CHAPTER III.

THE NEGRO AND THE WAR

[While the war lasted those of us who saw unpalatable truths were

compelled to do one of two things: either tell the truth as we saw it

and go to jail, or camouflage the truth that we had to tell. The present

writer told the truth for the most part, in so far as it related to our

race relations; but, in a few cases camouflage was safer and more

effective. That camouflage, however, was never of that truckling quality

which was accepted by the average American editor to such a nauseating

degree. I was well aware that Woodrow Wilson’s protestations of

democracy were lying protestations, consciously and deliberately

designed to deceive. What, then, was my duty in the face of that fact? I

chose to pretend that Woodrow Wilson meant what he said, because by so

doing I could safely hold up to contempt and ridicule the undemocratic

practices of his administration and the actions of his white countrymen

in regard to the Negro. How this was done is shown in the first two

editorials of the following chapter.]

_Is Democracy Unpatriotic?_

The present administration is all right. But it has its obstacles to

success. As usual some of the worst of these are its injudicious

“friends.” For instance, there are the people who are trying their best

to “queer” us in the eyes of civilized Europe. These silly souls, when

Negroes ask that the principle of “Justice in War Time”: be applied to

Negroes as well as whites, reply, in effect that this should not be;

that Negroes should not want Justice—in war time—and that any such

demand on their part is “disloyalty.” On the contrary, it is the fullest

loyalty to the letter and spirit of the President’s war-aims. To say

that it isn’t is to presume to accuse the President of having war-aims

other than those which he has set forth in the face of Europe.

Besides, no one can deny that freedom from lynching and disfranchisement

and the ending of discrimination—by the Red Cross for instance—will

strengthen the hand of the administration right now by strengthening its

hold on the hearts of the Negro masses and will make all

Negroes—soldiers as well as civilians—more competent to give effective

aid in winning the war.

Let us assume that we consent to being lynched—“during the war”—and

submit tamely and with commendable weakness to being Jim-crowed and

disfranchised. Very well. Will not that be the proof of our spirit and

of its quality? Of course. And what you _call_ that spirit won’t alter

its quality, will it? Now, ask all the peoples of all the world what

they call a people who smilingly consent to their own degradation and

destruction. They call such a people cowards—because they _are_ cowards.

In America we call such people “niggers.”

Is anyone unpatriotic enough to pretend that “cowards” can lick “Huns”?

No, this great world-task can be accomplished only by men—English men,

French men, Italian men, American men. Our country needs men now more

than it ever did before. And those who multiply its reserve of men are

adding to its strength. That is why the true patriots who really love

America and want it to win the war are asking America to change its

Negroes from “niggers” into men. Surely this is a patriotic request; and

any one who says that it isn’t must be prepared to maintain that

lynching, Jim-crow and disfranchisement are consistent with patriotism

and ought to be preserved. Reading the President’s proclamations in

reverent spirit, we deny both of these monstrous conclusions; and we

believe that we have on our side the President of America, the world’s

foremost champion of democracy who defined it as “the right of all those

who submit to authority to have a VOICE in their own government”—whether

it be in Germany or in Georgia. And we believe that the splendid spirit

of our common country, which has buckled on its sword in support of

“democracy” will support us in this reasonable contention. —July, 1918.

_Why Is the Red Cross?_

The Red Cross, or Geneva Association, was the product of a Swiss

infidel. He saw how cruel to man were those who loved God most—the

Christians—and, out of his large humanity and loving kindness, he

evolved an organization which should bring the charity of service to

lessen the lurid horrors of Christian battlefields.

A love that rose above the love of country—the love of human kind: this

was the proud principle of the Red Cross. Its nurses and its surgeons,

stretcher-bearers and assistants were supposed to bring relief to those

who were in pain, regardless of whether they were “friends” or

“enemies.” Discrimination was a word which did not exist for them: and

it is not supposed to exist now even as against the wounded German

aviator who has bombed a Red Cross hospital.

But, alack and alas! The splendid spirit of the Swiss infidel is

seemingly too high for Christian race-prejudice to reach. Where he would

not discriminate even against enemies, the American branch of his

international society is discriminating against most loyal friends and

willing helpers—when they are Negroes. Up to date the American Red Cross

Society, which receives government aid and co-operation to help win the

war, cannot cite the name of a single Negro woman as a nurse. True, it

says that it has “enrolled” some. This we refuse to believe. But even if

that were true, a nurse “enrolled” cannot save the life of any of our

soldiers in France.

The Red Cross says that it wants to win the war. What war? A white

people’s war, or America’s and the world’s? It this were a white

people’s war, as some seem to think, colored troops from Senegal, India,

Egypt, America and the West Indies would have been kept out of it. But

they were not, and we are driven to conclude that this is a world war.

Then why doesn’t the American Red Cross meet it in the spirit of the

President—of world democracy? The cry goes up for nurses to save the

lives of soldiers; yet here are thousands of Negro nurses whom the Red

Cross won’t accept. They must want to give Europe a “rotten” opinion of

American democracy. For we may be sure that these things are known in

Europe—even as our lynchings are. And anyone who would give Europe a

“rotten” opinion of America at this time is no friend of America.

The American Red Cross must be compelled to do America’s work in the

spirit in which America has entered the war. There need be no biting of

tongues: it must be compelled to forego Race Prejudice. If the

N.A.A.C.P. were truly what it pretends instead of a National Association

for the Advancement of Certain People, it would put its high-class

lawyers on the job and bring the case into the United States courts. It

would charge the American Red Cross with disloyalty to the war-aims of

America. And if it does not (in spite of the money which it got from the

“silent” protest parade and other moneys and legal talent at its

disposal) then it will merit the name which one of its own members gave

it—the National Association for the Acceptance of Color Proscription.

Get busy, “friends of the colored people”! For we are not disposed to

regard the camouflage of those who want nurses but do not want Negro

nurses in any other light than that of Bret Harte’s Truthful James:—

Which I wish to remark—

And my language is plain—

That for ways that are dark

And for tricks that are vain

The Heathen Chinee is peculiar:

Which the same I am free to maintain.

_A Hint of Our Reward_

The wisdom of our contemporary ancestors, having decided that “We

Negroes must make every sacrifice to help win the war and lay aside our

just demands for the present that we may win a shining place on the

pages of history,” it must be cold comfort to learn that the first

after-the-war schoolbook of American history is out, that it is written

by Reuben Gold Thwaites and Calvin Noyes Kendall, that it devotes

thirty-one pages to the war and America’s part in the war, and that _not

one word is said of the Negro’s part therein._

Of course, sensible men should feel no surprise at this, for they will

realize how little the part played by the Negro in the Civil War is

known by the millions of white school children who read the school

histories. Yet, if there is a spark of manhood left in the bosoms of our

“white men’s niggers” who sold us out during the war they must feel

pained and humiliated when the flood of after-the-war school histories,

of which this is the first, quietly sink the Negro’s contributions (as

chronicled by Mr. Emmett Scott and others) into the back waters of

forgetfulness.

The times change, but we don’t change with them.

_The Negro at the Peace Congress_

Now that they have helped to win the war against Germany, the Negro

people in these United States feel the absurdity of the situation in

which they find themselves. They have given lavishly of their blood and

treasure. They have sent their young men overseas as soldiers, and were

willing to send their young women overseas as nurses; but the innate

race-prejudice of the American Red Cross prevented them. They have

contributed millions of dollars to the funds of this same Red Cross and

scores of millions to the four Liberty Loans; and they have done all

this to help make the world “safe for democracy” even while in sixteen

States of the south in which nine-tenths of them reside, they have no

voice in their own government. Naturally they expect that something will

have to be done to remove their civil and other disabilities. This

expectation of theirs is a just and reasonable one. But— —

Now that the world is getting ready for the Peace Congress which is

expected to settle _the questions about which the war was fought_ our

Negroes want to know if the Peace Congress will settle such questions as

those of lynching, disfranchisement and segregation. IT WILL NOT! And

why? Simply because the war was not fought over these questions. Even a

fool can see that. Lynching, disfranchisement and Jim-crowing in America

are questions of American domestic policy and can be regulated only by

American law-making and administrative bodies. Even a fool should be

able to see this. And, since it was only by the military aid of the

United States that the Allies were able to win the war, why should our

people be stupid enough to think that the allied nations will aim a slap

at the face of the United States (even if such things were customary) by

attempting to interfere in her domestic arrangements and institutions?

We learn that various bodies of Negroes, who do not seem to understand

the modern system of political government under which they live, are

seeking to get money from the unsuspecting masses of our people “for the

purpose of sending delegates to the Peace Congress.” The project is

sublimely silly. In the first place, the Peace Congress is not open to

anybody who chooses to be sent. A peep into any handbook of modern

history would show that Peace Congresses are made up only of delegates

chosen by the heads of the governments of the countries which have been

at war, and never by civic, propaganda, or other bodies within those

nations. Only the President of the United States has power to designate

the American delegates to the Peace Congress.

Of course, if any body of people wish to send a visitor to Versailles or

Paris _at their expense_, the government of the United States has

nothing to do with that and would not prevent it. But such visitor,

lacking credentials from the President, could not get within a block of

the Peace Congress. They can (if they read French) get from the papers

published in the city where the Congress meets so much of the

proceedings as the Congress may choose to give to the press. But that is

all; and for that it is not necessary to go to France. Just send to

France for copies of _Le Temps_ or _Le Matin_ and prevent a useless

waste of the money of poor people who can ill afford it in any case.

“But,” we are told, “such person or persons can make propaganda (in

France) which will force the Peace Congress to consider American

lynching, disfranchisement and segregation,” Passing over the argument

that such person or persons would have to be able to write French

fluently, we wish to point out that the public sentiment of even one

French city takes more than a month to work up; that the sentiment of

one French city can have but slight weight with the Congress, and that,

if it could rise to the height of embarrassing them, the French

authorities would sternly put it down and banish the troublesome

persons. Karl Marx, Prince Kropotkin, Malatesta and Lenine are cases in

point as showing what France has done under less provoking

circumstances.

Let us not try to play the part of silly fools. Lynching,

disfranchisement and segregation are evils HERE; and the place in which

we must fight them is HERE. If foolish would-be leaders have no plan to

lay before our people for the fighting HERE, in God’s name, let them say

so, and stand out of the way! Let us gird up our loins for the stern

tasks which lie before us HERE and address ourselves to them with

courage and intelligence.

_Africa and the Peace_

“This war, disguise it how we may, is really being fought over African

questions.” So said Sir Harry Johnston, one of the foremost authorities

on Africa, in the London Sphere in June, 1917. We wonder if the Negroes

of the Western world quite realize what this means. Wars are not fought

for ideals but for lands whose populations can be put to work, for

resources that can be minted into millions, for trade that can be made

to enrich the privileged few. When King Leopold of Belgium and Thomas

Fortune Ryan of New York joined hands to exploit the wealth of the Congo

they did it with oiled phrases on their lips. They called that land of

horrors and of shame “The Congo FREE State!”

And, so, when Nations go to war, they never openly declare what they

WANT. They must camouflage their sordid greed behind some sounding

phrase like “freedom of the seas,” “self-determination,” “liberty” or

“democracy.” But only the ignorant millions ever think that those are

the real objects of their bloody rivalries. When the war is over, the

mask is dropped, and then they seek “how best to scramble at the

shearers’ feast.” It is then that they disclose their real war aims.

One of the most striking cases in point is the present peace congress.

Already President Wilson has had to go to look after democracy himself.

Already responsible heads of the Allied governments are making it known

that “freedom of the seas” means a benevolent naval despotism maintained

by them, and that “democracy” means simply the transfer of Germany’s

African lands to England and the others. Africa at the peace table

constitutes the real stakes which the winners will rake in. We may read

in headlines the startling item “Negroes Ask For German Colonies,” but

Negroes of sense should not be deluded. They will not get them because

they have no battleships, no guns, no force, military or financial. They

are not a Power.

Despite the pious piffle of nice old gentlemen like Professor Kelly

Miller, the King-word of modern nations is POWER. It is only Sunday

school “kids” and people of child-races who take seriously such fables

as that in the “Band of Hope Review” when we were children that “the

secret of England’s greatness is the Bible.” The secret of England’s

greatness (as well as of any other great nation’s) is not bibles but

bayonets—bayonets, business and brains. As long as the white nations

have a preponderance of these, so long will they rule. Ask Japan: she

knows. And as long as the lands of Africa can yield billions of

business, so long will white brains use bayonets to keep them—as the

British government did last year in Nigeria.

_Africa is turning over in her sleep, and this agitation now going on

among American Negroes for the liberation of Africa is a healthy sign of

her restlessness. But it is no more than that._ Africa’s hands are tied,

and, so tied, she will be thrown upon the peace table. Let us study how

to unloose her bonds later. Instead of futile expectations from the

doubtful generosity of white land-grabbers, let us American Negroes go

to Africa, live among the natives and LEARN WHAT THEY HAVE TO TEACH US

(for they have much to teach us). Let us go there—not in the

coastlands,—but in the interior, in Nigeria and Nyassaland; let us study

engineering and physics, chemistry and commerce, agriculture and

industry; let us learn more of nitrates, of copper, rubber and

electricity; so will we know why Belgium, France, England and Germany

want to be in Africa. Let us begin by studying the scientific works of

the African explorers and stop reading and believing the silly slush

which ignorant missionaries put into our heads about the alleged

degradation of our people in Africa. Let us learn to know Africa and

Africans so well that every educated Negro will be able at a glance to

put his hand on the map of Africa and tell where to find the Jolofs,

Ekois, Mandingoes, Yorubas, Bechuanas or Basutos and can tell something

of their marriage customs, their property laws, their agriculture and

systems of worship. For, not until we can do this will it be seemly for

us to pretend to be anxious about their political welfare.

Indeed, it would be well now for us to establish friendly relations and

correspondence with our brothers at home. For we don’t know enough about

them to be able to do them any good at THIS peace congress (even if we

were graciously granted seats there); but fifty years from now—WHO

KNOWS?

_“They Shall Not Pass!”_

When heroic France was holding the Kaiser’s legions at bay her

inflexible resolution found expression in the phrase, “Ils ne passeront

pas!”—they shall not pass! The white statesmen who run our government in

Washington seem to have adopted the poilu’s watchword in a less worthy

cause. The seventy-odd Negro “delegates” to the Peace Congress who have

got themselves “elected” at mass-meetings and concerts for the purpose

of going to France are not going—unless they can walk, swim, or fly. For

the government will not issue passports for them.

Of course, the government is not telling them so in plain English. That

wouldn’t be like our government. It merely makes them wait while their

money melts away. Day after day and week after week, they wearily wend

their way to the official Circumlocution Office where they receive a

reply considered sufficient for their child-minds: “Not yet.”

It is many weeks since Madam Walker, Mr. Trotter, Judge Harrison and

other lesser lights were elected, but “They shall not pass!” says the

government with the backing of Emmett Scott. THE VOICE holds no brief

for these people: in fact it has taken the trouble to tell them more

than once how silly their project was. But it is not out of order to

inquire why the government will not let them go, and to find an answer

to that question.

The government will not let them go to France, because the government’s

conscience is not clear. And the government ordered that ludicrous

lackey, Mr. R. R. Moton, to go—for the same reason. In fact, the

creation of sinecures for Mr. Scott and the other barnacles is due

largely to an uneasy conscience. How would it look to have Negroes

telling all Europe that the land which is to make the world “safe for

democracy” is rotten with race-prejudice; Jim-crows Negro officers on

ships coming over from France and on trains run under government

control; condones lynching by silent acquiescence and refuses to let its

Negro heroes vote as citizens in that part of the country in which

nine-tenths of them live. This wouldn’t do at all.

Therefore: They shall not pass! And if, finally, the government, nettled

by such criticisms, should lift the ban when the Peace Congress is

practically over, the Negroes of America may be sure that those

permitted to go will be carefully hand-picked.

But what is the matter with America as a land for pioneer work in

planting democracy? Are these Negro _emigrés_ afraid to face the white

men here in the Republican Party or any other and raise Hades until the

Constitution is enforced? Is cowardice the real reason for their running

to France to uncork their mouths? It looks very much like it. Ladies and

gentlemen: don’t run. The fight is here, and here you will be compelled

to face it, or report to us the reason why.

_A Cure for the Ku-Klux_

It was in the city of Pulaski in Giles County, Tennessee, that the

original Ku-Klux Klan was organized in the latter part of 1865. The war

had hardly been declared officially at an end when the cowardly

“crackers” who couldn’t lick the Yankees began organizing to take it out

of the Negroes. They passed laws declaring that any black man who

couldn’t show three hundred dollars should be declared a vagrant; that

every vagrant should be put to work in the chain-gang on the public

works of their cities; that three Negroes should not gather together

unless a white man was with them, and other such methods were used as

were found necessary to maintain “white supremacy.” When the national

Congress met in December, 1865, it looked upon these light diversions

with an unfriendly eye and, noting that nothing short of the

re-enslavement of the Negroes would satisfy the “crackers,” it kept them

out of Congress until they would agree to do better. Finding that they

were stiff-necked, Congress passed the 14th and 15th amendments and put

the “cracker” states under military rule until they accepted the

amendments. The result was that the Negro got the ballot as a protection

from “the people who know him best.”

In the meanwhile, the Ku-Klux after rampaging around under the

leadership of that traitor, General Nathaniel B. Forrest, was put

down-for good, as it was thought. Today, after the Negro has been

stripped of the ballot’s protection by the connivance of white

Republicans in Washington and white Democrats at the South, the Ku-Klux

dares to raise its ugly head in its ancestral state of Tennessee. This

time they want to increase that fine brand of democracy which every

coward editor knows that Negroes were getting when they were bidding

them to be patriotic. The Ku-Klux means to shoot them into submission

and torture them into terror before they get to showing their wounds and

asking for the ballot as a recompense.

In this crisis what have the Negro “leaders” got to say on their

people’s behalf? Where is Emmett Scott? Where are Mr. Moton and Dr. Du

Bois? What will the N.A.A.C.P. do besides writing frantic letters? We

fear that they can never rise above the level of appeals. But suppose

the common Negro in Tennessee decides to take a hand in the game?

Suppose he lets it be known that for the life of every Negro soldier or

civilian, two “crackers” will die? Suppose he lets them know that it

will be as costly to kill Negroes as it would be to kill real people?

Then indeed the Ku-Klux would be met upon its own ground. And why not?

All our laws, even in Tennessee, declare that lynching and white-capping

are crimes against the person. All our laws declare that people singly

or in groups have the right to kill in defense of their lives. And if

the Ku-Klux prevents the officers of the law from enforcing that law,

then it is up to Negroes to help the officers by enforcing the law on

their own account. Why shouldn’t they do it? Lead and steel, fire and

poison are just as potent against “crackers” as they were against

Germans, and democracy is as well worth fighting for in Tennessee as

ever it was on the plains of France. Not until the Negroes of the south

recognize this truth will anybody else recognize it for them.

“Hereditary bondmen, know ye not

Who would be free themselves must strike the blow?”

When Africa awakes The "inside story" of the stirrings and strivings of the new Negro in the Western world · 第 3 / 9 章