The identification of Tusayan with the present country of the Hopi
depends in great measure on the correct determination of the situation
of Cibola. I have regarded as conclusive Bandelier's argument that
Cibola comprised the group of pueblos inhabited by the Zuñi in the
sixteenth century.[55] Regarding this as proven, Tusayan corresponds
with the Hopi villages, of which Awatobi was one of the largest. It
lies in the same direction and about the same distance from Zuñi as
stated in Castañeda's narrative. The fact that Cardenas passed through
Tusayan when he went from Cibola to the Grand Canyon in 1540 is in
perfect harmony with the identification of the Hopi villages with
Tusayan, and Zuñi with Cibola. Tobar, in Tusayan, heard of the great
river to the west, and when he returned to the headquarters of
Coronado at Cibola the general dispatched Cardenas to investigate the
truth of the report. Cardenas naturally went to Tusayan where Tobar
had heard the news, and from there took guides who conducted him to
the Grand Canyon. Had the general been in any Hopi town at the time he
sent Tobar, and later Cardenas, it is quite impossible to find any
cluster of ruins which we can identify as Tusayan in the direction
indicated. There can be no doubt that Tusayan was the modern Hopi
country, and with this in mind the question as to which Hopi pueblo
was the one first visited by Tobar is worthy of investigation.
In order to shed what light is possible on this question, I have
examined the account by Castañeda, the letter of Coronado to Mendoza,
and the description in the "Relacion del Suceso," but find it
difficult to determine that point definitely.
In Hakluyt's translation of Coronado's letter, it is stated that the
houses of the "cities" which Tobar was sent to examine were "of
earth," and the "chiefe" of these towns is called "Tucano." As this
letter was written before Coronado had received word from Tobar
concerning his discoveries, naturally we should not expect definite
information concerning the new province. Capt. Juan Jaramillo's
account speaks of "Tucayan" as a province composed of seven towns, and
states that the houses are terraced.
In the "Relacion del Suceso" we likewise find the province called
"Tuzan" (Tusayan), and the author notes the resemblance of the
villages to Cibola, but he distinctly states that the inhabitants
cultivated cotton.
Castañeda's account, which is the most detailed, is that on which I
have relied in my identification of Awatobi as the first Hopi pueblo
seen by the Spaniards.
It seems that Don Pedro de Tobar was dispatched by Coronado to explore
a province called Tusayan which was reported to be twenty-five leagues
from Cibola. He had in his command seventeen horsemen and one or two
foot-soldiers, and was accompanied by Friar Juan de Padilla. They
arrived in the new province after dark and concealed themselves under
the edge of the mesa, so near that they heard the voices of the
Indians in their houses. The natives, however, discovered them at
daylight drawn up in order, and came out to meet them armed with
wooden clubs, bow and arrows, and carrying shields. The chief drew a
line of sacred meal across the trail, and in that way symbolized that
the entrance to their pueblo was closed to the intruders. During a
parley, however, one of the men made a move to cross the line of meal,
and an Indian struck his horse on the bridle. This opened hostilities,
in which the Hopi were worsted, but apparently without loss of life.
The vanquished brought presents of various kinds--cotton cloth,
cornmeal, birds, skins, piñon nuts, and a few turquoises--and finding
a good camping place near their pueblo, Tobar established headquarters
and received homage from all the province. They allowed the Spaniards
to enter their villages and traded with them.[56]
Espejo's reference to Awatobi in 1583 leaves no doubt that the pueblo
was in existence in that year, and while, of course, we can not
definitely say that it was not built between 1540 and 1583, the
indications are that it was not. Hopi traditions assert that it was in
existence when the Spaniards came, and the statement of the legendists
whom I have consulted are definite that the survivors of Sikyatki went
to Awatobi after the overthrow of the former pueblo. It would not
appear, however, that Awatobi was founded prior to Sikyatki, nor is it
stated that the refugees from Sikyatki built Awatobi, which is within
the bounds of possibility, but it seems to be quite generally conceded
that the Sikyatki tragedy antedated the arrival of the first
Spaniards.
There can, I think, be no doubt that the Hopi pueblo first entered by
Pedro de Tobar, in 1540, was Awatobi, and that the first conflict of
Spanish soldiers and Hopi warriors, which occurred at that time, took
place on the well-known Zuñi trail in Antelope valley, not far from
Jeditoh or Antelope spring. This pueblo is the nearest village to
Cibola (Zuñi), from which Tobar came, and as he took the Zuñi trail he
would naturally first approach this village, even if the other pueblos
on the rim of this valley were inhabited. It is interesting to
consider a few lines from Castañeda, describing the event of that
episode, to see how closely the site of Awatobi conforms to the
narrative. In Castañeda's account of Tobar's visit we find that the
latter with his command entered Tusayan so secretly that their
presence was unknown to the inhabitants, and they traversed a
cultivated plain without being seen, so that, we are told, they
approached the village near enough to hear the voices of the Indians
without being discovered. Moreover, the Indians, the narrative says,
had a habit of descending to their cultivated fields, which implies
that they lived on a mesa top. Awatobi was situated on a mesa, and the
cultivated fields were in exactly the position indicated. The habit of
retiring to their pueblo at night is still observed, or was to within
a few years. Tobar arrived at the edge of Antelope valley after dark
(otherwise he would have been discovered), crossed the cultivated
fields under cover of night, and camped under the town at the base of
the mesa. The soldiers from that point could readily hear the voices
of the villagers above them. Even at the base of the lofty East Mesa I
have often heard the Walpi people talking, while the words of the town
crier are intelligible far out on the plain. From the configuration of
the valley it would not, however, have been easier for Awatobians to
have seen the approaching Spaniards than for the Walpians; still it
was possible for the invaders to conceal their approach to Walpi in
the same way. If, however, the first pueblo approached was Walpi, and
Tobar followed the Zuñi trail, I think he would have been discovered
by the Awatobi people before nightfall if he entered the cultivated
fields early in the evening. It would be incredible to believe that he
wandered from the trail; much more likely he went directly to Awatobi,
the first village en route, and then encamped until the approach of
day before entering the pueblo. At sunrise the inhabitants, early
stirring, detected the presence of the intruders, and the warriors
went down the mesa to meet them. They had already heard from Cibola of
the strange beings, men mounted on animals which were said to devour
enemies.
It may seem strange that the departure of an expedition against
Tusayan was unknown to the Hopi, but the narrative leads us to believe
that such was the fact. The warriors descended to the plain, and their
chief drew a line of sacred meal across the trail to symbolize that
the way to their pueblo was closed; whoever crossed it was an enemy,
and punishment should be meted out to him. This custom is still
preserved in several ceremonials at the present day, as, for instance,
in the New-fire rites[57] in November and in the Flute observance in
July.[58] The priests say that in former times whoever crossed a line
of meal drawn on the trail at that festival was killed, and even now
they insist that no one is allowed to pass a closed trail. The Awatobi
warriors probably warned Tobar and his comrades not to advance, but
the symbolic barrier was not understood by them. The Spaniards were
not there to parley long, and it is probable that their purpose was to
engage in a quarrel with the Indians. Urged on by the priest, Juan de
Padilla, "who had been a soldier in his youth," they charged the
Indians and overthrew a number, driving the others before them. The
immediate provocation for this, according to the historian, was that
an Indian struck one of the horses on the bridle, at which the holy
father, losing patience, exclaimed to his captain, "Why are we here?"
which was interpreted as a sign for the assault.
It must, however, be confessed that if the pueblo of Walpi was the
first discovered an approach by stealth without being seen would have
been easier for Tobar if the village referred to was Walpi then
situated on the Ash-hill terrace, with the East Mesa between it and
the Zuñi trail. To offset this probability, however, is the fact that
the Zuñi trail now runs through Awatobi, or in full view of it and
there is hardly a possibility that Tobar left that trail to avoid
Awatobi. He would naturally visit the first village, and not go out of
his way seven miles beyond it, seeking a more distant pueblo.
The effect of this onslaught on men armed with spears, clubs, and
leather shields can be imagined, and the encounter seems to have
discouraged the Awatobi warriors from renewed resistance. They fled,
but shortly afterward brought presents as a sign of submission, when
Tobar called off his men. Thus was the entry of the Spaniards into
Tusayan marked with bloodshed for a trifling offense. Shortly
afterward Tobar entered the village and received the complete
submission of the people.
The names of the Tusayan pueblos visited by Tobar in this first
entrance are nowhere mentioned in the several accounts which have come
down to us. Forty years later, however, the Spaniards returned and
found the friendly feeling of Awatobi to the visitors had not lapsed.
When Espejo approached the town in 1583, over the same Zuñi trail, the
multitudes with their caciques met him with great joy and poured maize
(sacred meal?) on the ground for the horses to walk upon. This was
symbolic of welcome; they "made" the trail, a ceremony which is still
kept up when entrance to the pueblo is formally offered.[59]
The people, considering their poverty, were generous, and gave Espejo
"hand towels with tassels" at the corners. These were probably dance
kilts and ceremonial blankets, which then, as now, the Hopi made of
cotton.
The pueblo, called "Aguato" in the account of that visit, was without
doubt Awatobi. The name Aguatuybá, mentioned by Oñate, is also
doubtless the same, although, as pointed out to me by Mr Hodge,
"through an error probably of the copyist or printer, the name
Aguatuybá is inadvertently given by Oñate among his list of Hopi
chiefs, while Esperiez is mentioned among the pueblos." In Oñate's
list we recognize Oraibi in "Naybi," and Shuñopovi in "Xumupamí" and
"Comupaví," the most westerly town of the Middle Mesa. "Cuanrabi" and
"Esperiez" are not recognizable as pueblos.
Espejo, therefore, appears to have been the first to mention Awatobi
as "Aguato," which is metamorphosed in Hakluyt into "Zaguato or
"Ahuzto,"[60] although evidently Oñate's "Aguatuybá" was intended as a
name of a pueblo.
I have not been able to determine satisfactorily the date of the
erection of the mission building of San Bernardino at Awatobi, but the
name is mentioned as early as 1629. In that year three friars went to
Tusayan and began active efforts to convert the Hopi.[61]
It is recorded[62] that Padre Porras, with Andres Gutierrez, Cristoval
de la Concepcion, and ten soldiers, arrived in Tusayan, "dia del
glorioso San Bernardo (que és el apellido que aora tiene aquel
pueblo)," which leaves no doubt why the mission at Awatobi was so
named. Although an apostate Indian had spread the report, previously
to the advent of these priests in Tusayan, that the Spaniards were
coming among them to burn their pueblos, rob their homes, and
devour[63] their children, the zealous missionaries in 1629 converted
many of the chiefs and baptized their children. The cacique, Don
Augustin, who appears to have been baptized at Awatobi, apparently
lived in Walpi or at the Middle Mesa, and returning to his pueblo,
prepared the way for a continuation of the apostolic work in the
villages of the other mesas.
But the missionary labors of Porras came to an untimely end. It is
written that by 1633 he had made great progress in converting the
Hopi, but in that year, probably at Awatobi, he was poisoned. Of the
fate of his two companions and the success of their work little is
known, but it is recorded that the succession of padres was not
broken up to the great rebellion in 1680. Figueroa, who was massacred
at Awatobi in that year, went to Tusayan in 1674 with Aug. Sta. Marie.
Between the death of Porras and the arrival of Figueroa there was an
interval of eleven years, during which time the two comrades of Porras
or Espeleta, who went to Tusayan in 1650, took charge of the spiritual
welfare of the Hopi. Espeleta and Aug. Sta. Marie were killed in 1680
at San Francisco de Oraibi and Walpi, respectively, and José Trujillo
probably lost his life at Old Shuñopovi at the same time. As there is
no good reason to suppose that Awatobi, one of the most populous
Tusayan pueblos, was neglected by the Spanish missionaries after the
death of Porras in 1633, and as it was the first pueblo encountered on
the trail from Zuñi, doubtless San Bernardino was one of the earliest
missions erected in Tusayan. From 1680 until 1692, the period of
independence resulting from the great Pueblo revolt, there was no
priest in Tusayan, nor, indeed, in all New Mexico. Possibly the
mission was repaired between 1692 and 1700, but it is probable that it
was built as early as the time Porras lived in Awatobi. It is
explicitly stated that in the destruction of Awatobi in 1700 no
missionaries were killed, although it is recorded that early in that
year Padre Garaycoechea made it a visit.
The disputes between the Jesuits and Franciscans to obtain the Hopi
field for missionary work during the eighteenth century naturally
falls in another chapter of Spanish-Tusayan history. Aside from
sporadic visits to the pueblos, nothing tangible appears to have
resulted from the attempts at conversion in this epoch. True, many
apostates were induced to return to their old homes on the Rio Grande
and some of the Hopi frequently asked for resident priests, making
plausible offers to protect them; but the people as a whole were
hostile, and the mission churches were never rebuilt, nor did the
fathers again live in this isolated province.
In 1692 Awatobi was visited by Don Diego de Vargas, the reconquerer of
New Mexico, who appears to have had no difficulty bringing to terms
the pueblos of Awatobi, Walpi, Mishoñinovi, and Shuñopovi.[64] He
found, however, that Awatobi was "fortified," and the entrance so
narrow that but one man could enter at a time. The description leads
us to conclude that the fortification was the wall at the eastern end,
and the entrance the gateway, the sides of which are still to be seen.
The plaza in which the cross was erected was probably just north of
the walls of the mission.
There would seem to be no doubt that a mission building was standing
at Awatobi before 1680, for Vetancurt, writing about the year named,
states that in the uprising it was burned.[65] At the time of the
visit of Garaycoechea, in the spring of 1700, he found that the
mission had been rebuilt. In this connection it is instructive, as
bearing on the probable cause of the destruction of Awatobi, to find
that while the inhabitants of this pueblo desired to have the mission
rehabilitated, the other Tusayan pueblos were so hostile that the
friends of the priest in Awatobi persuaded him not to attempt to visit
the other villages. This warning was no doubt well advised, and the
tragic fate which befell Awatobi before the close of the year shows
that the trouble was brewing when the padre was there, and possibly
Garaycoechea's visit hastened the catastrophe or intensified the
hatred of the other pueblos.
At the time of Garaycoechea's visit he baptized, it is said, 73
persons. This rite was particularly obnoxious[66] to the Hopi, as
indeed to the other Pueblo Indians, notwithstanding they performed
practically the same ceremony in initiations into their own secret
societies. The Awatobians, however, or at least some of them, allowed
this rite of the Christians, thus intensifying the hatred of the more
conservative of their own village and of the neighboring pueblos.
These and other facts seem to indicate that the real cause of the
destruction of Awatobi was the reception of Christianity by its
inhabitants, which the other villagers regarded as sorcery. The
conservative party, led by Tapolo, opened the gate of the town to the
warriors of Walpi and Mishoñinovi, who slaughtered the liberals, thus
effectually rooting out the new faith from Tusayan, for after that
time it never again obtained a foothold.
The visit of Padre Juan Garaycoechea to Tusayan was at the invitation
of Espeleta, chief of Oraibi, but he went no farther than Awatobi,
where he baptized the 73 Hopi. He then returned to the "governor," and
arrived at Zuñi in June. According to Bancroft (p. 222), "In the
'Moqui Noticias' MS., 669, it is stated that the other Moquis, angry
that Aguatuvi had received the padres, came and attacked the pueblo,
killed all the men, and carried off all the women and children,
leaving the place for many years deserted." Although I have not been
able to consult the document quoted, this conclusion corresponds so
closely with Hopi tradition that I believe it is practically true,
although Bancroft unfortunately closes the quotation I have made from
his account with the words, "I think this must be an error." Espeleta,
the Oraibi chief, and 20 companions were in Santa Fé in October, 1700,
and proposed a peace in which the Hopi asked for religious toleration,
which Governor Cubero refused. As a final appeal he desired that the
fathers should not permanently reside with them, but should visit one
pueblo each year for six years; but this request was also rejected.
Espeleta returned to Oraibi, and immediately on his appearance an
unsuccessful attempt was made to destroy Awatobi, followed, as
recounted in the legend, by a union with Walpi and Mishoñinovi, by
which the liberal-minded villagers of the Antelope mesa were
overthrown. Documentary and legendary accounts are thus in strict
accord regarding the cause of the destruction.
The meager fragmentary historical evidence that can be adduced shows
that the destruction of Awatobi occurred in the autumn or early winter
of 1700. In May of that year we have the account of the visiting
padre, and in the summer when Espeleta was at Santa Fé, the pueblo was
flourishing. The month of November would have been a favorable one for
the destruction of the town for the reason that during this time the
warriors would all be engaged in secret kiva rites. The legend relates
that the overthrow of the pueblo was at the _Naacnaiya_,[67] which now
takes place in November.
For many years after its destruction the name of Awatobi was still
retained on maps including the Tusayan province, and there exist
several published references to the place as if still inhabited; but
these appear to be compilations, as no traveler visited the site
subsequently to 1700. It is never referred to in writings of the
eighteenth or first half of the nineteenth centuries, and its site
attracted no attention. The ruins remained unidentified until about
1884, when the late Captain J. G. Bourke published his book on the
"Snake Dance of the Moquis," in which he showed that the ruin called
by the Navaho Tally-hogan was the old Awatobi which played such a
prominent part in early Tusayan history.
The ruin was described and figured a few years later by Mr Victor
Mindeleff in his valuable memoir on Cibola and Tusayan architecture.
Bourke's reference is very brief and Mindeleff's plan deficient, as it
includes only a portion of the ruin, namely, the conspicuous mission
walls and adjacent buildings, overlooking entirely the older or
western mounds, which are the most characteristic. In 1892 I published
the first complete ground-plan of the ruins of Awatobi, including both
eastern and western sections. As Mindeleff's plan is defective, his
characterization of the architectural features of the pueblo is
consequently faulty. He says: "The plan suggests that the original
pueblo was built about three sides of a rectangular court, the fourth
or southeast side, later occupied by the mission buildings, being left
open or protected by a low wall." While the eastern portion
undoubtedly supports this conclusion, had he examined the western or
main section he would doubtless have qualified his conclusion (plate
CVII). This portion was compact, without a rectangular court, and was
of pyramidal form. The eastern section was probably of later
construction, and the mission was originally built outside the main
pueblo, although probably a row of rooms of very ancient date extended
along the northern side opposite the church. As it was customary in
Tusayan to isolate the kivas, these rooms in Awatobi were probably
extramural and may have been situated in this eastern court, but the
majority of the people lived in the western section. The architecture
of the mission and adjacent rooms shows well-marked Spanish influence,
which is wholly absent in the buildings forming the western mounds.
[Illustration: BUREAU OF AMERICAN ETHNOLOGY