APPROACH TO MAIN PART OF HONANKI]

A short distance beyond the westernmost rooms of Honanki, almost

covered with bushes and adjoining the base of the cliff, there is a

large ash heap in which are many fragments of pottery and the bones of

various animals. It is probable that excavation in this quarter would

reveal many interesting objects. In the cliffs above this ash heap,

far beyond reach, there is a walled niche which has never been

disturbed. This structure is similar to those near the cavate

dwellings, and when opened will probably be found to contain buried

mortuary objects of interesting character. I did not disturb this

inclosure, inasmuch as I had no ladders or ropes with which to

approach it.

It is very difficult to properly estimate, from the number of rooms in

a cliff house, the former population, and as a general thing the

tendency is rather to overstate than to fall short of the true total.

In a pueblo like Hano, on the first or east mesa of Tusayan, for

instance, there are many uninhabited rooms, and others serve as

storage chambers, while in places the pueblo has so far fallen into

ruin as to be uninhabitable. If a pueblo is very much concentrated the

population varies at different seasons of the year. In summer it is

sparsely inhabited; in winter it is rather densely populated. While

Palatki and Honanki together had rooms sufficient to house 500 people,

I doubt whether their aggregate population, ever exceeded 200. This

estimate, of course, is based on the supposition that these villages

were contemporaneously inhabited.

The evidences all point to a belief, however, that they were both

permanent dwelling places and not temporary resorts at certain seasons

of the year.

The pictographs on the face of the cliff above Honanki are for the

greater part due to the former Apache occupants of the rooms, and are

situated high above the tops of the walls of the ruin. They are, as a

rule, drawn with white chalk, which shows very clearly on the red

rock, and are particularly numerous above room _g_. The figure of a

circle, with lines crossing one another diametrically and continued as

rays beyond the periphery, possibly represent the sun. Many spiral

figures, almost constant pictographs in cliff ruins, are found in

several places. Another strange design, resembling some kind of

insect, is very conspicuous.

A circle painted green and inclosed in a border of yellow is

undoubtedly of Apache origin. There is at one point a row of small

pits, arranged in line, suggesting a score or enumeration of some

kind, and a series of short parallel lines of similar import was found

not far away. This latter method of recording accounts is commonly

used at the present time in Tusayan, both in houses and on cliffs; and

one of the best of these, said to enumerate the number of Apache

killed by the Hopi in a raid many years ago, may be seen above the

trail by which the visitor enters the pueblo of Hano on the East Mesa.

The names of several persons scratched on the face of the cliff

indicate that Americans had visited Honanki before me.

The majority of the paleoglyphs at both Palatki and Honanki are of

Apache origin, and are of comparatively modern date, as would

naturally be expected. In some instances their colors are as fresh as

if made a few years ago, and there is no doubt that they were drawn

after the building was deserted by its original occupants. The

positions of the pictographs on the cliffs imply that they were drawn

before the roofs and flooring had been destroyed, thus showing how

lately the ruin preserved its ancient form. In their sheltered

position there seems to be no reason why the ancient pictographs

should not have been preserved, and the fact that so few of the

figures pecked in the cliff now remain is therefore instructive.

One of the first tendencies of man in visiting a ruin is to inscribe

his name on its walls or on neighboring cliffs. This is shared by both

Indians and whites, and the former generally makes his totem on the

rock surface, or adds that of his gods, the sun, rain-cloud, or

katcinas. Inscriptions recording events are less common, as they are

more difficult to indicate with exactitude in this system of

pictography. The majority of ancient pictographs in the Red-rock

country, like those I have considered in other parts of Verde valley,

are identical with picture writings now made in Tusayan, and are

recognized and interpreted without hesitation by the Hopi Indians. In

their legends, in which the migrations of their ancestors are

recounted, the traditionists often mention the fact that their

ancestors left their totem signatures at certain points in their

wanderings. The Patki people say that you will find on the rocks of

Palatkwabi, the "Red Land of the South" from which they came, totems

of the rain-cloud, sun, crane, parrot, etc. If we find these markings

in the direction which they are thus definitely declared to exist, and

the Hopi say similar pictures were made by their ancestors, there

seems no reason to question such circumstantial evidence that some of

the Hopi clans once came from this region.[28]

One of the most interesting of the pictographs pecked in the rock is a

figure which, variously modified, is a common decoration on

cliff-dweller pottery from the Verde valley region to the ruins of the

San Juan and its tributaries. This figure has the form of two

concentric spirals, the ends of which do not join. As this design

assumes many modifications, it may be well to consider a few forms

which it assumes on the pottery of the cliff people and on that of

their descendants, the Pueblos.

The so-called black-and-white ware, or white pottery decorated with

black lines, which is so characteristic of the ceramics of the

cliff-dwellers, is sometimes, as we shall see, found in ruins like

Awatobi and Sikyatki; but it is so rare, as compared with other

varieties, that it may be regarded as intrusive.

One of the simplest forms of the broken-line motive is a Greek fret,

in which there is a break in the component square figures or where the

line is noncontinuous. In the simplest form, which appears prominently

on modern pottery, but which is rare or wanting on true

black-and-white ware, we have two crescentic figures, the concavities

of which face in different directions, but the horns overlap. This is

a symbol which the participants in the dance called the Húmiskatcina

still paint with pigments on their breasts, and which is used on

shields and various religious paraphernalia.

A study of any large collection of decorated Pueblo ware, ancient or

modern, will show many modifications of this broken line, a number of

which I shall discuss more in detail when pottery ornamentation is

considered. A design so distinctive and so widespread as this must

certainly have a symbolic interpretation. The concentric spirals with

a broken line, the Hopi say, are symbols of the whirlpool, and it is

interesting to find in the beautiful plates of Chavero's _Antigüedades

Mexicanas_ that the water in the lagoon surrounding the ancient Aztec

capital was indicated by the Nahuatl Indians with similar symbols.

Archeological Expedition to Arizona in 1895 Seventeenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology to the Secretary of the Smithsonian Institution, 1895-1896, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1898, pages 519-744 · 第 48 / 295 题