GENERAL FEATURES

No region of our Southwest presents more instructive antiquities than

the ancient province of Tusayan, more widely known as the Moki

reservation. In the more limited use of the term, Tusayan is applied

to the immediate surroundings of the Hopi pueblos, to which "province"

it was given in the middle of the sixteenth century. In a broader

sense the name would include an as yet unbounded country claimed by

the component clans of this people as the homes of their ancestors.

The general character and distribution of Tusayan ruins (plate XVI)

has been ably presented by Mr Victor Mindeleff in a previous

report.[31] While this memoir is not regarded as exhaustive, it

considers most of the large ruins in immediate proximity to the three

mesas on which the pueblos inhabited by the Hopi are situated. It is

not my purpose here to consider all Tusayan ruins, even if I were able

to do so, but to supplement with additional data the observations

already published on two of the most noteworthy pueblo settlements.

Broadly speaking, I have attempted archeological excavations in order

to obtain more light on the nature of prehistoric life in Tusayan. It

may be advantageous, however, to refer briefly to some of the ruins

thus far discovered in the Tusayan region as preliminary to more

systematic descriptions of the two which I have chosen for special

description.

The legends of the surviving Hopi contain constant references to

former habitations of different clans in the country round about their

present villages. These clans, which by consolidation make up the

present population of the Hopi pueblos, are said to have originally

entered Tusayan from regions as far eastward as the Rio Grande, and

from the southern country included within the drainage of the Gila,

the Salt, and their affluents. Other increments are reputed to have

come from the northward and the westward, so that the people we now

find in Tusayan are descendants from an aggregation of stocks from

several directions, some of them having migrated from considerable

distances. Natives of other regions have settled among the ancient

Hopi, built pueblos, and later returned to their former homes; and the

Hopi in turn have sent colonists into the eastern pueblo country.

These legends of former movements of the tribal clans of Tusayan are

supplemented and supported by historical documents, and we know from

this evidence that there has been a continual interchange between the

people of Tusayan and almost every large pueblo of New Mexico and

Arizona. Some of the ruins of this region were abandoned in historic

times; others are prehistoric; many were simply temporary halting

places in Hopi migrations, and were abandoned as the clans drifted

together in friendship or destroyed as a result of internecine

conflicts.

There is documentary evidence that in the years following the great

rebellion of the Pueblo tribes in 1680, which were characterized by

catastrophes of all kinds among the Rio Grande villagers, many Tanoan

people fled to Tusayan to escape from their troubles. According to

Niel, 4,000 Tanoan refugees, under Frasquillo, loaded with booty which

they had looted from the churches, went to Oraibi by way of Zuñi, and

there established a "kingdom," with their chief as ruler. How much

reliance may be placed on this account is not clear to me, but there

is no doubt that many Tanoan people joined the Hopi about this time,

and among them were the Asa people, the ancestors of the present

inhabitants of Hano pueblo, and probably the accolents of Payüpki. The

ease with which two Franciscan fathers, in 1742, persuaded 441 of

these to return to the Rio Grande, implies that they were not very

hostile to Christianity, and it is possible that one reason they

sought Tusayan in the years after the Spaniards were expelled may have

been their friendship for the church party.

With the exception of Oraibi, not one of the present inhabited pueblos

of Tusayan occupies the site on which it stood in the sixteenth

century, and the majority of them do not antedate the beginning of the

eighteenth century. The villages have shifted their positions but

retained their names.

At the time of the advent of Tobar, in 1540, there was but one of the

present three villages of East Mesa. This was Walpi, and at the period

referred to it was situated on the terrace below the site of the

present town, near the northwestern base of the mesa proper. Two

well-defined ruins, called Kisakobi and Küchaptüvela, are now pointed

out as the sites of Old Walpi. Of these Küchaptüvela is regarded as

the older.

Judging by their ruins these towns were of considerable size. From

their exposed situation they were open to the inroads of predatory

tribes, and from these hostile raids their abandonment became

necessary. From Küchaptüvela the ancient Walpians moved to a point

higher on the mesa, nearer its western limit, and built Kisakobi,

where the pueblo stood in the seventeenth century. There is evidence

that a Spanish mission was erected at this point, and the place is

sometimes called Nüshaki, a corruption of "Missa-ki," Mass-house. From

this place the original nucleus of Walpians moved to the present site

about the close of the seventeenth century. Later the original

population was joined by other phratries, some of which, as the Asa,

had lived in the cliff-houses of Tségi, or Canyon de Chelly, as late

as the beginning of the eighteenth century. This, however, is not the

place to trace the composition of the different modern villages.

Sichomovi was a colony from Walpi, founded about 1750, and Hano was

built not earlier than 1700. The former was settled by the Badger

people, later joined by a group of Tanoan clans called the Asa, from

the Rio Grande, who were invited to Tusayan to aid the Hopi in

resisting the invasions of northern nomads.

By the middle of the eighteenth century the population of the province

of Tusayan was for the first time distributed in the seven pueblos now

inhabited. No village has been deserted since that time, nor has any

new site been occupied.

In order that the reader may have an idea of the Tusayan pueblos at

the time mentioned, an account of them from a little-known description

by Morfi in 1782 is introduced:[32]

_Morfi's account of the Tusayan pueblos_

Quarenta y seis leguas al Poniente de Zuñi, con alguna

inclinacion al N. O. están los tres primeros pueblos de la

provincia de Moqui, que en el dia en el corto distrito de

4-1/2 leguas (112 recto) tiene siete pueblos en tres mesas ó

peñoles que corren linea recta de Oriente á Poniente.

_Tanos_[33]

En la punta occidental de la primera, y en la mas estrecho

de su eminencia están situados tres de los quales el primero

es el de Tanos (alli dicen Tegüas), cuyas moradores tienen

idioma particular y distinto del Moquino. Es pueblo regular

con un plaza en el centro, y un formacion de calles. Tendrá

110 familias.

El segundo[34] pueblo dista del precedente como un tiro de

piedra, es de fundacion moderna, y se compondrá de mas 15

familias que se retiraron aqui de:

_Gualpi_

Gualpi que dista del anterior un tiro de fusil, es mas

grande y populoso que los dos anteriores, puede tener hasta

200 familias. Estas tres pueblos tienen poco caballada, y

algunas vacas; pero mucho ganado lanar.

_Mosasnabi_[35]

Al poniente de esta mesa, y á legua y media de distancia

está la segunda, cuyo intermedio es un (112 v.) arenal, que

ertrando un poco en ella la divide en dos brazas. En el

septentrional, que es el mas inmediata á Gualpi hay dos

anillos distantes entre si un tiro de piedra. En la cima del

primero está situado el pueblo de Mosasnabi compuesto de 50

familias poco mas ó menos.

_Xipaolabi_[36]

En la cumbre del secundo cerrito se fundó el quinto pueblo

llamado Xipaolabi, que tendrá solo 14 familias: está casi

arruinado, porque sus vecinos se han trasladado al brazo

austral de la mesa y formaron el sexto pueblo llamado:

_Xongopabi_[37]

Xongopabi goza mejor situacion que todos los demas, tienen

tres quarteles mui bien dispuestos y en ellas unas 60

familias. Estos tres pueblos tienen mas caballada que los

primeros y mucho ganado menor.

_Oraybe_

Dos y media leguas al Poniente de esta mesa, está la

tercera, y en sucima el septimo pueblo que llaman Oraybe. Es

como la capital de la provincia, el mayor y mas bien formado

de toda ella, y acaso de todas las provincias internas.

Tiene once quarteles ó manzanas bien largas y dispuestos con

calles á cordel yá (113 r.) todos vientos, y puede llegar su

poblacion á 800 familias. Tienen buena caballada, mucho

ganado menor y algun vacuno. Aunque no gozan sino una

pequeña fuente de buena agua, distante del pueblo mas de una

milla al Norte, han construido para suplir esta escasez, en

la misma mesa, y mui inmediato à las casas seis cisternas

grandes donde recoger la agua de las lluvias y nieves.

The distribution of the population of Tusayan in the seven pueblos

mentioned above remained practically the same during the century

between 1782 and 1882. Summer settlements for farming purposes were

inhabited by the Oraibi for brief periods. Between the years 1880 and

1890 a beginning of a new distribution of Hopi families began, when

one or two of the less timid erected houses near Coyote spring, at the

East Mesa. The Tewa, represented by Polaka and Jakwaina, took the lead

in this movement. From 1890 to the present time a large number of

Walpi, Sichomovi, and Hano families have built houses in the foothills

of the East Mesa and in the plain beyond the "wash." A large

schoolhouse has been erected at Sun spring and a considerable number

of East Mesa villagers have abandoned their mesa dwellings. In this

shifting of the population the isolated house is always adopted and

the aboriginal method of roof building is abandoned. The indications

are that in a few years the population of the East Mesa will be

settled in unconnected farmhouses with little resemblance to the

ancient communal pueblo.

This movement is shared to a less extent by the Middle Mesa and Oraibi

people. On my first visit to the pueblos of these mesas, in 1890,

there was not a single permanent dwelling save in the ancient pueblos;

but now numerous small farmhouses have been erected at or near the

springs in the foothills. I mention these facts as a matter of record

of progress in the life of these people in adapting themselves to the

new conditions or influences by which they are surrounded. I believe

that if this exodus of Hopi families from the old pueblo to the plain

continues during the next two decades as it has in the last ten years,

there are children now living in Walpi who will some day see it

uninhabited.

This disintegration of the Hopi phratries, by which families are

separated from one another, is, I believe, a return to the prehistoric

distribution of the clans, and as Walpi grew into a pueblo by a union

of kindred people, so now it is again being divided and distributed,

still preserving family ties in new clusters or groupings. It is thus

not impossible that the sites of certain old ruins, as Sikyatki,

deserted for many years, will again be built upon if better suited for

new modes of life. The settlement near Coyote spring, for instance, is

not far from the old site of a former home of the Tanoan families, who

went to Tusayan in the beginning of the eighteenth century, and the

people who inhabit these new houses are all Tanoan descendants of the

original contingent.

In order to become familiar with the general character of Tusayan

ruins, I made a brief reconnoissance of those mentioned in the

following list, from which I selected Awatobi and Sikyatki as places

for a more exhaustive exploration. This list is followed by a brief

mention of those which I believe would offer fair opportunities for a

continuation of the work inaugurated. The ruins near Oraibi were not

examined and are therefore omitted, not that they are regarded as less

important, but because I was unable to undertake a study of them in

the limited time at my disposal. There are also many ruins in Tusayan,

north of the inhabited pueblos, which have never been described, and

would well repay extended investigation. Some of these, as the ruins

at the sacred spring called Kishuba, are of the utmost traditional

importance.

I. _Middle Mesa ruins_--(1) Old Shuñopovi; (2) Old

Mishoñinovi; (3) Shitaumû; (4) Chukubi; (5) Payüpki.

II. _East Mesa ruins_--(1) Kisakobi; (2) Küchaptüvela; (3)

Küküchomo; (4) Tukinobi; (5) Kachinba; (6) Sikyatki.

Archeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895 Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1895-1896, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1898, pages 519-744 · 第 52 / 295 题