REVUE PHILOSOPHIQUE.

CONTENTS: June, 1891. No. 186.

LES RESULTATS DES THEORIES CONTEMPORAINES SUR L’ASSOCIATION DES

IDEES. By _B. Bourdon_.

COMMENT LA SENSATION DEVIENT IDEE. By _J. Payot_.

NOTES ET DISCUSSIONS. QU’EST-CE QUE LA PHYSIOLOGIE GENERALE? By

_Durand_ (_de Gros_).

CONTENTS: July, 1891. No. 187.

LA NOTION DE LIMITE EN MATHEMATIQUES. By _G. Milhaud_.

COUP D’OEIL SUR L’HISTOIRE DE LA PHILOSOPHIE EN RUSSIE (I). By

_F. Lannes_.

LES SOURCES DE LA PHILOSOPHIE DE L’INDE. By _P. Regnaud_.

M. Bourdon reviews the modes of association proposed by various

psychologists, and the factors which intervene to give force to

associations. Wundt alone; among psychologists has the great merit of not

placing ideas and sensations in actual opposition. The laws of ideology

are almost the same as those of physics; and the law of association ought

to be true not only for ideas, but for sensations and for objects. M.

Bourdon’s conclusion is that the theory of the association of ideas has

hitherto been treated from a too subjective and idealistic point of view.

He would substitute for the theory of _association_ of idea a theory of

a _society_ of phenomena, which conception he thinks better explains the

process.

In a preceding contribution to the _Revue Philosophique_ (May, 1890)

M. Payot showed that sensation is the translation into terms of

consciousness of that which, considered from the objective point

of view, is a reaction of the organism, as a whole, to an external

impression. Sensations are the irreducible element of the psychic life.

They contribute the materials which the mind modifies, combines, and

classes according to their relations, variable or invariable. This

is chronologically posterior to sensation, which has an affective

origin. The reactions corresponding to the most frequent sensations

become more and more rapid until consciousness, “which translates only

physiological states of a sufficient duration,” has not time to appear.

Here we have a reflex-act. In an intermediate zone where reactions take

a time sufficient for them to be conscious, the intellectual states,

to which the abstract name of the intellectual faculty has been given,

have birth. Differentiation operates between sensible and intellectual

facts, until they seem to belong to two irreducible faculties; but the

intellectual states are grafted on the sensible states, and although

the graft develops so greatly that the sensibility appears like a

parasite, the latter is the primitive trunk and through it the graft

exists by a kind of continued creation. Sensations are convenient

abstractions but nothing more. A sensation never presents itself in

the adult consciousness without a crowd of instantaneously evoked

relations. There is never absolute exclusion between perception and

sensation: these are two states which dissolve into each other, which

have no difference in nature, and which are separable only in gross.

Properly speaking there are no sensations, only perceptions more or less

complex. In sensation the state of mind is considered in itself without

reference to its relations; in perception attention is paid chiefly to

the relations. But sensation exists only for consciousness, as it can

never enter directly into intellectual constructions, but only through

the state of remembrance. Every sensation so far as we are sensible of

it is purely felt, and we effectuate our mental constructions not with

sensations, but with our remembrances of sensations. But the rôle of

sensation is still more restricted. However rapid its flight across

consciousness it instantaneously provokes the remembrance of numerous

sensations of differences and resemblances with anterior sensations. It

is an occasion for this, and nothing more. To be perceived, a sensation

must be followed by sensations different from itself. The mind seizes

relations of resemblance between sensations and resemblances between

relations: it classes them, the chaos unravels and organises itself.

The organisation has been progressive, but at all stages the procedure

is alike; it consists in disengaging remembrances more or less masked

by dissimilarities: this is the universal procedure of the mind and the

condition _sine qua non_ of thought.

In his article on _General Physiology_, M. Durand (de Gros) in criticism

of M. Ch. Richet’s article on this subject which appeared in the

April number of the _Revue Philosophique_, points out that Richet in

applying the term “general anatomy” to the anatomy of the tissues, and

“special anatomy” to the anatomy of the organs, overlooked the fact that

_generality_ and _speciality_ when used to express the two opposite sides

of a science express relations of abstract, nominal extension and not

real extension. Thus, by general chemistry is intended the consideration

of the higher laws governing the molecular actions of bodies, the

one on the other, whatever that may be, and the modes of composition

which result therefrom for each of them. General physiology should be,

therefore, the philosophy of the science of the functions of life,

that is to say, the higher laws embracing all these various particular

functions; special physiology having for its object these particular

functions in what is proper to each of them and distinguishes it from

the others. Physiology has reference, however, to the other animals as

well as man, and also to plants, and hence the term general physiology

has been applied to the physiology common to all living beings, and

special physiology to that which concerns the various animal and vegetal

species taken separately. But this is in reality comparative physiology,

and thus positive physiologists have made a false use of the term general

physiology, and have left the true general physiology unrecognised and

unnamed. In conclusion, M. Durand presents his conception of “organology.”

In the form of a dialogue M. Milhaud meets the objections made to the

notion of limit in Mathematics. The question whether to have a limit,

for anything variable, is not synonymous with attaining a limit, is

considered in connection with Zeno’s problem of Achilles and the

tortoise, the strict solution of which is, not that Achilles will

never overtake the tortoise, but that he will not overtake it on this

side of a spot situated at a distance of 10/9 of a metre from the

starting-point, within a period equal to 10/9 of a second commencing

at the instant of starting. To the objection that by its very nature

the limit cannot be attained, as where the limit and the variable

element which indefinitely approaches it are essentially different,

it is replied that when a variable element has a limit, this element

is a _quantity_ and the limit is a quantity of the same kind, quality

being neglected. In the proposition: the length of the circumference is

the limit of the perimeters of the inscribed polygons, the limit is a

quantity of the same kind, that of length. It is not necessary to know

whether the definition accords with reality. M. Milhaud then shows by

reference to the properties of an unlimited series of inscribed polygons

and the corresponding circumscribed polygons, that two such series of

geometrical lengths satisfying the required conditions can always be

considered as defining a new length, superior to all the first and

inferior to all the others. As to its existence, it can be said only

that a length exists only as determined, as limited; and a state of

length, or a particular length has a right to exist, provided that the

properties of quantity which condition it are not contradictory. The

essence of mathematical space, breadth, length is only the content of

their definitions. Mathematics owes its existence to the condition of

creating for itself a world of fictions. There is a divergence of opinion

as to whether incommensurables should be represented by lengths or by

numerical symbols, but the divergence is a last echo of the endless

discussions which the notions of infinity and continuity have raised

among mathematicians.

Philosophic thought, says M. Lannes, presents, in Russia, in its past

history, a very poor condition. Philosophy does not exist, unless that

name be given to such moral precepts, or domestic recommendations as we

find in “the instruction” of a Vladimir Monomaque or in the “Domostroï.”

The Russian mind was easily guarded against the liberties of thought,

regarding science and philosophy with contempt and holy dread. There, as

during the Middle Ages in the rest of Europe, the end to attain, to which

all others were subordinated, was the safety of the soul. It was only

with Peter the Great that thought took a freer flight, notwithstanding

the restrictions that it had still to support. The Little Russians were

the first to turn towards western instruction. In order to meet the

Jesuits, who appeared in Russia about the middle of the 16th century,

with the arms they used, scholastic philosophy was introduced into the

college of Pierre Mohila, at Kief. Aristotle was taken as guide and the

teaching was in Latin. Under Alexis Mikhaïlovitch, rational, natural, and

moral philosophy began to be taught in a formal manner at the Academy

of Moscow. Peter the Great ordered an important place to be given to

rhetoric and dialectics, and the mention of logic, psychology, and

metaphysics in the programme of the Academy. In 1755 logic, metaphysics,

and morality entered into the teaching of philosophy at the University.

In the 18th century two currents of ideas manifested themselves, of

which some are connected with mysticism, others with the influence of

French philosophy. The former became associated, through Novikof and

Schwartz, with free-masonry, which was regarded as a means of acquiring a

knowledge of God, of nature, and of man, of becoming a better Christian,

a better citizen, and a better family head. Novikof and Schwartz founded

the “Society of the Friends of Instruction,” and through their zeal

a mass of moral and religious books were published for distribution

in places of instruction. The influence of the French “philosophers”

of the 18th century was preponderant in Russia in the second half of

the 18th century. Voltaire enjoyed the greatest favor, and his renown

was universal. Freethought penetrated the middle classes, and even

conservative and religious men denied miracles in the course of history,

considered religion as a political instrument, and attacked the ignorance

and cupidity of the clergy. On the happening of the French revolution

Catherine was frightened and took rigorous measures against those who

wished to use freedom of thought.

Questions of pedagogy held a great place in the thoughts of Catherine.

She confided the care of pedagogic reforms to Betski, who showed that

true education is that which unites the development of the body, of the

mind, and of the heart; but the moral element ought to have the first

place. Alexander I. re-established philosophic liberalism and sought

to excite interest in social, economic, and political questions. The

university of Moscow was reorganised, and one of the faculties included

dogmatic and moral theology, theoretical and practical philosophy,

natural, political and popular rights. Philosophy also established itself

in the new universities of Kharkof, Kazan, and Petersburg. But minds

were possessed with more living ideas and various tendencies, political,

moral, religious, sceptical, led to the establishment of numerous secret

societies whose starting point was the masonic alliance. About 1816,

Schröder had introduced into the foreign lodges a spirit of cosmopolitan

humanity. Fessler saw in the lodges a means of moral education, the basis

of civic education. In order to be received as a mason, it was necessary

to pass through certain “consecrations,” to obtain certain “degrees of

knowledge.” Among those “consecrated” by Fessler was Spéranski who,

notwithstanding his mysticism, was imbued with the principles of the

Revolution. On the reaction under Prince Galitzyn, the minister of

public instruction, science was given a mystical end, and religion was

declared to be the supreme science. The sciences which could do injury

to religion, as geology, were either discarded, or directed to be taught

according to the spirit of Holy Scripture. As to philosophy, the teaching

of moral philosophy, which does not separate morality from the faith,

was alone allowed. The treatises of the Kantian Jacob were forbidden, as

containing scandalous theories. In general, in the universities, during

the first year of the nineteenth century the objects of philosophic

study were somewhat vague. The utility of the sciences, of education,

of the individual characters of peoples, enthusiastic discourses on

free will, on the rights of reason, on the spirit and forces of nature.

Fessler and Vellanski introduced the German philosophy and principally

that of Schelling, which became in some sort the lever which put in

movement ideas on the independence and the nationality of civilisation.

The most ardent champion of Schelling’s doctrine was Odoievski, whose

external personality marks curiously the idea entertained of philosophy

and philosophers between 1820 and 1845. A philosopher was represented as

a sort of romantic Faust, leading a kind of life different from common

mortals. If he occupied himself with physical sciences, the philosopher

was regarded as the equal of a sorcerer with terrible powers. M. Lannes

concludes his present article with a sketch of the life and philosophy

of Galitch, who on his return to St. Petersburg from a three years

tour through Europe wrote a dissertation on philosophy, in which he

explained the development of beings by the double action of _activity_

and _passivity_, the one being cause, the other product. In 1819 Galitch

taught in the University logic, psychology, and metaphysics, and later

he received authority to teach the history of philosophy, to which he

gave an _eclectic_ character, in accordance with the instructions of

his hierarchical superiors. In his _esoteric_ teaching he initiated his

friends into the philosophy of Schelling. In that year he published a

“History of Philosophic Systems,” the appearance of which was a rare

novelty in the Russian Scientific World. He subsequently published

several other works, but the manuscript of one on the “Philosophy of

the History of Humanity,” which cost him much labor was destroyed by

fire. The merit of Galitch is to have wished to establish in Russia

philosophy _as science_. He assigned to the study of philosophy the

whole encyclopedia of the sciences, but true philosophic knowledge

is the knowledge of the unity from which external phenomena flow. M.

Lannes gives an analysis of Galitch’s “Picture of Man,” where, before M.

Renouvier, he says of freedom, “it can itself begin an entire series of

phenomena, which are then linked together in the relations of dependence,

that is to say are the necessary acts of a voluntary principle.” Galitch

deserves to occupy a small place in the general history of the philosophy

of humanity. If there existed before him a science of the relations of

the soul and the body, he was at least one of the first to elaborate a

programme of what is called to-day _comparative psychology_.

M. Regnaud finds the sources of the philosophy of India in India itself,

as they appear in all their simplicity and primitive character in

the Rig-Veda, the very ancient collection of liturgical hymns of the

Brahmans. The whole doctrine implied by both the Vedic cult and the

text of the hymns is resumed in a verse of the Rig Veda. “Each day the

same liquid rises and descends; the rains vivify the earth, the fires

of the sacrifice vivify the sky.” The libations destined to feed the

fire of sacrifice and which consisted of inflammable liquids, such as

the _ghrita_ or clarified butter, were poured out each time that the

sacrifice was celebrated into the atmosphere (or the sky) whose life

they maintained, in like manner as liquid and solid foods sustain the

life of man. The whole religious conception of the Vedic epoch consists

then in the idea of an endless _circulus_, of a perpetual exchange

of the elements of life, in an immense body which is the universe,

whose arterial centre is the sacrifice, and the fire the motor, the

distributer, and so to say the brain. (Paris: Félix Alcan.)

Ω.

REVUE DE L’HYPNOTISME. April, 1891. No. 10. 5th YEAR.

The Monist, Vol. 2, 1891-1892 · 第 114 / 390 题