Footnote 21:
Ridgeway, _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, Vol. VIII, p. 158, and Vol.
IX, p. 30 _et seq._
Footnote 22:
_Cf._ Mommsen, _Hist. of Rome_ (English edition), Vol. I, p. 203.
Footnote 23:
The ox being _par excellence_ the _pecus_ of Italy.
Footnote 24:
_Rhind Mathematical Papyrus_, entry No. 67.
Footnote 25:
_Cf._ “Sealing with the Signet of the King,” Daniel vi, 17; Esther
iii, 12; viii, 8, 10; 1 Kings, xxi, 8.
Footnote 26:
Our own sovereigns, as well as those of most other European States,
have been from very early times invested with a ring at their
Coronation (see _Archaeologia_, Vol. III, p. 393), _cf._ _The
Coronation Book of Charles V of France_, edited by E. S. Dewick, pp.
6, 22 and 33.
Footnote 27:
Compare Naville’s _Deir El Bahari_, III, 60.
Footnote 28:
In the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris, line 7.
Footnote 29:
_Book of the Dead_, 255.
Footnote 30:
Palette of Ptahmes in the Louvre (No. 3026); _cf._ Pierret, _Rec.
d’inscriptions inédite_, I, p. 93.
Footnote 31:
On the reading, see _supra_, p. 5.
Footnote 32:
We find, for instance, those of the _per seten_, or “Royal domain,”
_A.Z._, 1888, p. 90; of the _per zet_, or wakf, Petrie, _Medûm_, Pl.
XIII; of the _at af_, “department of meat,” Mariette, _Mon. Abyd._,
290, 308; and many others.
Footnote 33:
See L., _D._, II, 4, where he carries a box of linen; _cf._ my _Beni
Hasan_, I, Pl. IV, and II, Pl. XIII, where there is a _khetemu ne
ḥenket_, “Seals of the linen.” In _Beni Hasan_, I, Pl. XXIX, we find
the corresponding feminine title [Egyptian **], a woman who apparently
had charge of the harîm, or perhaps was a confidential female servant.
A title [Egyptian **] also occurs very frequently on Egyptian
monuments (Griffith, _Kahun Papyri_, Pl. XII, l. 1; Mariette, _Mon.
Abyd._, 182, 183, 187; Newberry, _El Bersheh_, I, Pls. XX, XXIX,
_etc._). It seems to mean a kind of “confidential seal,” or “privy
purse.”
Footnote 34:
L., _D._, II, 96.
Footnote 35:
L., _D._, II, 103 a.
Footnote 36:
Mariette, _Cat. Abyd._, 855; _The Story of Sanehat_, l. 300; L., _D._,
II, El Assassif, Grab 25, c.d.
Footnote 37:
This title was formerly believed to signify “Treasurer of the King of
Lower Egypt,” but it must be pointed out that _byty_, in the royal
title, meant “He that belongs to the bee,” or perhaps, “the
Bee-keeper.” Bees were the producers of the chief of primitive
luxuries, and the use of honey and the offering of it instead of wine
ought probably to be considered as a survival from a prehistoric state
of society in which wine was unknown (_cf._ _Journal of Hellenic
Studies_, Vol. XV, p. 21). If this meant “Treasurer of the King of
Lower Egypt,” we should expect to find a corresponding [Egyptian **]
“Treasurer of the King of _Upper_ Egypt,” but this title, so far as I
know, never occurs.
Footnote 38:
In the Twelfth Dynasty and later is found the frequently recurring
variant [Egyptian **]. See _A.Z._, 1890, p. 91.
Footnote 39:
Stele of Kuban, l. 11.
Footnote 40:
Thus we read of a [Egyptian **] “Divine Sealer of Amen” under
Alexander (_Rec. de travaux_, XIV, p. 33); and Plutarch (II, 363 B)
speaks of an Egyptian priest, [Greek: sphragistês], who seems to have
been identical with this old Egyptian official. _Cf._ further on this
title, Revillout, in _A.Z._, 1880, p. 71-3.
Footnote 41:
_Rec. de travaux_, XIV, p. 33 and 57.
Footnote 42:
Louvre, C. 13.
Footnote 43:
_Rec. de travaux_, VII, 115.
Footnote 44:
L., _D._, II, 18, 114, etc.
Footnote 45:
L., _D._, II, 115 _b_, 144 _q_, etc.
Footnote 46:
L., _D._, II, 18, 97 _a_, etc.
Footnote 47:
The earliest instance of this title that I know of occurs at Shût er
Rigal, in the scene of King Antef (Eleventh Dynasty) before
Neb-kheru-Ra Mentu-hetep: here the _mer khetem_ stands immediately
behind his sovereign Antef. The title also occurs in a tomb at Kasr es
Sayyad, the date of which may be perhaps a little earlier than the
Shût er Rigal graffito.
Footnote 48:
This title should not be confounded with the somewhat similar one
[Egyptian **], “Superintendent of the Sealers,” _Beni Hasan_, I, xxx.
Nor is it, of course, the same as the [Egyptian **] “Superintendent
Storehouses” or “depôts” (Pap. Bologna, 1086, I, 2). It ought also
perhaps to be differentiated from [Egyptian **] “Superintendent” or
“Keeper of Contracts” or “Records?” although there appear to be
several instances where [Egyptian **] equals [Egyptian **].
Footnote 49:
_Cf._ the title _mer net_, “Governor of the (Royal) City” (see my
_Rekhmara_, p. 18, and _cf._ my note in Garstang’s _El Arabah_, p.
32); _khetem_ is here probably to be understood as signifying _the_
seal _par excellence_, _i.e._, the Royal Seal.
Footnote 50:
For a _mer khetem_ in (1) the Oryx nome, see Newberry, _Beni Hasan_,
I, Pl. XXX, etc.; (2) the Hare nome, see Newberry, _El Bersheh_, I,
Pl. XXVII; (3) the Siut nome there is a _mer khetem em Saut_ mentioned
in an unpublished tomb; (4) the Antaeopolite nome, on an unpublished
fragment from the tomb of Uah-ka at Gau.
Footnote 51:
See Newberry, _Beni Hasan_, I, Pl. XXVI.
Footnote 52:
_Ibid._, Pl. XXX, _cf._ Pl. XIII.
Footnote 53:
_Ibid._, Pl. XXXIII.
Footnote 54:
_Ibid._, Pl. XXIX.
Footnote 55:
On the word _kha_, see the paper in the _Proceedings_ of the Society
of Biblical Archæology, XXII, pp. 99-105.
Footnote 56:
See Newberry, _Life of Rekhmara_, Pl. IV, and p. 23, where will be
found a plan of the office.
Footnote 57:
It is probable that already at the time of the Eleventh Dynasty there
was a Chief Keeper of the (Royal) Seal, for Mariette found at Karnak a
monument of a certain Khetŷ, who is described as _mer khetem em ta er
zer-ef_, “Keeper of the (Royal) Seal in the whole land.” Mariette,
_Karnak_, pl. 8 j.) Of this Khetŷ there is a statuette in the Leyden
Museum, and he is certainly the same individual as we see represented
behind King Antef on one of the rocks of the Shût er Rigal. Under the
New Empire we find mentioned once a [Egyptian **] “Chief Keeper of the
Seal of the Great Green Sea,” _i.e._, of the Mediterranean. (Capart,
in _Rec. de travaux_, XXII, p. 106.)
Footnote 58:
This is seen from many inscriptions: Notably from the rock inscription
of Mentu-hetep in the Shût er Rigal; the inscription of Nefer-hetep at
Aswan (De Morgan, _Cat._, I, p. 17); the inscriptions of Rekhmara
(Newberry, _Rekhmara_, Pl. III, l. 5, etc.); the scene on a slab from
the tomb of a High Priest of Memphis, where the Chancellor is
represented standing immediately behind the Vezîrs; and from the very
powerful position of the Chancellor Baŷ under Ta-usert and Sa-ptah.
The position of the Chancellors during the Hyksos period was also of
very great importance.
Footnote 59:
He has been described as a kind of “Keeper of the Signet;” but his
rank in the Egyptian State was much higher than that of the Scottish
official. It is a position that appears to have been even greater than
that of the Roman _cura anulis_, or “Keeper of the Imperial Seal”
(Just., _Hist._, XLIII, 5).
Footnote 60:
_Rekhmara_, Pl. II and III.
Footnote 61:
_Ibid._, Pl. II, lines 5 and 6.
Footnote 62:
Stela of Sa-satet at Geneva. (_Mélanges Arch._, 1875, p. 218.)
Footnote 63:
Griffith and Tylor, _The Tomb of Paheri_, Pl. IX, l. 44. For earlier
tours of these officials, see several graffiti on the rocks at Aswân,
published in De Morgan’s _Cat._, I.
Footnote 64:
Stela of Pïankhŷ, l. 81.
Footnote 65:
Louvre, C. 30; Mariette, _Mon. Abydos_, 262, 326, etc. _Cf._ for the
high position of the _Adenu_, _Boulac Papyri_, No. 18, Pl. XIX, 5.
Footnote 66:
Mariette, _Mon. Abydos_, 125, and De Rouge, _Et. Egypt_, LIII.
Footnote 67:
_Rec. de travaux_, XII, p. 50.
Footnote 68:
Louvre, C. 5; Mariette, _Mon. Abydos_, 229.
Footnote 69:
Lepsius, _D._, II, 135 _h_, etc.
Footnote 70:
Schiaparelli, _Cat. Flor._, 282; _cf._ also Pl. XIV, 2, of the present
work.
Footnote 71:
Schiaparelli, _Cat. Flor._, 279.
Footnote 72:
For instance, in Griffith, _Kahun Papyri_, XIII, 21, is named a
“scribe in charge of the Seal of Qesab,” a town in the Delta; _cf._
also Pl. XIII, 20, of this work.
Footnote 73:
Griffith, _K.P._, Pl. XIII, ll. 9-12.
Footnote 74:
In order to make the list complete, we must notice an _am-sa ne mer
khetem_ (Liebl., _N.P._, 1707), and an _ari at ne sa ne per me khetem_
(Brit. Mus. Stela, 215).
Footnote 75:
Papyrus of NU, in the Brit. Mus., No. 10477. A variant
[Egyptian **] of this title occurs in the tomb of Sebekhetep (_temp._
Thothmes IV), at Thebes.
Footnote 76:
Brit. Mus. Stela, 1012.
Footnote 77:
Tomb of Sebekhetep, at Thebes.
Footnote 78:
_Rec. de travaux_, XII, p. 13.
Footnote 79:
The work of seal engraving is mentioned as a distinct occupation in
_Eccles._ xxxviii, 27. In Egyptian there is a verb [Egyptian **]
meaning “to engrave,” “to carve.”
Footnote 80:
See a specimen in the Edward’s Collection at University College,
London.
Footnote 81:
VII, 69.
Footnote 82:
See p. 50.
Footnote 83:
“On some impressions is a raised line running from top to bottom
across the sign, and therefore accidental. This could only be produced
by a split in the seal, and such is very likely to occur in wood.”
Petrie, _R.T._, I, p. 24.
Footnote 84:
Of King Qa. Petrie, _R.T._, II, Pl. XII, 5.
Footnote 85:
See p. 59.
Footnote 86:
See p. 59, fig. 42.
Footnote 87:
_Journal of Hellenic Studies_, 1897, pp. 366-372.
Footnote 88:
_Journal of Hellenic Studies_, 1897, _vide_ p. 366-372.
Footnote 89:
“Allied or perhaps derivative figures may be seen in the pigmy or
embryonic form of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris and its offshoots, and the
Phoenician Pataecus (a parallel but variant type is seen in Bes), but
there can be no question that the type seen on these early cylinders
is the direct reflection of that which appears at a very early date
upon those of Chaldea.” A. J. Evans, _Journal of Hellenic Studies_,
1897, p. 369.
Footnote 90:
See Pl. V, fig. 3.
Footnote 91:
See Pl. VI, figs. 1, 2, etc.
Footnote 92:
See Pl. VI, fig. 13.
Footnote 93:
See Pl. VI, figs. 2, 3, 4, etc.
Footnote 94:
See Pl. VI, figs. 1, 10, etc.
Footnote 95:
See Pl. VII, fig. 7.
Footnote 96:
See Pl. VIII, fig. 10.
Footnote 97:
See Pl. VIII, figs. 2, 3, etc.
Footnote 98:
See Pl. VIII, figs. 5, 6, etc.
Footnote 99:
See Pl. VII, figs. 8 and 9.
Footnote 100:
Garstang’s _Mahâsna_, p. 33.
Footnote 101:
Perhaps even earlier.
Footnote 102:
See Mace, in Petrie’s _Diospolis Parva_, p. 39, and _cf._ Garstang,
_El Mahâsna_, pp. 33 and 34.
Footnote 103:
For specimens beyond those figured here, see Petrie, in the
_Antiquary_, XXXII, p. 136, and Garstang, _El Mahâsna_, Pl. XXXIX.
Footnote 104:
See Arthur Evans, in the _Annual_ of the British School at Athens, No.
VIII, p. 104.
Footnote 105:
_The Antiquary_, XXXII, p. 37.
Footnote 106:
“These stone buttons may eventually prove to have quite an exceptional
interest in the history of Aegean art, as the direct progenitors of
the lentoid beads so much affected by the Mycenaean engravers.” A.
Evans, in _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, XIV, p. 335.
Footnote 107:
_Journal of Hellenic Studies_, XIV, p. 336.
Footnote 108:
The beetle, called in Egyptian _Kheper_, was the sacred emblem of the
god who made all things out of clay.
Footnote 109:
Erman, _Zaubersprüche für Mutter und Kind_, p. 38.
Footnote 110:
P. 25.
Footnote 111:
This interpretation of the scarab was first given by Dr. Birch more
than half a century ago, but has generally been lost sight of by
archaeologists.
Footnote 112:
See later, p. 70, fig. 59.
Footnote 113:
Prof. Flinders Petrie believes that he can recognize, besides the true
scarab, four other varieties of beetle: the _Artharsius_, _Copris_,
_Gymnoplearus_ and _Hypselogenia_.
Footnote 114:
_Egyptian Decorative Art_, pp. 18 and 19. The spiral, it should be
noted, is found on certain upright and squat prehistoric pots of the
sequence dating 39-64, but these are always single, not conjoined or
returning spirals.
Footnote 115:
_Proceedings_ of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, Vol. XXI, p.
148.
Footnote 116:
_Ibid._, Vol. XIX, p. 294.
Footnote 117:
A small detail of this ceiling (with wrong colouring) is published in
Wilkinson’s _Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians_, Vol. I,
Pl. VIII, fig. 7. Identically the same pattern occurs in a
Twenty-sixth Dynasty tomb at Thebes.
Footnote 118:
Milchhöfer, _Die Anfänge der Kunst_, p. 16 _et seqq._; Petrie,
_Egyptian Decorative Art_, p. 29.; Much, _Die Kupferzeit_, p. 55;
Hall, _The Oldest Civilization of Greece_, p. 157; A. C. Haddon,
_Evolution in Art_, p. 141. Dr. Arthur Evans, on the contrary,
believes that the spiral was first used in stonework, and only at a
later date transferred to metal and other materials (_Journal of
Hellenic Studies_, Vol. XIII, p. 329).
Footnote 119:
Petrie, _Egyptian Decorative Art_, p. 22.
Footnote 120:
Among the jewellry discovered by M. de Morgan at Dahshûr (_temp._
Usertsen II) was an exquisite gold ring (certainly _not_ of Egyptian
manufacture), with two spirals worked on its bezel in gold wire-work.
(See De Morgan, _Dahchour_, I, p. 68, fig. 145.) In the Ashmolean
Museum is a black ware vase from Egypt of the style characteristic of
the late Twelfth Dynasty deposits, which has a punctuated returning
spiral ornament round the upper part of its body.
Footnote 121:
A. J. Evans, _Primitive Pictographs_, in _Journal of Hellenic
Studies_, Vol. XIV, p. 328. _Cf._ G. Coffey, _The Origins of
Prehistoric Ornament in Ireland_, in _Journal of the Royal Society of
Antiquaries of Ireland_, 1894, 1895; and A. C. Haddon, _Evolution in
Art_, p. 142. J. Romilly Allen, _Celtic Art in Pagan and Christian
Times_, pp. 51-54.
Footnote 122:
On this place-name, see p. 172, note 1.
Footnote 123:
An asterisk prefixed to these descriptions means an _ancient_
clay-impression or “sealing,” not an actual cylinder.
Footnote 124:
A cylinder-seal of “Amenemhat, beloved of Sebek, Lord of Anu,” is in
the H.-P. Collection (_Cat._ 3813).
Footnote 125:
Nub-hetep-tha-Khred was a daughter of Amenemhat III. (De Morgan,
_Dahchour_, I, p. 128.)
Footnote 126:
On this title, see Newberry, _El Bersheh_, I, p. 8, note 3.
Footnote 127:
_I.e._, the Judge or Chief Justice. See my _Life of Rekhmara_, p. 18.
Footnote 128:
The rings, scarabs, etc., figured from the tomb of Maket have been
drawn from Prof. Petrie’s _Illahun_, pl. XXVI.
Footnote 129:
This is probably the same place-name as the Kerŷ mentioned in the tomb
of Hûŷ at Thebes as the southern boundary of Kush (Ethiopia) at the
time of King Tût-ankh-amen (see Pl. II). It was almost certainly the
modern Gebel Barkal.
Footnote 130:
The position of the “district of Shetau or (Shetep)” is uncertain. The
inscription merely says that the king went down stream, and that the
journey took him a night to accomplish, but the name of the place from
whence Amenhetep and his officers started is not recorded. Mr. Fraser
(_P.S.B.A._, XXI, p. 157) suggests Memphis as the starting place, and
the Wadŷ Tumilât as the scene of the hunt, and he further remarks that
“except the Fayûm, there is no place that I can think of in Upper
Egypt where one can imagine there were ever wild cattle.” I suspect,
however, that it was from Thebes that the royal hunter set out, and
that the district of Shetau (or Shetep) was one of those wadŷs near
Keneh (just a night’s journey from Thebes down stream) which at
certain times of the year contain low, but luxuriant vegetation. I
have visited this district several times (in February 1896, again in
December 1901, and for a third time in March 1904), and was much
struck by the great quantity of vegetation which is to be seen in the
desert to the east of Kuft and Keneh. There is one wadŷ in particular
which extends for some miles in a northerly direction between Legêta
and Keneh that literally abounds in low shrubs and other vegetation,
far more than enough to support vast herds of wild cattle. It may here
be pointed out that the ancient fauna of Egypt differed very greatly
from its present fauna. Before the advent of the camel into Egypt, all
the wadŷs of the Arabian chain of hills were plentifully stocked with
game of all kinds. At Beni Hasan, El Bersheh, and many other places
are represented scenes of hunting wild animals, including the lion,
bubalis, etc.; and the wadŷs east of Keneh were celebrated as hunting
grounds at the time of Thothmes III and Amenhetep II. In more than one
private tomb at Thebes we have scenes of hunting which are expressly
stated to have taken place “in the _Ant_,” _i.e._, the desert to the
east of Kuft, and in the tomb of Men-kheper-ra-senb the superintendent
of the hunting at Kuft is mentioned.
Footnote 131:
On this title, see my note in Garstang’s _El Arabeh_, p. 33.
Footnote 132:
Driving the animals into nets was a favourite method of hunting in
ancient times (_cf._, among many other instances, my _El Bersheh_, I,
pl. VII, and the Vaphio Vase at Athens). Nets are still used for this
purpose in some parts of Africa (Baker’s _Ismailia_, pp. 435-438).
Footnote 133:
Dr. Budge has suggested to me that this dyke may have been a series of
covered pits into which the animals would fall, thus enabling the
huntsmen to capture them easily. He would also identify the _semau_ of
the Egyptians with the _rimi_ of the Assyrian inscriptions, an animal
hunted by Tiglath Pileser and other monarchs.
Footnote 134:
Since this was written, a study of the inscription on this scarab has
been published by Steindorff, from my copy of the Alnwick specimen, in
_Ä.Z._, XXXIX, 62.
Footnote 135:
The Vatican specimen gives _kher hen ne Heru_ for the abbreviated
_kher Heru_ on the Alnwick example.
Footnote 136:
The Vatican scarab gives the determinative of land (the triangle) in
the place of the _t_ on the Alnwick specimen.
Footnote 137:
A mis-reading (Zaru) of this place-name has led to the identification
of the city with Zaru or Zal (perhaps the modern Sele), the eastern
frontier fort of Egypt. Prof. Breasted, Prof. Steindorff, and the
writer, however, all came independently to the conclusion that Zarukha
must be the name of the palace-town of Amenophis III and Thŷi, which
is situated a little to the south of Medinet Habu; the lake mentioned
on this scarab is therefore to be identified with the modern Birket
Habu.
Footnote 138:
The numerals given on the Vatican scarab are blundered, and
consequently difficult to read.
Footnote 139:
Read _tahen_, not _neferu_; this is clear on the Vatican specimen. An
officer of this boat is mentioned on a stela in the Egyptian Museum of
the Louvre (C. 207).
------------------------------------------------------------------------
● Transcriber’s Notes:
○ On page 5 the Arabic خَاتَمٌ is “khatam” not “khatim,” as
described; the latter would be خَاتِمٌ. Both, however, may mean a
ring or signet.
○ Links were added from the LIST OF PLATES to each individual plate.
○ The footnotes were gathered and moved to a separate section of the
book (see Footnotes.)
○ On page 51 there were two sidenotes for “Class II”. The second was
changed to “Class III.”
○ Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected.
○ Typographical errors were silently corrected.
○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only
when a predominant form was found in this book.
○ Text that was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_).