ago, an old woman, who
related to a priest, who repeated the story to the writer, that when a
little girl she remembered seeing the Payüpki people pass along the
valley under Walpi when they returned to the Rio Grande. Her story is
quite probable, for the lives of two aged persons could readily bridge
the interval between that event and our own time.]
[Footnote 40: "La Mission de N. Sra. de las Dolores de Zandia de
Indios Teguas á Moqui."]
[Footnote 41: See J. F. Meline, Two Thousand Miles on Horseback, 1867.
Sandia, according to Bancroft, is not mentioned by Menchero in 1744,
but Bonilla gave it a population of 400 Indians in 1749. In 1742 two
friars visited Tusayan, and, it is said, brought out 441 apostate
Tiguas, who were later settled in the old pueblo of Sandia.
Considering, then, that Sandia was resettled in 1748, six years after
this visit, and that the numbers so closely coincide, we have good
evidence that Payüpki, in Tusayan, was abandoned about 1742. It is
probable, from known evidence, that this pueblo was built somewhere
between 1680 and 1690; so that the whole period of its occupancy was
not far from fifty years.]
[Footnote 42: Mindeleff mentions two other sites of Old Walpi--a mound
near _Wala_, and one in the plain between Mishoñinovi and Walpi; but
neither of these is large, although claimed as former sites of the
early clans which later built the town on the terrace of East Mesa
below Walpi. I have regarded Küchaptüvela as the ancient Walpi, but
have no doubt that the Hopi emigrants had several temporary dwellings
before they settled there.]
[Footnote 43: Sometimes called Nüsaki, a corruption of "Missa ki,"
Mass House, Mission. One of the beams of the old mission at Nüsaki or
Kisakobi is in the roof of Pauwatiwa's house in the highest range of
rooms of Walpi. This beam is nicely squared, and bears marks
indicative of carving. There are also large planks in one of the kivas
which were also probably from the church building, although no one has
stated that they are. Pauwatiwa, however, declares that a legend has
been handed down in his family that the above-mentioned rafter came
from the mission.]
[Footnote 44: Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History,
January 2, 1895, p. 441.]
[Footnote 45: Thus in Castañeda's account we are told: "Farther off
[near Cia?] was another large village where we found in the courtyards
a great number of stone balls of the size of a leather bag, containing
one arroba. They seem to have been cast with the aid of machines, and
to have been employed in the destruction of the village." It is
needless for me to say that I find no knowledge of such a machine in
Tusayan!]
[Footnote 46: The ceremonials attending to burial of the eagle, whose
plumes are used in secret rites, have never been described, and
nothing is known of the rites about the Eagle shrine at Tukinobi.]
[Footnote 47: Recent Archeologic Find in Arizona, _American
Anthropologist_, Washington, July, 1893.]
[Footnote 48: For a previous description see the Preliminary Account,
Smithsonian Report for 1895; also "Awatobi: An Archeological
Verification of a Tusayan Legend," _American Anthropologist_,
Washington, October, 1893.]
[Footnote 49: This important ceremony celebrates the departure from
the pueblos of ancestral gods called _katcinas_, and is one of the
most popular in the ritual.]
[Footnote 50: Pacheco-Cardenas, Colleccion de Documentos Inéditos, XV,
122, 182.]
[Footnote 51: Voyages, III, pp. 463, 470, 1600; reprint 1810.]
[Footnote 52: Pacheco-Cardenas, Documentos Inéditos, op. cit., XVI,
139.]
[Footnote 53: Menologio Franciscano, 275; Teatro Mexicano, III, 321.]
[Footnote 54: San Bernardino de Ahuatobi (Vetancurt, 1680); San
Bernardo de Aguatuvi (Vargas, 1692). I find that the mission at Walpi
was also mentioned by Vargas as dedicated to San Bernardino. The
church at Oraibi was San Francisco de Oraybe and San Miguel. The
mission at Shuñopovi was called San Bartolomé, San Bernardo, and San
Bernabe.]
[Footnote 55: This article was in type too early for a review of
Dellenbaugh's identification of Cibola with a more southeasterly
locality. His arguments bear some plausibility, but they are by no
means decisive.]
[Footnote 56: An exact translation by Winship of the copy of Castañeda
in the Lenox Library was published in the Fourteenth Annual Report of
the Bureau.]
[Footnote 57: "At evening the chiefs asked that notices be written for
them warning all white people to keep away from the mesa tomorrow, and
these were set up by the night patrols in cleft wands on all the
principal trails. At daybreak on the following morning the principal
trails leading from the four cardinal points were 'closed' by
sprinkling meal across them and laying on each a whitened elk horn.
Anawita told the observer that in former times if any reckless person
had the temerity to venture within this proscribed limit the Kwakwantû
inevitably put him to death by decapitation and dismemberment."
("Naacnaiya," _Journal of American Folk-lore_, vol. v, p. 201.) This
appears to be the same way in which the Awatobians "closed" the trail
to Tobar.]
[Footnote 58: When the Flute people approach Walpi, as is biennially
dramatized at the present time, "an assemblage of people there (at the
entrance to the village) meet them, and just back of a line of meal
drawn across the trail stood Winuta and Hoñyi," also two girls and a
boy. After these Flute people are challenged and sing their songs the
trail is opened, viz: "Alosaka drew the end of his _moñkohu_ along the
line of meal, and Winuta rubbed off the remainder from the trail with
his foot." "Walpi Flute Observance," _Journal of American Folk-lore_,
vol. VII, p. 19.]
[Footnote 59: This custom of sprinkling the trail with sacred meal is
one of the most common in the Tusayan ritual. The gods approach and
leave the pueblos along such lines, and no doubt the Awatobians
regarded the horses of Espejo as supernatural beings and threw meal on
the trail before them with the same thought in mind that they now
sprinkle the trails with meal in all the great ceremonials in which
personators of the gods approach the villages.]
[Footnote 60: According to the reprint of 1891. In the reprint of 1810
it appears as "Ahuato." I would suggest that possibly the error in
giving the name of a pueblo to a chief may have arisen not from the
copyist or printer, but from inability of the Spaniards and Hopi to
understand each other. If you ask a Hopi Indian his name, nine times
out of ten he will not tell you, and an interlocutor for a party of
natives will almost invariably name the pueblos from which his
comrades came.]
[Footnote 61: This was possibly the expedition which P. Fr. Antonio
(Alonzo?) made among the Hopi in 1628; however that may be, there is
good evidence that Porras, after many difficulties, baptized several
chiefs in 1629.]
[Footnote 62: _Segunda Relacion de la grandiosa conversion que ha
avido en el Nuevo Mexico. Embiada por el Padre Estev[=a] de Perea_,
etc., 1633.]
[Footnote 63: An earlier rumor was that the horses were
anthropophagous.]
[Footnote 64: As Vargas appears not to have entered Oraibi at this
time he may have found it too hostile. Whether Frasquillo had yet
arrived with his Tanos people and their booty is doubtful. The story
of the migration to Tusayan of the Tanos under Frasquillo, the
assassin of Fray Simón de Jesus, and the establishment there of a
"kingdom" over which he ruled as king for thirty years, is a most
interesting episode in Tusayan history. Many Tanos people arrived in
several bands among the Hopi about 1700, but which of them were led by
Frasquillo is not known to me.]
[Footnote 65: "El templo acabo en llamas." At this time Awatobi was
said to have 800 inhabitants.]
[Footnote 66: At the present time one of the most bitter complaints
which the Hopi have against the Spaniards is that they forcibly
baptized the children of their people during the detested occupancy by
the conquerors.]
[Footnote 67: _Naacnaiya_ and _Wüwütcimti_ are the elaborate and
abbreviated New-fire ceremonies now observed by four religious warrior
societies, known as the _Tataukyamû_, _Wüwütcimtû_, _Aaltû_ and
_Kwakwantû_. Both of these ceremonials, as now observed at Walpi, have
elsewhere been described.]
[Footnote 68: Obiit 1892. Shimo was chief of the Flute Society and
"Governor" of Walpi.]
[Footnote 69: Oldest woman of the Snake clan; mother of Kopeli, the
Snake chief of Walpi; chief priestess of the Mamzráuti ceremony.]
[Footnote 70: Vetancurt, Chronica, says that Aguatobi (Awatobi) had
800 inhabitants and was converted by Padre Francisco de Porras. In
1630 Benavides speaks of the Mokis as being rapidly converted. It
would appear, if we rely on Vetancurt's figures, that Awatobi was not
one of the largest villages of Tusayan in early times, for he ascribes
1,200 to Walpi and 14,000 to Oraibi. The estimate of the population of
Awatobi was doubtless nearer the truth than that of the other pueblos,
and I greatly doubt if Oraibi ever had 14,000 people. Probably 1,400
would be more nearly correct.]
[Footnote 71: Architecture of Cibola and Tusayan, p. 225.]
[Footnote 72: There are two fragments, one of which is large enough to
show the size of the bell, which was made either in Mexico or in
Spain. The smaller fragment was used for many years as a paint-grinder
by a Walpi Indian priest.]
[Footnote 73: See his Final Report, p. 372.]
[Footnote 74: The only Awatobi name I know is that of a chief, Tapolo,
which is not borne by any Hopi of my acquaintance (see page 603).]
[Footnote 75: This explains the fact that the ruins in Tusayan, as a
rule, have no signs of kivas, and the same appears to be true of the
ruins of the pueblos on the Little Colorado and the Verde, in Tonto
Basin, and other more southerly regions.]
[Footnote 76: See Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, vol.
II.]
[Footnote 77: "Las casas son de tres altos"--_Segunda Relacion_, p.
580.]
[Footnote 78: So far as our limited knowledge of the older ruins of
Tusayan goes, we find that their inhabitants must have been as far
removed from rude Shohonean nomads as their descendants are today. The
settlement at the early site of Walpi is reported to have been made in
very early times, some legends stating that it occurred at a period
when the people were limited to one family--the Snake. The fragments
of pottery which I have found in the mounds of that ancient habitation
are as fine and as characteristic of Tusayan as that of Sikyatki or
Awatobi. It is inferior to none in the whole pueblo area, and betrays
long sedentary life of its makers before it was manufactured.]
[Footnote 79: Journal of American Folk-lore, vol. v, No. xviii, 1892.]
[Footnote 80: There is a rude sketch of these two idols of _Alosaka_
in the archives of the Hemenway Expedition. They represent figurines
about 4 feet tall, with two horns on the head not unlike those of the
Tewan clowns or gluttons called Paiakyamû. As so little is known of
the Mishoñinovi ritual, the rites in which they are used are at
present inexplicable.]
[Footnote 81: See the ear-ornament of the mask shown in plate CVIII,
of the Fifteenth Annual Report.]
[Footnote 82: Similar "spouts" were found by Mindeleff at Awatobi, and
a like use of them is suggested in his valuable memoir.]
[Footnote 83: The Keresan people are called by the same name, Kawaika,
which, as hitherto explained, is specially applied to the modern
pueblo of Laguna.]
[Footnote 84: The Asa people who came to Tusayan from the Rio Grande
claim to have lived for a few generations in Tubka or Tségi (Chelly)
canyon.]
[Footnote 85: The pottery of ancient Cibola is practically identical
with that of the ruined pueblos of the Colorado Chiquito, near
Winslow, Arizona.]
[Footnote 86: The specimens labeled "New Mexico" and "Arizona" are too
vaguely classified to be of any service in this consideration. It is
suggested that collectors carefully label their specimens with the
exact locality in which they are found, giving care to their
association and, when mortuary, to their position in the graves in
relation to the skeletons.]
[Footnote 87: I am informed by Mr F. W. Hodge that similar fragments
were found by the Hemenway Expedition in 1888 in the prehistoric ruins
of the Salado.]
[Footnote 88: The head is round, with lateral appendages. The face is
divided into two quadrants above, with chin blackened, and marked with
zigzag lines, which are lacking in modern pictures. In the left hand
the figure holds a rattle. The body is wanting, but the breast is
decorated with rectangles.]
[Footnote 89: A single metate of lava or malpais was excavated at
Awatobi. This object must have had a long journey before it reached
the village, since none of the material from which it was made is
found within many miles of the ruin.]
[Footnote 90: There are many fine pictographs, some of which are
evidently ancient, on the cliffs of the Awatobi mesa. These are in no
respect characteristic, and among them I have seen the _awata_ (bow),
_honani_ (badger's paw), _tcüa_ (snake), and _omowûh_ (rain-cloud). On
the side of the precipitous wall of the mesa south of the western
mounds there is a row of small hemispherical depressions or pits, with
a groove or line on one side. There is likewise, not far from this
point, a realistic figure of a vulva, not very unlike the _asha_
symbols on Thunder mountain, near Zuñi.]
[Footnote 91: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. II,
No. 1, p. 77.]
[Footnote 92: In the expedition of 1896 there were found a large
number of shell ornaments, which will be described in a forthcoming
report of the operations during that year. See the preliminary account
in the article "Pacific Coast Shells in Tusayan Ruins," _American
Anthropologist_, December, 1896.]
[Footnote 93: One of these bells was found in a grave at Chaves Pass
during the field work of 1896.]
[Footnote 94: Bells made of clay are not rare in modern Tusayan
villages, and while their form is different from that of the Awatobi
specimen, and the size larger, there seems no reason to doubt the
antiquity of the specimen from the ruin of Antelope mesa.]
[Footnote 95: Many of the specimens in the well-known Keam collection,
now in the Tusayan room of the Peabody Museum at Cambridge, are
undoubtedly from Sikyatki, and still more are from Awatobi. Since the
beginning of my excavations at Sikyatki it has come to be a custom for
the Hopi potters to dispose of, as Sikyatki ware, to unsuspecting
white visitors, some of their modern objects of pottery. These
fraudulent pieces are often very cleverly made.]
[Footnote 96: Architecture of Tusayan and Cibola, op. cit., pp. 20,
21.]
[Footnote 97: These rooms I failed to find. One of the rocky knolls
may be that called by me the "acropolis." The second knoll I cannot
identify, unless it is the elevation in continuation of the same side
toward the east. Possibly he confounded the ruin of Küküchomo with
that of Sikyatki.]
[Footnote 98: The legends of the origin of Oraibi are imperfectly
known, but it has been stated that the pueblo was founded by people
from Old Shuñopovi. It seems much more likely, however, that our
knowledge is too incomplete to accept this conclusion without more
extended observations. The composition of the present inhabitants
indicates amalgamation from several quarters, and neighboring ruins
should be studied with this thought in mind.]
[Footnote 99: It is distinctly stated that the Tanoan families whose
descendants now inhabit Hano were not in Tusayan when Awatobi fell. To
be sure they may have been sojourning in some valley east of the
province, which, however, is not likely, since they were "invited" to
East Mesa for the specific purpose of aiding the Hopi against northern
nomads. Much probability attaches to a suggestion that they belonged
to the emigrants mentioned by contemporary historians as leaving the
Rio Grande on account of the unsettled condition of the country after
the great rebellion of 1680.]
[Footnote 100: The succession of priests is through the clan of the
mother, so that commonly, as in the case of Katci, the nephew takes
the place of the uncle at his death. Some instances, however, have
come to my knowledge where, the clan having become extinct, a son has
been elevated to the position made vacant by the death of a priest.
The Kokop people at Walpi are vigorous, numbering 21 members if we
include the Coyote and Wolf clans, the last mentioned of which may be
descendants of the former inhabitants of Küküchomo, the twin ruins on
the mesa above Sikyatki.]
[Footnote 101: In this census I have used also the apparently
conservative statement of Vetancurt that there were 800 people in
Awatobi at the end of the seventeenth century.]
[Footnote 102: _Kanel_ = Spanish _carnero_, sheep; _ba_ = water,
spring.]
[Footnote 103: Wipo spring, a few miles northward from the eastern end
of the mesa, would be an excellent site for a Government school. It is
sufficiently convenient to the pueblos, has an abundant supply of
potable water at all seasons, and cultivable fields in the
neighborhood.]
[Footnote 104: The boy who brought our drinking water from Kanelba
could not be prevailed upon to visit it on the day of the snake hunt
to the east in 1895, on the ground that no one not a member of the
society should be seen there or take water from it at that time. This
is probably a phase of the taboo of all work in the world-quarter in
which the snake hunts occur, when the Snake priests are engaged in
capturing these reptilian "elder brothers."]
[Footnote 105: Tcino lives at Sichomovi, and in the Snake dance at
Walpi formerly took the part of the old man who calls out the words,
"_Awahaia_," etc. at the kisi, before the reptiles are carried about
the plaza. These words are Keresan, and Tcino performed this part on
account of his kinship. He owns the grove of peach trees because they
are on land of his ancestors, a fact confirmatory of the belief that
the people of Sikyatki came from the Rio Grande.]
[Footnote 106: Nasyuñweve, who died a few years ago, formerly made the
prayer-stick to Masauwûh, the Fire or Death god. This he did as one of
the senior members of the Kokop or Firewood people, otherwise known as
the Fire people, because they made fire with the fire-drill. On his
death his place in the kiva was taken by Katci. Nasyuñweve was
Intiwa's chief assistant in the Walpi _katcinas_, and wore the mask of
Eototo in the ceremonials of the _Niman_. All this is significant, and
coincides with the theory that _katcinas_ are incorporated in the
Tusayan ritual, that Eototo is their form of Masauwûh, and that he is
a god of fire, growth, and death, like his dreaded equivalent.]
[Footnote 107: The Hano people call the Hopi _Koco_ or _Koso_; the
Santa Clara (also Tewa) people call them _Khoso_, according to Hodge.]
[Footnote 108: The replastering of kivas at Walpi takes place during
the _Powamu_, an elaborate _katcina_ celebration. I have noticed that
in this renovation of the kivas one corner, as a rule, is left
unplastered, but have elicited no satisfactory explanation of this
apparent oversight, which, no doubt, has significance. Someone,
perhaps overimaginative, suggested to me that the unplastered corner
was the same as the break in encircling lines on ancient pottery.]
[Footnote 109: I was aided in making this plan by the late J. G.
Owens, my former assistant in the field work of the Hemenway
Expedition. It was prepared with a few simple instruments, and is not
claimed to be accurate in all particulars.]
[Footnote 110: The existence of these peach trees near Sikyatki
suggests, of course, an abandonment of the neighboring pueblo in
historic times, but I hardly think it outweighs other stronger proofs
of antiquity.]
[Footnote 111: The position of the cemeteries in ancient Tusayan ruins
is by no means uniform. They are rarely situated far from the houses,
and are sometimes just outside the walls. While the dead were seldom
carried far from the village, a sandy locality was generally chosen
and a grave excavated a few feet deep. Usually a few stones were
placed on the surface of the ground over the burial place, evidently
to protect the remains from prowling beasts.]
[Footnote 112: The excavations at Homolobi in 1896 revealed two
beautiful cups with braided handles and one where the clay strands are
twisted.]
[Footnote 113: The modern potters commonly adorn the ends of ladle
handles with heads of different mythologic beings in their pantheon.
The knob-head priest-clowns are favorite personages to represent,
although even the Corn-maid and different _katcinas_ are also
sometimes chosen for this purpose. The heads of various animals are
likewise frequently found, some in artistic positions, others less
so.]
[Footnote 114: The clay ladles with perforated handles with which the
modern Hopi sometimes drink are believed to be of late origin in
Tusayan.]
[Footnote 115: The oldest medicine bowls now in use ordinarily have
handles and a terraced rim, but there are one or two important
exceptions. In this connection it may be mentioned that, unlike the
Zuñi, the Hopi never use a clay bowl with a basket-like handle for
sacred meal, but always carry the meal in basket trays. This the
priests claim is a very old practice, and so far as my observations go
is confirmed by archeological evidence. The bowl with a basket-form
handle is not found either in ancient or modern Tusayan.]
[Footnote 116: Symbolism rather than realism was the controlling
element of archaic decoration. Thus, while objects of beauty, like
flowers and leaves, were rarely depicted, and human forms are most
absurd caricatures, most careful attention was given to minute details
of symbolism, or idealized animals unknown to the naturalist.]
[Footnote 117: Certainly no more appropriate design could be chosen
for the decoration of the inside of a food vessel than the head of the
Corn-maid, and from our ideas of taste none less so than that of a
lizard or bird. The freshness and absence of wear of many of the
specimens of Sikyatki mortuary pottery raises the question whether
they were ever in domestic use. Many evidently were thus employed, as
the evidences of wear plainly indicate, but possibly some of the
vessels were made for mortuary purposes, either at the time of the
decease of a relative or at an earlier period.]
[Footnote 118: The figure shown in plate CXXIX, _a_, was probably
intended to represent the Corn-maid, or an Earth goddess of the
Sikyatki pantheon. Although it differs widely in drawing from figures
of Calako-mana on modern bowls, it bears a startling resemblance to
the figure of the Germ goddess which appears on certain Tusayan
altars.]
[Footnote 119: Hopi legends recount how certain clans, especially
those of Tanoan origin, lived in Tségi canyon and intermarried with
the Navaho so extensively that it is said they temporarily forgot
their own language. From this source may have sprung the numerous
so-called Navaho _katcinas_, and the reciprocal influence on the
Navaho cults was even greater.]
[Footnote 120: These priests wear a close-fitting skullcap, with two
long, banded horns made of leather, to the end of which corn husks are
tied. For an extended description see _Journal of American Ethnology
and Archæology_, vol. II, No. 1, page 11.]
[Footnote 121: The rarity of human figures on such kinds of pottery as
are found in the oldest ruins would appear to indicate that
decorations of this kind were a late development. No specimen of
black-and-white ware on which pictures of human beings are present has
yet been figured. The sequence of evolution in designs is believed to
be (1) geometrical figures, (2) birds, (3) other animals, (4) human
beings.]
[Footnote 122: In some of the figurines used in connection with modern
Hopi altars these whorls are represented by small wheels made of
sticks radiating from a common juncture and connected by woolen yarn.]
[Footnote 123: The natives of Cibola, according to Castañeda, "gather
their hair over the two ears, making a frame which looks like an
old-fashioned headdress." The Tusayan Pueblo maidens are the only
Indians who now dress their hair in this way, although the custom is
still kept up by men in certain sacred dances at Zuñi. The country
women in Salamanca, Spain, do their hair up in two flat coils, one on
each side of the forehead, a custom which Castañeda may have had in
mind when he compared the Pueblo coiffure to an "old-fashioned
headdress."]
[Footnote 124: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1892.]
[Footnote 125: Troano and Cortesiano codices.]
[Footnote 126: A _nakwákwoci_ is an individual prayer-string, and
consists of one or more prescribed feathers tied to a cotton string.
These prayer emblems are made in great numbers in every Tusayan
ceremony.]
[Footnote 127: The evidence afforded by this bowl would seem to show
that the cult of the Corn-maid was a part of the mythology and ritual
of Sikyatki. The elaborate figures of the rain-cloud, which are so
prominent in representations of the Corn-maid on modern plaques,
bowls, and dolls, are not found in the Sikyatki picture.]
[Footnote 128: The reason for my belief that this is a breath feather
will be shown under the discussion of feather and bird pictures.]
[Footnote 129: For the outline of this legend see _Journal of American
Ethnology and Archæology_, vol. IV. The maid is there called the
Tcüa-mana or Snake-maid, a sacerdotal society name for the Germ
goddess. The same personage is alluded to under many different names,
depending on the society, but they are all believed to refer to the
same mythic concept.]
[Footnote 130: The attitude of the male and female here depicted was
not regarded as obscene; on the contrary, to the ancient Sikyatki mind
the picture had a deep religious meaning. In Hopi ideas the male is a
symbol of active generative power, the female of passive reproduction,
and representations of these two form essential elements of the
ancient pictorial and graven art of that people.]
[Footnote 131: The doll of Kokopeli has along, bird-like beak,
generally a rosette on the side of the head, a hump on the back, and
an enormous penis. It is a phallic deity, and appears in certain
ceremonials which need not here be described. During the excavations
at Sikyatki one of the Indians called my attention to a large Dipteran
insect which he called "Kokopeli."]
[Footnote 132: The practice still exists at Zuñi, I am told, and there
is no sign of its becoming extinct. It is said that old Naiutci, the
chief of the Priesthood of the Bow, was permanently injured during one
of these performances. (Since the above lines were written I have
excavated from one of the ruins on the Little Colorado a specimen of
one of these objects used by ancient stick-swallowers. It is made of
bone, and its use was explained to me by a reliable informant familiar
with the practices of Oraibi and other villagers. It is my intention
to figure and describe this ancient object in the account of the
explorations of 1896.)]
[Footnote 133: "Tusayan Katcinas," Fifteenth Annual Report of the
Bureau of Ethnology, 1893-94, Washington, 1897. Hewüqti is also called
Soyokmana, a Keresan-Hopi name meaning the Natacka-maid. The Keresan
(Sia) Skoyo are cannibal giants, according to Mrs Stevenson, an
admirable definition of the Hopi Natackas.]
[Footnote 134: The celebration occurs in the modern Tusayan pueblos in
the _Powamû_ where the representative of Calako flogs the children.
Calako's picture is found on the _Powamû_ altars of several of the
villages of the Hopi.]
[Footnote 135: Figures of the human hand have been found on the walls
of cliff houses. These were apparently made in somewhat the same way
as that on the above bowl, the hand being placed on the surface and
pigment spattered about it. See "The Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelly,"
by Cosmos Mindeleff; Sixteenth Annual Report, 1894-95.]
[Footnote 136: Mu^{r}yi, mole or gopher; mu^{r}iyawû, moon. There
maybe some Hopi legend connecting the gopher with the moon, but thus
far it has eluded my studies, and I can at present do no more than
call attention to what appears to be an interesting etymological
coincidence.]
[Footnote 137: This form of mouth I have found in pictures of
quadrupeds, birds, and insects, and is believed to be
conventionalized. Of a somewhat similar structure are the mouths of
the _Natacka_ monsters which appear in the Walpi _Powamû_ ceremony.
See the memoir on "Tusayan Katcinas," in the Fifteenth Annual Report.]
[Footnote 138: Figures of the tadpole and frog are often found on
modern medicine bowls in Tusayan. The snake, so common on Zuñi
ceremonial pottery, has not been seen by me on a single object of
earthenware in use in modern Hopi ritual.]
[Footnote 139: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol.
IV.]
[Footnote 140: Although made of beautiful yellow ware, it shows at one
point marks of having been overheated in firing, as is often the case
with larger vases and jars.]
[Footnote 141: One of the best examples of the rectangular or ancient
type of medicine bowl is used in the celebration of the Snake dance at
Oraibi, where it stands on the rear margin of the altar of the
Antelope priesthood of that pueblo.]
[Footnote 142: One of the best of these is that of the Humis-katcina,
but good examples occur on the dolls of the Calakomanas. The Lakone
maid, however, wears a coronet of circular rain-cloud symbols, which
corresponds with traditions which recount that this form was
introduced by the southern clans or the Patki people.]
[Footnote 143: In the evolution of ornament among the Hopi, as among
most primitive peoples where new designs have replaced the old, the
meaning of the ancient symbols has been lost. Consequently we are
forced to adopt comparative methods to decipher them. If, for
instance, on a fragment of ancient pottery we find the figure of a
bird in which the wing or tail feathers have a certain characteristic
symbol form, we are justified, when we find the same symbolic design
on another fragment where the rest of the bird is wanting, in
considering the figure that of a wing or tail feather. So when the
prescribed figure of the feather has been replaced by another form it
is not surprising to find it incomprehensible to modern shamans. The
comparative ethnologist may in this way learn the meanings of symbols
to which the modern Hopi priest can furnish no clue.]
[Footnote 144: In an examination of many figures of ancient vessels
where this peculiar design occurs it will be found that in all
instances they represent feathers, although the remainder of the bird
is not to be found. The same may also be said of the design which
represents the tail-feathers. This way of representing feathers is not
without modern survival, for it may still be seen in many dolls of
mystic personages who are reputed to have worn feathered garments.]
[Footnote 145: At the present time the circle is the totemic signature
of the Earth people, representing the horizon, but it has likewise
various other meanings. With certain appendages it is the disk of the
sun--and there are ceremonial paraphernalia, as amulets, placed on
sand pictures or tied to helmets, which may be represented by a simple
ring. The meaning of these circles in the bowl referred to above is
not clear to me, nor is my series of pictographs sufficiently
extensive to enable a discovery of its significance by comparative
methods. A ring of meal sometimes drawn on the floor of a kiva is
called a "house," and a little imagination would easily identify these
with the mythic houses of the sky-bird, but this interpretation is at
present only fanciful.]
[Footnote 146: The _paho_ is probably a substitution of a sacrifice of
corn or meal given as homage to the god addressed.]
[Footnote 147: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol.
IV. These water gourds figure conspicuously in many ceremonies of the
Tusayan ritual. The two girls personating the Corn-maids carry them in
the Flute observance, and each of the Antelope priests at Oraibi bears
one of these in the Antelope or Corn dance.]
[Footnote 148: "A few Tusayan Pictographs;" _American Anthropologist_,
Washington, January, 1892.]
[Footnote 149: A beautiful example of this kind was found at Homolobi
in the summer of 1896.]
[Footnote 150: In this connection the reader is referred to the story,
already told in former pages of this memoir, concerning the flogging
of the youth by the husband of the two women who brought the Hopi the
seeds of corn. It may be mentioned as corroboratory evidence that
Calako-taka represents a supernatural sun-bird, that the Tataukyamû
priests carry a shield with Tunwup (Calako-taka) upon it in the
Soyaluña. These priests, as shown by the etymology of their name, are
associated with the sun. In the Sun drama, or Calako ceremony, in
July, Calako-takas are personated, and at Zuñi the Shalako is a great
winter sun ceremony.]
[Footnote 151: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1895, p. 133. As
these cross-shape pahos which are now made in Tusayan are attributed
to the Kawaika or Keres group of Indians, and as they were seen at the
Keresan pueblo of Acoma in 1540, it is probable that they are
derivative among the Hopi; but simple cross decorations on ancient
pottery were probably autochthonous.]
[Footnote 152: In dolls of the Corn-maids this germinative symbol is
often found made of wood and mounted on an elaborate tablet
representing rain-clouds.]
[Footnote 153: Many similarities might be mentioned between the
terraced figures used in decoration in Old Mexico and in ancient
Tusayan pottery, but I will refer to but a single instance, that of
the stuccoed walls of Mitla, Oaxaca, and Teotitlan del Valle. Many
designs from these ruins are gathered together for comparative
purposes by that eminent Mexicanist, Dr E. Seler, in his beautiful
memoir on Mitla (_Wandmalereien von Mitla_, plate X). In this plate
exact counterparts of many geometric patterns on Sikyatki pottery
appear, and even the broken spiral is beautifully represented. There
are key patterns and terraced figures in stucco on monuments of
Central America identical with the figures on pottery from Sikyatki.]
[Footnote 154: This pillar, so conspicuous in all photographs of
Walpi, is commonly called the Snake rock.]
[Footnote 155: _American Anthropologist_, April, 1892.]
[Footnote 156: I failed to find out how the Hopi regard fossils.]
[Footnote 157: These objects were eagerly sought by the Hopi women who
visited the camps at Awatobi and Sikyatki.]
[Footnote 158: The tubular form of pipe was almost universal in the
pueblo area, and I have deposited in the National Museum pipes of this
kind from several ruins in the Rio Grande valley.]
[Footnote 159: _Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology_, vol.
IV, pp. 31, 32, 33.]
[Footnote 160: This form of pipe occurs over the whole pueblo area.]
[Footnote 161: Ancient cigarette reeds, found in sacrificial caves,
have a small fragment of woven fabric tied about them.]
[Footnote 162: The so-called "implements of wood" figured by
Nordenskiöld ("The Cliff Dwellers of the Mesa Verde," plate XLII) are
identical with some of the pahos from Sikyatki, and are undoubtedly
prayer-sticks.]
[Footnote 163: Primitive Culture, vol. ii, p. 396.]
[Footnote 164: Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology, Vol.
_ii_, p. 131.]
[Footnote 165: _American Anthropologist_, July, 1892.]
[Footnote 166: As stated in former pages, there is some paleographic
evidence looking in that direction.]
[Footnote 167: _Journal of American Folk-Lore_, vol. V, no. xviii, p.
213.]
[Footnote 168: Op. cit., p. 214.]
[Footnote 169: They failed to germinate.]