CHAPTER XLIV.

[Sidenote: Repeal of Corporation and Test Acts, May, 1828.]

In November (1826) a new Parliament met. Of the old city members only

one--viz., Matthew Wood, the popular alderman--retained his seat. He

was joined by two other aldermen, one of them being the no less popular

Waithman, and a commoner. The questions most pressing were Catholic

Emancipation and Parliamentary Reform. The latter had been long urged

by the City. As regards the emancipation of Catholics, the City had at

one time shown considerable opposition. In 1790, the Common Council

expressed itself as anxious to strengthen the hands of those friends of

the established church who had twice successfully opposed in Parliament

the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts--a necessary preliminary to

Catholic emancipation--and had called upon the city members and those

of the Common Council who had seats in Parliament, to resist any future

attempt that might be made in the same direction.[789] Since that time

the citizens had changed their minds, and we find them now (May, 1827),

passing resolutions against the iniquity of making the solemn ordinance

of the Lord's Supper "a qualification and passport for power," and

congratulating the king upon his having placed Canning, a notorious

friend of Catholic emancipation, in power.[790]

Canning unfortunately died before he was able to accomplish anything

in this direction, and his successor, Goderich was deficient in

moral backbone; but early in 1828 the Duke of Wellington became Prime

Minister, and upon a motion made by Lord John Russell, a Bill was

introduced for the repeal of the Corporation and Test Acts. A simple

declaration that an applicant for office would not compromise the

Established Church, was to be substituted for the old sacramental test.

During the passage of the Bill through the Lords, the City endeavoured

to get certain amendments introduced, for the purpose chiefly of

protecting members of the Common Council from incurring penalties and

forfeitures imposed by the Bill, but in this they failed.[791] The Bill

passed, and a great step towards Catholic emancipation was thus gained.

The same principle which prompted the City to urge the repeal of

these Acts, also prompted them in later years to petition Parliament,

and themselves to pass resolutions in favour of the abolition of

unnecessary oaths.[792]

[Sidenote: The Catholic Emancipation Bill, April, 1829.]

Renewed activity on the part of the Catholic Association in Ireland,

and the return of O'Connell for County Clare, hastened Catholic

emancipation. The question was taken up by Peel, hitherto an

anti-Catholic. He succeeded in winning over the Duke of Wellington, and

the latter at last persuaded the king to promise some concession at the

opening of Parliament on the 5th February, 1829. The City voted Peel

the Freedom in a gold box and thanked the Duke of Wellington.[793] The

Common Council at the same time presented addresses to both Houses

praying them to support the measures about to be introduced.[794] A

Bill, giving effect to the intentions of the Government, was brought

in on the 5th March. The king who had reluctantly consented to its

introduction resisted to the last, but was compelled to give way, and

on the 14th April the Bill became law.

[Sidenote: Addresses on accession of William IV, June-July, 1830.]

The other pressing question of the day, viz., Parliamentary Reform,

awaited settlement under a new king and a new Parliament. On the 26th

June, 1830, George IV died, and his eldest surviving brother, the Duke

of Clarence, was welcomed by the City as his successor under the title

of William IV. The City--both Aldermen and Common Council--lost no

time in presenting the usual congratulatory addresses,[795] but not a

word was said on the subject that was about to move the country from

one end to the other. A month later (28th July) the livery prepared a

long address, in which, disclaiming "the fulsome strains of unmeaning

flattery," such as they declared had been poured into the royal ear

"from more than one body of men in the city of London already," they

respectfully but firmly laid before the new king a representation of

what they believed to be the true state of affairs. The chief grievance

of the country, they said, lay in the fact that the great body of the

people who paid taxes, had no control whatever over those who falsely

called themselves the representatives of the people; and they expressed

their long-confirmed and deep-rooted conviction that this and all other

evils had arisen from the people not being properly represented in

the House of Commons. Notwithstanding former rebuffs they desired that

their address should be received by the king on his throne. As this

could not be--although the king expressed his willingness to receive it

at the next levée, or through the secretary of state--the address was

not presented at all.[796]

[Sidenote: A General Election, July, 1830.]

The accession of a new king necessitated the dissolution of Parliament

and fresh elections. These took place amid great excitement, for

already the country was agitating by means of political unions for

Parliamentary reform. At their close it was found that the Government,

although losing many seats, still retained a majority. No change was

made in the city members.

[Sidenote: Opening of the new parliament, 2 Nov., 1830.]

When parliament met on the 2nd November, the country was on the tip-toe

of expectation as to what the ministry would do. Would the Duke of

Wellington continue to ignore the manifest will of the nation or would

he give way? He did the first. He not only declared that the country

was satisfied with the existing state of things, but he pledged himself

to oppose any measure of Parliamentary reform that might be proposed

by others. Here was a distinct challenge to the reformers, a challenge

which they were not slow to take up. That same night Brougham, who had

been returned to Parliament for Yorkshire, free of expense, gave notice

that on the 16th, he would bring forward a motion for reform. Before

that day arrived the ministry had resigned.

[Sidenote: The king's visit to the city postponed.]

In the meanwhile, the new king had received a cordial invitation to

dine at the Guildhall on any day most convenient, and his majesty had

graciously accepted the invitation, and had named the 9th November,

lord mayor's day.[797] He chose that day for the reason probably that

it was customary for a new sovereign to honour the citizens with his

presence on the first lord mayor's day after his accession. Extensive

preparations had already been made to give the king a befitting

reception, when on the 7th November, Sir Robert Peel informed the

outgoing mayor by letter, that his majesty had been advised to forego

his visit to the city, for fear lest his presence might give occasion

to riot and tumult, and endanger the property and lives of his

subjects. The fact was, that the lord mayor elect (Sir John Key) had,

on his own responsibility, written to the Duke of Wellington warning

him of danger. A copy of his letter was read before the Common Council

on the 8th, when exception was taken to it as being "indiscreet and

unauthorised." After considerable debate, a resolution was at length

drawn up to the effect that in the opinion of the court "neither riot

nor commotion was to be apprehended had his majesty and his royal

consort ... condescended to honour the city of London with their

presence; and that had evil disposed and disaffected persons made

attempts to excite commotion or disturbance on that occasion, the

most perfect reliance might have been placed on the good feeling and

spontaneous exertions of the great mass of the population of London

to co-operate with the civil power in effectually suppressing such

attempts and preserving the public tranquility."[798] This was all very

well. Nevertheless, in spite of all precautions taken by the civic

authorities, and although the king and his ministers, who had given so

much offence by opposing the popular will, refrained from entering the

city, an affray actually took place at Temple Bar, in which one of the

city marshals was severely wounded in the head.[799]

[Sidenote: Resolutions of Co. Co. _re_ Reform. 15 Nov., 1830.]

On the 15th November, the day that the Wellington ministry received

its _coup de grace_, a Common Council was summoned to sit at the

Mansion House, in order to consider Brougham's motion, which was to

be made in parliament the following day. It then passed the following

resolutions:--[800]

"RESOLVED that this court, as the representative body of the citizens

of London, having at various times expressed its opinion of the

propriety and necessity of a revision of the present state of the

representation of the commons in parliament, is called upon in an

especial manner at the present moment (after the declaration of the

first minister of the crown, that the representation is satisfactory to

the country), to make a renewed avowal of its conviction that the House

of Commons as at present constituted is as far from being satisfactory

to the country as it is from being a real representation of the people.

"RESOLVED that the power now exercised by various peers and other

interested persons of returning a large portion of the members, is

wholly incompatible with the true end and design of a House of Commons,

which in principle and in practice, ought to be a representation not

of a private, but of general interests, an effectual control upon

taxation and the public expenditure, and the organ by which the commons

of the realm may fully exercise that share in the legislature to which,

by the constitution they are entitled.

"RESOLVED that petitions founded upon these resolutions, be forthwith

presented to both Houses of Parliament, praying them to institute a

full and faithful inquiry into the state of the representation with

the view to the remedying of such defects therein as time and various

encroachments have produced, so as to give real effect to the essential

principles of the constitution, namely, that members of parliament

shall be freely chosen, that peers shall not interfere in elections,

and that in the House of Commons, the king may with truth, be said to

meet his people in parliament." Before the petitions could be laid

before parliament,[801] the ministry had resigned.

[Sidenote: The Reform Bill introduced, 1 March, 1831.]

The new prime minister was Lord Grey, who, as a young man, had urged

the necessity of parliamentary reform as early as 1792. Among those

who were content to accept office under the new ministry, although in

an inferior capacity, was Lord John Russell, who had also done good

service for the cause, and who was now to be entrusted with the task

of introducing the long looked for Bill. On the 1st March (1831) the

first Reform Bill, which for the last sixty years the City had been

anxiously awaiting, and for which it had agitated with all the forces

at its command, was at length brought in.

[Sidenote: The Bill approved by Common Council and Livery.]

As soon as the provisions of the Bill became known the Common Council,

who had hitherto refrained from expressing any opinion upon the

nature of the change that had taken place in the ministry, hastened

to express their satisfaction to the king at the policy adopted by

his new ministers;--"We beg to assure your Majesty that having long

entertained a deep and increasing conviction of the necessity of a

reform in the representation of the people in the Commons House of

Parliament, we have looked forward with the greatest anxiety to the

course which your Majesty's ministers would adopt in reference to

that important subject; and we now feel ourselves imperatively called

upon, humbly and dutifully, to express to your Majesty our entire

satisfaction at the principles of the measure that has been introduced,

under their sanction, to the Honorable House of Commons."[802] The

livery, too, presented an address in much the same terms, although by

the provisions of the Bill nonresident liverymen were threatened with

exclusion from the franchise. The Bill, they said, afforded a clear

proof of the sincerity and honesty of his majesty's ministers, and

entitled them to the best thanks and lasting gratitude of the country.

They further presented addresses in the same strain to both Houses

of Parliament.[803] The Court of Aldermen, on the other hand, were

as little enamoured of reform as the Lords, and thought it best to

say nothing beyond what they were committed to in the address of the

Common Council.

[Sidenote: Dissolution of Parliament, 22 April, 1831.]

The debate on the first reading lasted seven nights. When the second

reading came on the Bill passed, but only by a bare majority. A hostile

amendment was subsequently carried in committee by a majority of eight,

and thereupon the government withdrew the Bill, and Parliament was

dissolved in order that the question might be submitted to the country

(22 April). A special Court of Common Council was summoned to meet on

the 27th, when the committee which had been recently appointed to watch

the proceedings in Parliament relative to the Bill, reported the fact

of the dissolution, and recommended the City to place on record its

"cordial gratitude" to the king for having thus given the country an

opportunity of expressing its wishes. A resolution was thereupon passed

to that effect. This was followed by another resolution expressing

a fervent hope that at the general election about to take place all

minor considerations might give way to the one great duty of promoting

the country's welfare, and that only such members would be returned

as would unequivocally pledge themselves to support his majesty's

ministers in carrying the great question of reform to a successful

issue. By so doing they would overthrow "a faction arrayed in hostility

against the liberties of their country, and seeking to maintain

themselves in the usurpation of a power unknown to the constitution,

and no less injurious to the prerogatives of the Crown than distinctive

to the legitimate rights of the People."[804] The lord mayor had

already received notice that in view of the elections which were to

take place in the city on the 29th orders had been given that no troops

should enter or be quartered in the city for one day at least previous

to the day of election nor until one day at least after the closing of

the poll. These steps were taken pursuant to Stat. 8 George II, c. 30,

but the Court of Aldermen affected some surprise and the Town Clerk was

instructed to ascertain whether similar orders had usually been given

on the occasion of previous elections.[805]

[Sidenote: The Reform Bill passes the Commons, 21 Sept., 1831.]

The elections, which were carried on amid the greatest excitement,

and no little riot and disorder, proved strongly in favour of the

reformers. In the city the three aldermen, viz., Wood, Waithman and

Thompson, who sat in the last Parliament, were again returned, but

William Ward, who had been one of the city's representatives since

1826, was strongly advised not to put up again for fear of some

personal violence being offered him,[806] and his seat was taken by

Venables, another alderman. The Bill, in a slightly amended form, was

again brought in, and eventually passed the Commons (21 Sept.).

[Sidenote: The Bill rejected by the Lords, 8 Oct.]

The livery of London, as well as the Common Council, had been anxious

to petition the Lords to give their assent to the Bill, even before it

had left the Commons. The livery, indeed, had drafted their petition

two days before the Bill passed the Commons.[807] The Common Council

were less precipitate, and waited until the 27th before they drew up

their petition.[808] The Court of Aldermen again kept silence. The

country waited with anxiety to see what the Lords would do. It had

not long to wait. On the first reading the Bill was thrown out by a

majority of forty-one (8 Oct.).

[Sidenote: City address to the king on rejection of Bill by Lords, 8

Oct., 1831.]

The opponents of the measure believed and hoped that the fate of the

ministry was now sealed. The day that the Bill was rejected by the

Lords another Common Council was summoned for the purpose of taking

into consideration what under the circumstances was best to be done.

It forthwith resolved to draw up an address to the king expressive

of the City's bitter disappointment at the Lords "having turned a

deaf ear to the nation's voice, and thrown out the great Bill for

consolidating the peace, prosperity and liberties of the people," and

of its continued confidence in his majesty's ministers. The address

concluded with a solemn warning that unless the country received some

assurance that a Bill, similar to that which had been just rejected,

would soon be passed, nothing could prevent "the most fearful national

commotions."[809]

[Sidenote: The king's reply, 12 Oct.]

The king received the address very graciously and thanked the City for

its expressions of confidence and loyalty. He assured the citizens

of his desire to uphold the just rights of the people, and of his

determination to further the promotion of such measures as might seem

best calculated for that purpose; and he concluded by recommending

those present to use all their influence with their fellow citizens for

the purpose of preventing acts of violence and commotion.[810]

[Sidenote: Address of the livery, 10 Oct., 1831.]

The livery were scarcely less prompt in assuring the king of their

loyalty, and their confidence in the existing government:--"We venture

humbly to represent to your majesty our belief that under the present

trying and difficult circumstances, the security of public credit and

the preservation of the public peace depend upon their continuance in

office." No other ministers, they went on to say, would possess the

same esteem and confidence of the country, and they only were in a

position to carry the Bill.[811] At the same time they passed a vote of

thanks to the ministers "for their honest, firm, and patriotic course

of conduct."

[Sidenote: Agitation in the country, Oct.-Nov., 1831.]

The City's prognostications of evil arising out of the Lords' refusal

to bow to the will of the nation were fully justified. The streets of

London and other large towns became the scenes of disorderly riots. At

Derby the houses of those opposed to reform were attacked by the mob

and their windows smashed. The ancient castle of Nottingham, once a

royal residence, was fired and reduced to a pile of smoking ruins. At

Birmingham a meeting was held at which those who were present pledged

themselves to pay no taxes if the Reform Bill were again rejected,[812]

whilst at Bristol, nearly a whole square was burnt by the mob.[813]

The political unions that had sprung up all over the country resolved

to increase their strength by the formation of a National Political

Union, which should have its head-quarters in London. To this end, a

meeting was held in Lincoln's Inn Fields, on the 31st of October, with

Sir Francis Burdett in the chair. The proceedings, however, took such

a radical turn that before long Burdett withdrew his name from the

association. The government, too, became alarmed at the prospect of a

meeting announced to be held on the 7th November. Orders were given

to swear in special constables, the whole of the recently established

(1829) police force was to be held in readiness, and a large body of

troops was quartered in the neighbourhood of the capital ready to put

down any disturbance that might arise. On the 4th November--three days

before the proposed meeting--a royal proclamation was read before

the Court of Aldermen calling upon all his majesty's liege subjects

to assist the civil magistrates in putting down disturbances as soon

as any should appear, and to aid in the preservation of the peace.

Thereupon a resolution was passed to the effect that each member of the

Court in his respective ward should immediately enroll and swear in a

number of special constables to assist the magistracy upon any tumult,

riot, outrage or breach of the peace occurring within the city.[814]

Thanks to the precautions thus taken, and to the advice given to

the leaders of the movement by Lord Melbourne, the meeting was not

held.[815]

[Sidenote: Votes of thanks to Sir John Key, mayor, Nov., 1831.]

On the 9th November, Sir John Key, the lord mayor, entered upon his

second year of office, having been re-elected by the livery, and

forced upon the Court of Aldermen for a second term.[816] The Common

Council, as was usual, acknowledged his services of the past year,

and more particularly his "vigilant superintendence of the police,"

which had conduced so much to the peace of the city, with a formal

vote of thanks.[817] Two days previously (15 Nov.), when a similar

vote had been proposed in the Court of Aldermen, it failed to pass

for lack of a _quorum_,[818] and the matter was allowed to drop. The

livery had already tendered him their thanks, not only for the zeal

he had displayed in the cause of parliamentary reform, but also for

his consenting to undertake another year of office and for upholding

the election rights of the livery against the "secret tribunal" of the

Court of Aldermen.[819]

[Sidenote: Lords Grey and Althorp voted the Freedom of the City, 26

April, 1832.]

On the 12th December (1831) the Bill was again brought in by Lord John

Russell and on the 23rd March (1832), it passed the Commons. The second

reading of the Bill took place in the Lords on the 14th April, and was

carried by a majority of nine; after which both Houses rose for the

Easter recess. Before they met again the Common Council had voted Earl

Grey and Viscount Althorp, the chancellor of the exchequer, the Freedom

of the City, (both of whom graciously acknowledged the compliment),

and had drawn up a petition to the Lords, to be presented by the Duke

of Sussex, praying them to pass the Bill with the least possible

delay.[820]

[Sidenote: Resignation of the ministry, 9 May, 1832.]

When, after the recess, the Bill came again before the Lords (7 May),

the government found themselves beaten on an amendment introduced by

Lord Lyndhurst, who had been chancellor in Wellington's ministry.[821]

Grey who had been constantly urged to advise the king to create a

sufficient number of new peers to insure the passing of the Bill, now

asked him to cut the Gordian knot by the creation of fifty new peers.

The king, however, was becoming frightened at the determined attitude

of the country, and declined. Thereupon the minister tendered his

resignation (9 May).

[Sidenote: City petition to Parliament, 10 May, 1832.]

The news that the ministers had resigned was received with howls of

indignation throughout the country. The papers appeared with a black

edge of deep mourning. The National Union decreed that whoever should

advise a dissolution was an enemy to the country. The day following

the resignation of the government a special Court of Common Council

met and drew up a petition to the House of Commons, expressing their

mortification and disappointment at finding that his majesty had

refused his ministers the means of carrying the Bill through the House

of Lords. They, too, like the National Union, were of opinion that

whoever advised his majesty to withhold from his ministers the means

of ensuring the success of the Reform Bill, had proved themselves

the enemies of their sovereign, and had "put to imminent hazard the

stability of the throne, and the tranquillity and security of the

country," and they prayed the House to withhold all supplies until the

Bill had passed.[822] The city members and those of the Common Council

who had seats in Parliament were urged to support the prayer of the

petition, and to decline voting any supplies until the Reform Bill

should have been satisfactorily secured, and a joint committee of all

the aldermen and commoners of the city was appointed to sit from day to

day, to promote the object they had so much at heart.[823]

[Sidenote: Proceedings of Common Hall, 11 May, 1832.]

The next day (11 May), the livery met in Common Hall and drew up

an address to the king. The defeat of the Bill, to pass which the

electors of the country had specially sent their representatives to

Parliament--the defeat of the Bill by a small majority in the House of

Lords, had (they said), "spread terror and dismay" among his majesty's

subjects, and threatened the credit, the tranquillity, the institutions

of the country. At such a crisis the livery of London could not do

less than pray his majesty to "adopt such measures as are provided

by the constitution" (in other words, create a sufficient number of

peers) for the purpose of removing all obstacles to the Bill.[824]

Not content with appealing to the king, they called upon the House of

Commons to exercise their right, given them for the good and welfare of

the nation, and to refuse any further supplies until the Bill should

have become law.[825] They, further, passed a number of resolutions

upholding the conduct of Lord Grey and his colleagues in the ministry,

and condemning those, who like the Duke of Wellington and others,

were at that moment attempting "to mislead and delude the people by

pretended plans of reform," after defeating "the people's Bill."[826]

[Sidenote: Another City address to the king, 14 May, 1832.]

For a whole week the country was kept in a state of suspense, anxiously

waiting to see whether the Duke of Wellington, who had declared his

willingness to accept office and to give his support to a less complete

measure of reform, would succeed in forming an administration or not.

Whilst negotiations were being carried on the Common Council met (14

May), and drew up a long and strongly-worded address ending with a

declaration that they--the lord mayor, aldermen and Common Council

of the city of London--would be wanting in their duty to themselves

and to posterity, if they did not express their overwhelming sorrow

at the resignation of his majesty's late honest ministers, and their

serious apprehension that unless Lord Grey and his colleagues were

promptly recalled and allowed to pass the Reform Bill unmutilated and

unimpaired, the country would witness those "calamities which have

affected other nations when struggling to be free."[827] There would,

in fact, be a revolution, such as had been witnessed in France at the

close of the last century.

[Sidenote: Re-call of Earl Grey's ministry, 18 May, 1832.]

When the sheriffs applied for an appointment to be made for the

reception of the address, they were put off from time to time.

Thereupon, the matter was taken up by the recently appointed joint

committee, and on the 18th, they had an interview with Earl Grey, but

by that time matters had been accommodated, and there was no longer

any occasion for presenting the address. The Duke of Wellington had

three days before (15 May), communicated to the king his inability to

form a ministry, and on the evening of the 18th, formal announcement

was made to both houses that Earl Grey and his colleagues had been

recalled and were in a position to carry through the Bill unimpaired

in efficiency and without mutilation.[828] The Common Council took an

early opportunity of expressing their utmost satisfaction at the turn

of affairs, and passed resolutions to that effect, which were ordered

to be delivered to the secretary of state, and also to be published in

all the morning and evening newspapers.[829]

[Sidenote: The Reform Bill becomes law, 7 June, 1832.]

The question naturally arose whence this confidence of the recalled

ministry? Was the House of Lords to be swamped by the creation of a

batch of new peers, or had an arrangement been made for securing the

withdrawal of the requisite number of opposition peers? The answer was

soon forthcoming. When the Bill again came before the lords, the Duke

of Wellington left the house, and was followed by about a hundred other

peers. The bishops withdrew in a body, and the Bill, with some trifling

alterations, which the Commons readily accepted, was passed by a large

majority (4 June), and three days later received the royal assent.

[Sidenote: The rights of the livery saved.]

The Bill as introduced in December last, had to undergo some

alterations in order that the proposed plan of reform might embrace

the livery franchise peculiar to the city of London. The necessity

of amendments in this direction did not escape the attention of the

committee appointed on the 21st April (1831), to watch the course of

the Reform Bill and to give support to Earl Grey's ministry; and the

day after the Bill had received the royal assent, this committee had

the satisfaction of reporting to the Common Council that the most

important of the amendments proposed by them had been adopted and

introduced in the Act.[830]

[Sidenote: Celebration of Reform at Guildhall, 11 July, 1832.]

The citizens were immensely pleased at the success which, after so

long a struggle, had at last attended their efforts to secure a better

representation of the people in the House of Commons. The measure was

not and could not be final, but it was a step, and a long step in the

right direction, and as such, the Common Council resolved that it

should be publicly celebrated, and honour given to those to whom honour

was due in effecting its accomplishment. An Irish and a Scottish Reform

Bill were still before parliament, but as the passing of these measures

was looked upon as a foregone conclusion, they were not allowed to

stand in the way of the City's proposed celebration of the passing of

the English Bill. Earl Grey and Lord Althorp had not yet received the

Freedom of the City voted in April last. It was therefore arranged

that the Freedom should be conferred upon these ministers with all

the pomp and ceremony that befitted the occasion on Wednesday, the

11th July,[831] and that the presentation should be followed by an

entertainment at the Guildhall, given to all those members of the House

of Commons who had voted for the third reading of the Bill, as well as

to those peers who had voted against Lord Lyndhurst's amendment, and

such other noblemen and gentlemen as had lent their aid to the cause.

In acknowledging the honour conferred upon him Earl Grey paid befitting

tribute to the City's influence in the commercial world, its loyalty

to the constitution, and its love of freedom "never more conspicuously

manifested" than during recent events.[832] A book containing the

autographs of the principal guests, among whom was the Duke of Sussex,

is preserved in the Guildhall library, as well as a medal struck in

commemoration of the passing of the Bill.[833]

[Sidenote: A retrospect.]

With this signal triumph of the people, to which the city of London had

contributed so much, the present work is brought to a close. No good

end would be served by entering the domain of contemporary politics.

Enough has been set out in these pages to convince the impartial

reader that the city of London is no mean city; that it possesses a

record equal, if not indeed superior, to that of any other city in

the Universe, ancient or modern, and that its wealth and influence

have ever been devoted to the cause of religious, social and political

freedom. Notwithstanding anything its detractors may say, the City has

not only marched with the age, it has for the most part been a leader

of public opinion, and has shown itself in advance of the age. It

is to three notable aldermen of the city, viz., Oliver, Crosby, and

Wilkes, be it remembered, that the country is indebted for the liberty

of the press, and the freedom of reporting Parliamentary debates, so

long jealously withheld. Had it not been for the determined attitude

of these aldermen the country might have waited still longer for

Parliament to be brought to realise that its proceedings are (so to

speak) public property. It was Wilkes, again, and his brother aldermen

who made a successful stand against the pernicious, if lawful, custom

of pressing men for the king's service, the result being that whilst

the rest of the kingdom was over-run with press-gangs, the city of

London was quit of them, or if any ventured to seize the person of a

citizen, they were soon made to surrender their prey.

[Sidenote: Enfranchisement of Jews.]

If other evidence, beyond what appears in these pages, were wanting in

proof of the enlightened policy pursued by the Corporation of London,

it will be found in the fact that Jews were enfranchised and admitted

into the city's council and to all municipal offices long before they

gained admission into the council of the nation. In December, 1830,

the Common Council passed a Bill for extending the Freedom of the City

to all natural born subjects, not professing the Christian religion

but in other respects qualified, upon their taking the Freeman's oath

according to the forms of their own religion.[834] Five years later

David Salomons, a Jew, was admitted to the shrievalty. In 1847 he was

elected alderman, and in 1855 became lord mayor. In the meanwhile,

repeated attempts had been made to get Parliament to pass a Bill for

altering the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, in such a manner that

Jews might be relieved of the necessity of making a declaration "upon

the true faith of a Christian." The House of Commons had again and

again passed Bills to this effect, but they had always been rejected by

the Lords, who steadily refused to give their assent to the admission

of Jews, notwithstanding the entreaties of the city of London.[835]

The election of Alderman Salomons to the mayoralty was regarded by the

livery of London as "a triumph to liberal principles," and as affording

a prospect "of the ultimate triumph of the cause of toleration by the

admission of the members of the Jewish persuasion to the legislature,

and the highest offices of the State."[836] Their hopes were now

destined to be soon realised. A compromise was at last effected, and

three years later (23 July, 1858), a Bill was passed allowing either

House by a resolution to modify the form of oath required from its

members.

[Sidenote: Baron Rothschild, M.P., for the City.]

For years the City had been content to suffer for its principles. Ever

since 1847 it had continued to return a Jew to Parliament, in the

person of Baron Lionel Rothschild, in spite of the fact that he was not

allowed to take his seat. As soon however as the Bill became law, the

House of Commons passed the necessary resolution, and on the 26th April

the Baron took his seat, and the City recovered its full representation

in Parliament. Both Alderman Salomons and Baron Rothschild commemorated

their respective victories by endowing scholarships in the City of

London School, open to candidates of every religious persuasion; and a

like scholarship was founded by a committee known as the "Committee of

the Jewish Commemoration Fund."[837]

[Sidenote: The City's finances.]

The city of London was, as we have seen, known in earliest times as

the king's "Chamber," and the Chamberlain was the king's officer. The

City in fact served as the purse of the nation, until such time as

the establishment of the Bank of England did away with the necessity

of direct applications to the Corporation for loans, to enable the

government of the kingdom to be carried on. Like the nation itself,

the City has had its times of pecuniary distress, and nothing but the

most careful nursing of its estate has enabled it to tide over its

difficulties. More especially was this the case at the close of the

civil war, and again, for some years after the Great Fire, as well as

at the commencement of the reign of Queen Anne.

[Sidenote: The City's public spirit.]

The City has not wasted its substance. Large sums have been expended

upon local improvements, upon the erection of markets, upon bridges,

not forgetting that latest marvel of engineering skill, the Tower

Bridge, upon the City's schools, upon the erection of the Guildhall

library with its adjacent Museum and Art Gallery, as well as upon the

establishment and maintenance of one of the most successful Schools of

Music ever known in this country. At the close of the year 1882, the

Corporation had, within a comparatively recent period, expended nearly

six and a half millions, out of its own funds, upon improvements within

the city and liberties--improvements which benefited the inhabitants of

the metropolis generally no less than the citizens themselves.[838]

Nor has the Corporation stayed its hand at the city's boundaries.

During the short period of ten years preceding 1882, a sum of more

than £300,000 was expended out of the city's cash for providing open

spaces for the people, including Epping Forest, Wanstead Park, West Ham

Park, and Burnham Beeches, but irrespective of the later acquisitions

of Coulsdon and other adjacent commons in the county of Surrey,

since dedicated to the public.[839] An area exceeding 6,000 acres in

all, has thus been preserved for posterity and placed beyond risk of

purprestures and encroachments.

[Sidenote: The City and the Metropolitan Board of Works.]

From the time when the Metropolitan Board of Works was first

established in 1855, down to its disestablishment in 1889, the

Corporation contributed large sums of money to assist that body in

carrying out the stupendous work of the Thames Embankment, a work of

which Londoners may well be proud, and were engaged jointly with the

Board in freeing from toll the bridges of Staines, Walton, Hampton

Court, Kingston and Kew, on the Thames, as well as Tottenham Mills and

Chingford bridges on the Lea.

[Sidenote: Abolition of coal and wine dues, 1889.]

Since the abolition of the coal and wine dues in 1889, the whole of

which had been devoted to carrying out improvements, erecting public

buildings, and freeing bridges, in and near the metropolis,[840] the

work of the Corporation, as well as of the London County Council (the

successor to the Metropolitan Board of Works), in this direction has

been sorely crippled. It was popularly supposed that the coal dues

affected the price of coal and gas, and that as soon as the dues were

abolished the price of these commodities would at once go down. The

result has proved to be far otherwise. An income of more than half a

million sterling, produced in such a way as to afford the minimum of

burden to the taxpayer, and expended in such a way as to produce the

maximum of benefit to the whole of the metropolis, has been lost to the

City and the London County Council, whilst the consumer not only pays

the same price as before for his coal and gas (the middle-man pocketing

the tax), but finds himself saddled with an increased rate.

[Sidenote: The City as Port sanitary authority.]

One more remark and we have done. As conservators of the river Thames,

the Corporation did much to improve its navigation, but in 1857 the

conservancy was taken away from the City and became vested in a board.

In 1872, however, the Corporation became the sanitary authority of

the Port of London under somewhat remarkable circumstances. When the

Public Health Bill of that year was framed, the Local Government

Board long hesitated as to whom the duty of acting as the sanitary

authority of the Port of London should be committed. At the last moment

the Corporation stept in and volunteered to undertake the duty free

of expense. The government readily accepted the offer, and to this

patriotic act on the part of the municipality as well as to the energy

of its executive officers, it is largely due that this vast metropolis

enjoys comparative immunity from cholera and zymotic diseases and that

the city itself, besides being the best paved and the best lighted, is

also the most healthy city in the civilised world.

END OF VOL III.

FOOTNOTES:

[789] Journal 72, fo. 70.

[790] Journal 101, fos. 174-177, 180.

[791] Journal 102, fos. 152-153.

[792] Journal 104, fos. 196b-198b. Journal 106, fos. 236-237, 239b-241b.

[793] Journal 102, fos. 377-377b.

[794] Journal 102, fos. 376-376b.

[795] Journal 104, fo. 201. Repertory 234, fo. 743.

[796] Common Hall Book, No. 10, fos. 274-280, 283-284.

[797] Journal 104, fos. 321-322, 323.

[798] _Id._, fos. 364b-366.

[799] Repertory 235, fo. 13.

[800] Journal 104, fo. 374.

[801] The petition to the commons was presented on the 16th Nov.--the

day that the Duke of Wellington resigned; that to the lords on the

25th.--Journal House of Commons, lxxxvi, pt. 1, 87; Journal House of

Lords, lxiii, 128.

[802] Journal 105, fo. 133.

[803] Common Hall Book, No. 10, fos. 295-299.

[804] Journal 105, fos. 258-259b.

[805] Repertory 235, fos. 376, 377.

[806] Annual Register lxxiii, 154.

[807] Common Hall Book, No. 10, fos. 304-306.

[808] Journal 105, fos. 376-377, 379b-380, 387b-389.

[809] Journal 105, fos. 389b-391b.

[810] _Id._, fo. 392.

[811] Common Hall Book, No. 10, fo. 312.

[812] Annual Register lxxiii, 281, 282.

[813] _Id._, lxxiii, 291-294.

[814] Repertory 235, fos. 711-714.

[815] Annual Register lxxiii, 296, 297.

[816] On Michaelmas-day the livery returned Key and Alderman Thorp. The

Court of Aldermen selected Thorp, but he declined to take office. At a

subsequent election the livery again returned Key and with him Alderman

Thompson. The Court of Aldermen thereupon called upon Thompson, but

he also declined to serve, and a third election had to take place.

Again Key was returned, together with Alderman Kelly, and the Court

of Aldermen finding the livery bent on having their own way, selected

Key.--Common Hall Book, No. 10, fos. 308-310, 313-320.

[817] Journal 106, fo. 1.

[818] Repertory 236, fos. 4, 5.

[819] Common Hall Book, No. 10, fo. 320.

[820] Journal 106, fos. 245b-248.

[821] Annual Register lxxiv, 155.

[822] Journal 106, fos. 275-276.

[823] _Id._, fo. 276b.

[824] Common Hall Book, No. 10, fos. 327-332.

[825] _Id._, fos. 332-333.

[826] Common Hall Book, No. 10, fos. 328-329.

[827] Journal 106, fos. 280b-283.

[828] Journal 106, fos. 326b-328. Annual Register lxxiv, 175, 185.

[829] Journal 106, fos. 328-328b.

[830] Journal 106, fos. 377-377b.

[831] Just a twelvemonth had elapsed since the freedom had been

conferred on Lord John Russell (9 July, 1831), for undertaking the

introduction of the Reform Bill. Ten years later (1841), he was

returned as one of the members for the city, and continued to represent

it until his elevation to the peerage.

[832] Journal 106, fos. 378-379b. Journal 107, fos. 119b-129b.

[833] For description of this medal and of other medals struck from

time to time by order of the Corporation, see _Numismata Londinensia_,

edited with descriptive notes by Mr. Charles Welch, F.S.A., the

Guildhall Librarian, (London, 1894).

[834] Journal 105, fos. 5-6.

[835] Journal 126, fo. 31. Journal 127, fo. 345. Journal 129, fo. 379.

[836] Common Hall Book, No. 10, fo. 637.

[837] Hust. Roll, 372 (2), 373 (3), (4).

[838] See prefatory note to returns made by the Chamberlain pursuant to

an order of the Court of Common Council, 26 Oct., 1882. (_Printed._)

[839] Chamberlain's returns (_Sup._).--"Expenditure for benefit of

metropolis, etc." pp. 12, 13.

[840] For a list of metropolitan improvements and public works carried

out by means of these dues, see "Ten years' growth of the City of

London"--being a report of local government and taxation committee of

the Corporation (1891), James Salmon, Esq., Chairman, pp. 130-139.

APPENDIX A.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

No. 1. Reply from the City to a letter from King Henry V

(Printed in _Memorials_), asking for wine and provisions

for the army at Rouen. Dated 8 Sept. [1418].

No. 2. Proclamation for speeding men to the English army in

Normandy. [1418.]

No. 3. Letter from King Henry V to the City, notifying the

capture of Pontoise. Dated Mantes, 5 Aug. [1419].

No. 4. Reply to the above. Dated 6 Sept. [1419].

No. 5. Letter from the Duke of Clarence to the City on the same

subject. Dated Mantes, 5 Aug. [1419].

No. 6. Reply to the above. Dated 6 Sept. [1419].

No. 7. Letter from Henry V to the City, informing the citizens

of his movements in France. Dated Mantes, 12 July [1421].

No. 8. Reply to the above. Dated 2 Aug. [1421].

No. 9. Letter from the Duke of Bedford to the City, claiming

the government of the realm at the death of Henry V. Dated

Rouen, 26 Oct. [1422].

No. 10. Letter from the Mayor and Aldermen of the City to the

Duke of Bedford. No date [1424].

No. 11. Another letter from the same to the same. No date

[1424].

No. 12. Letter from the Earl of Salisbury and of Perche to the

City, announcing the success of the war in France. Dated 5

Sept. [1428].

No. 13. Reply to the above. Dated 12 Oct. [1428].

No. 14. Letter from Henry VI to the City, asking for a loan.

Dated Rouen, 10 Nov. [1430].

No. 15. Letter from Cardinal Beaufort, notifying the Mayor,

Sheriffs and Aldermen of the City, of his intention to

return forthwith to England. Dated Ghent, 13 April [1432].

No. 16. Letter from the Mayor and Aldermen of Calais to the

City of London, asking for assistance. Dated 27 June [1436].

No. 17. Letter from Henry VI to the Mayor, Aldermen and

Sheriffs of London, touching the peace of the City. Dated

Lichfield, 3 Sept., 35 Hen. VI [1456].

No. 18. Letter from the same to the City, ordering the seizure

of certain ships of war in the Thames. Dated Coventry, 10

March [1456-7].

No. 19. Letter from the same to the same, touching the peace of

the City. Dated Kenilworth, 22 March [1456-7].

No. 20. Letter from the City to Henry VI, touching the capture

of Sandwich by the French. Dated 3 Sept. [1457].

No. 21. Reply to the above. Dated Northampton, 5 Sept. [1457].

No. 22. Reply of Bishop Waynfleete, the Chancellor, to letter

from the City, similar to No. 20 _supra_. Dated Waltham, 5

Sept. [1457].

No. 23. Letter from the Earl of Kendal, Lord Scales and others

besieged in the Tower, to the Lord Mayor, asking why war

was being made upon them. No date [circ. July, 1460].

No. 24. Reply to the above. No date.

No. 25. Agreement touching the surrender of the Tower by the

Earl of Kendal, Lord Scales and others. Dated 16 July, 38

Hen. VI [1460].

No. 26. Minutes of the proceedings of the Common Council upon

the return of the Earl of Warwick to England and the flight

of King Edward IV. October, 1470.

No. 27. Letter from Thomas Fauconberge (commonly known as the

"bastard Falconbridge,") to the City, declaring his

peaceable intentions towards the City. Dated Sittingbourne,

8 May [1471].

No. 28. Reply to the above. Dated 9 May [1471].

No. 29. Account of the invasion of the City by the Kentish

rebels. 12 May, 1471.

No. 30. Letter from King Henry VII to the City, announcing the

betrothal of his daughter, the Princess Mary, to Charles of

Castile. Dated Richmond, 28 Dec. [1507].

No. 31. Petition of Dean Colet to the Common Council that he

might be allowed to purchase certain lands and tenements

for the purpose of enlarging his school; 15th Jan., 3 Henry

VIII [1511-12].

No. 32. Letter from Henry VIII to the City, desiring 300 men

for the navy against a threatened invasion by the King of

France. Dated Greenwich, 30 Jan. [1512-13].

No. 33. Letter from Cardinal Wolsey to the City, touching a

loan of 4,000 marks. Dated 3 Sept. [1522].

No. 34. Letter from Henry VIII to the City requesting a

benevolence. Dated Greenwich, 25 April [1525].

No. 35. Order of obsequies to be celebrated in the City on the

death of the Lady Jane Seymour, 10 Nov., 1537.

No. 36. Extract from letter from Sir Richard Gresham to Thomas

Cromwell, lord Privy Seal, touching the purchase of certain

houses in Lombard Street belonging to Alderman Monoux, for

the purpose of a site for an Exchange. Dated 25 July [1538].

No. 37. Letter from Henry VIII to Alderman Monoux, desiring

him to part with the property above-mentioned. Dated

Chichester, 13 Aug. [1538].

No. 38. Another letter from the same to the same, on the same

subject. No date.

No. 39. Letter of thanks from Henry VIII to Alderman Monoux for

acceeding to the King's former request. Dated Westminster,

25 Nov. [1538].

No. 40. Proclamation of Henry VIII, forbidding public hunting

and hawking in the suburbs of London. Dated Westminster, 7

July, 37 Hen. VIII [1545].

No. 41. Letter from King Edward VI and the Protector Somerset

to the City, asking for a force of 1,000 men as a

protection against conspirators. Dated Hampton Court, 6

Oct. [1549].

No. 42. Letter from Lords of the Council to the City, touching

the conduct of the Duke of Somerset. Dated 6 Oct. [1549].

No. 43. Letter from Queen Mary to the City, desiring a

contingent of 1,000 men to be ready for active service at a

day's notice. Dated Richmond, 31 July, 1557.

No. 44. Another letter from the same to the same, asking for

500 men to be immediately despatched for the relief of

Calais. Dated Greenwich, 2 Jan. [1557-8].

No. 45. Letter from Queen Elizabeth to the City, desiring 250

soldiers for service at sea under the High Admiral, Lord

Clinton, against the French. Dated Greenwich, 17 May, 2

Eliz. [1560].

No. 46. Letter from the same to the same, desiring that Sir

Thomas Gresham might be discharged from serving the offices

of Mayor, Alderman and Sheriff. Dated Westminster, 7 March,

5 Eliz. [1562-3].

No. 47. Proclamation against the Earls of Northumberland and

Westmoreland or their rebellion against the Queen's

majesty. Dated Windsor Castle, 24 Nov., 1569.

No. 48. Letter from Queen Elizabeth to the City on the occasion

of the discovery of the Babington conspiracy. Dated Windsor

Castle, 18 Aug., 1586.

No. 49. Speech delivered by a member of the Common Council upon

the same occasion.

No. 50. List of ships furnished and victualled by the City to

meet the Armada, 1588.

No. 51. Government order to victual ships furnished by the City

against the Armada. 24 July, 1588.

No. 52. List of all the ships furnished by the City against

Spain in 1558.

No. 53. Letter from King James I to the City, upon his

accession. Dated Holyrood House, 28 March, 1603.

No. 54. Reply to the above. Dated 29 March, 1603.

No. 55. Another letter from King James I in answer to the

foregoing. Dated Newcastle, 11 April, 1603.

No. 56. Letter from the Lords of the Council to Sir Arthur

Chichester, Deputy in Ireland, as to the course to be

pursued with the City's Commissioners appointed to view the

Irish Estate. Dated Whitehall, 3 Aug., 1609.

No. 57. Letter from Speaker Lenthall to the Lord Mayor, asking,

on behalf of Parliament, for a City loan of £60,000. Dated

Covent Garden, 15 Jan., 1640-1.

No. 58. Another letter from Speaker Lenthall, on the same

matter. Dated Covent Garden, 6 Feb., 1640-1.

No. 59. A third letter from the same, on the same matter. Dated

Charing Cross, 19 Feb., 1640-1.

No. 60. Letter from the Earl of Essex to the City, desiring a

loan of £100,000 for the maintenance of the Parliamentary

army. Dated Northampton, 13 Sept., 1642.

No. 61. Letter from the same, announcing the appointment of

Skippon as Sergeant-Major-General in the Parliamentary

army. Dated Hammersmith, 16 Nov., 1642.

No. 62. Resolution of the Common Council for putting the City

and suburbs into a posture of defence; 23 Feb., 1642-3.

No. 63. Letter from the Mayor, &c., of Gloucester to the City

of London, touching the removal of Colonel Massey. Dated 29

May, 1645.

No. 64. Letter from the Mayor, &c., of Plymouth, to the same,

enclosing copy of petition to Parliament for relief against

the depredations of the Royalists. Dated 5 Sept., 1645.

No. 65. The City's petition to King Charles I, in reply to His

Majesty's letter of the 19 May, 1646.

No. 66. Letter from Fairfax and the Council of War to the

Commissioners of the City of London, forbidding further

enlistments. Dated 14 June, 1647.

No. 67. Letter from the same to the Mayor, Aldermen and Common

Council of the City, touching the removal of the army and

the safety of the King's person. Dated St. Albans, 15 June,

1647.

No. 68. The City's reply to the two preceding letters. Dated 18

June, 1647.

No. 69. Letter from Fairfax to the City in answer to the above.

Dated St. Albans, 21 and 22 June, 1647.

No. 70. Letter from the City to Fairfax, informing him that

Commissioners had been despatched to remain at the

head-quarters of the army. Dated 25 June, 1647.

No. 71. Letter from Fairfax to the City, notifying the removal

of the army to the bridge. Dated Berkhamstead, 25 June,

1647.

No. 72. Letter from Fairfax to the City, enclosing copy of

proposals forwarded to Parliament from the army. Dated

Reading, 8 July, 1647.

No. 73. Letter from the City to Fairfax, deprecating any

attempt to intermeddle with the liberties and privileges of

the City. Dated 28 July, 1647.

No. 74. Minutes of Common Council touching a recent disturbance

in the City; 11 April, 1648.

No. 75. Letter from Fairfax to Skippon upon his re-appointment

to the command of the City's forces. Dated Windsor, 10 May,

1648.

No. 76. A narrative of the proceedings of the Court of Common

Council held the 13 Jan., 1648-9, presented by order of the

Court to the House of Commons.

No. 77. Letter from the Council of State to the Mayor and

Aldermen of the City, for defacing statues of James I and

Charles I. Dated Whitehall, 31 July, 1650.

No. 78. Another letter from the same, ordering the entire

removal of the statue of Charles I at the Royal Exchange.

Dated Whitehall, 14 Aug., 1650.

No. 79. Letter from the Council of State to the City, for

removal of ordnance to the Tower. Dated Whitehall, 19 Nov.,

1653.

No. 80. The City's humble Petition and Representation to the

Lord Protector, promising to stand by him against the

enemies of the nation; 16 March, 1657-8.

No. 81. Letter from Sir John Langham to the Court of Aldermen,

declining to resume the Aldermanry from which he had been

deposed by Parliament, on the score of ill-health. Dated

Crosby House, 18 Sept., 1660.

No. 82. Letter from the Earl of Manchester to the Court of

Aldermen, desiring that the Butchers of the City might

continue to supply offal to the King's "Game of Bears" as

formerly. Dated Whitehall, 29 Sept., 1664.

No. 83. The City's address to King Charles II, congratulating

him upon his escape after the Rye House Plot. 2 July, 1683.

No. 84. Letter from the Duke of Newcastle to the Lord Mayor,

informing him of the Pretender having set up his Standard

in Scotland. Dated Whitehall, 4 Sept., 1745.

No. 85. Another letter informing the Lord Mayor of the

Pretender having entered Derby, and desiring him to put the

City into a posture of defence. Dated Whitehall, 6 Dec.,

1745.

No. 86. Proceedings relative to the expunging of the

recognisance entered into by William Witham, Messenger of

the House of Commons, as narrated by James Morgan, Clerk

to the Lord Mayor, to the Committee appointed to assist in

defending Crosby, Wilkes and Oliver. 22 March, 1771.

No. 87. Letter from Charles Fox, Chairman of the Westminster

Committee, to the Town Clerk of London, suggesting a

general meeting of the Committees of Association. Dated St.

James's Street, 20 Feb., 1780.

No. 88. Letter of thanks from Edmund Burke to the same, for the

City's approval of his Bill for Economical Reform. Dated

St. James's Square, 6 March, 1780.

No. 89. Letter from Charles Fox to the same, forwarding copy of

proceedings of the Westminster Committee of Association,

and giving particulars of the proceedings of the House of

Commons upon Dunning's motion. Dated St. James's Street, 10

April, 1780.

APPENDIX A.

No. 1.

Reply from the City to a letter from King Henry V [Printed in

_Memorials_] asking for wine and provisions for the army at

Rouen. Dated the Feast of Nativ. of B.V.M. (8 Sept., 1418).

Letter Book I, fo. 216.

Our most dred most soveraign lord and noblest kyng to the soveragn

highnesse of your kyngly mageste with all maner of lowenesse and

reverence mekly we recomende us Nat oonly as we oughte and shulde but

as we best can and may with alle our hertes thankynge your soveraign

excellence of your gracious lettres in makyng gladsom in understondyng

and passyng confortable in favoring of our poure degrees which ye

liked late to send us from your hoost afore the cite of Roan. In which

lettres after declaracõn of your most noble entent for the refresshing

of your hooste ye recorde so highly the redinesse of our wille and

power at alle tymes to your plesaunce and thankyn us therof so hertely

that treuly save oonly our preier to hym that al good quiteth never

was it ne mighte it halfe be deserved. And after suing in your forsaid

gracious lettres ye praye us effcuelly [_sic_] to do enarme as mani

smale vessels as we may with vitaille and specially with drinke for to

come up as fer as they may in to the river of Seyne. And nat only this

but in the conclusion of your soveraign lettres forsayd ye fede us so

bounteuesly with behest shewyng of your good lordship to us in tyme

comyng as ye have ever don that now and ever we shulle be the joyfuller

in this life whan we remembre us on so noble a grace. [O how may the

simplesse of pouere lieges better or mor clerly conceyve the graciouse

love and favorable tendresse of the kyng her soveraign lord than to

here how your most excellent and noble persone more worthi to us than

alle wordly richesse or plente in so thynne habondance of vitaill homly

disposed so graciously and goodly declare and uttir un to us that ar

your liege men and subgitz yor plein luste and plesaunce as it is in

yor sayd noble lettres worthily conteyned. Certein trewe liege man is

þer non ne feithful subgit coude þer non ne durste tarie or be lachesse

in any wyse to the effectuell praier or comaundement of so soveraign

and high a lord which his noble body peineth and knightly aventureth

for the right and welfare of us alle].[841] Oure most dred most

soveraign lord and noblest kyng plese it your soveraign hignesse to

understonde how that your forsaid kyngly praier as most strait charge

and comaundement we willyng in alle pointes obeye and execute anon fro

þe resceit of your of your [_sic_] sayd gracious lettres which was þe

xix day of August nigh none unto þe makyng of þese symple lettres what

in getyng and enarmyng of as many smale vessels as we myght doyng brewe

boþe ale and bere purveing wyne and oþer vitaillee for to charge with

þe same vessels we have don our besie deligence and cure as god wot. In

which vessels wiþoute gret plente of oþer vitails þat men of your cite

London aventuren for refresshing of your host to þe costes where your

soveraign presence is Inne we lowely send wiþ gladdest wille unto your

soveraign excellence and kyngly mageste by John Credy[842] and John

Combe poure officers of your sayd cite bringers of these lettres tritty

botes of swete wyne that is to seye ten of Tyre, ten of Romeney, ten of

Malvesy and a thousand pipes of ale and bere with thuo thousand and

five hundred coppes for your hoost to drinke of which we besech your

high excellence and noble grace for our alder comfort and gladnesse

benignely to resceyve and accepte nat havyng reward to þe litelhed or

smale value of the gifte it self which is simple but to þe good will

and high desir þat þe poure yevers þerof hav to þe good spede worship

and welfare of yor most soveraign and excellent persone of which spede

and welfare and al your oþer kyngly lustes and plesaunces we desire

highly be the sayd berers of thes lettres or oþer whom your soveraign

highnesse shal like fully to be lerned and enfourmed. Our moost dred

most soveraign lord and noblest kyng we lowely besech the kyng of heven

whos body refused nat for our savacõn wordly peyne gilteles to endure

þat he your graciouse persone which for our alder good and proffit so

knythly laboureþ litel or noght chargyng bodily ease in al worship and

honure evermore to kepe and preserve. Writen at Gravesende under þe

seal of mayralte of your sayd cite London on þe day of þe Nativite of

our Lady the Blisful Mayde [8 Sept.].

No. 2.

Proclamation for speeding men to the English army in Normandy. 6

Henry V, A.D. 1418.

Letter Book I, fo. 217.

Be ther a proclamacõn made that al maner men þe which wil toward the

Cite of Roan or any other place in the coste of Normandie þere to bein

service sould or wages wiþ þe kyng our soveraign lord whom god save and

kepe or wiþ ony other persone of his host or retenu make and apparale

hem redy in alle haste betuen this and souneday þat next comith atte

ferthest for to be wiþ inne shipbord in their best and most defensable

harneys and covenablest ariaye to Seyle toward þe costes above sayd an

in þe mene while come they to þe Mair of þys Citie and heshal ordeyne

and dispose hem redy Shippyng in this port and vitaill free toward þe

costes abovesayd.

No. 3.

Letter from King Henry V to the City notifying the capture of

Pontoise. Dated Mantes, 5 Aug. [1419].

Letter Book I. fo. 236

By þe kyng.

Trusti and welbeloved we grete yow wel and late you wete to your

comfort that we been in good heele and prosperite of our persone

blessed be god which graunte you always soo to bee Ferthermore as

touching tithing we signifie unto yow þat god of his grace worshiped be

he hath sent in to our handes our toun of Pontoyse and hough profitable

þe havyng of it is unto us John Palyng þe bringer of þis can enfourme

you. And we pray you thankeþ god þerof and of alle his gracious soondes

þat he sendeth us and for asmoch as our adverse partie wool noo pees

nor accord have wiþ us but finally have refused al meenes of pees We be

compelled ayein to werre thorough þair default as he wot þat al knoweþ.

To whoos mercy we trust for our good wil and redinesse to þe pees

to have þe better spede heraftur þe which we recomende to your good

prayers wiþ al our herte and god have you in his kepyng Yeven under our

Signet at our town of Mant þe v day of Augst.

No. 4.

Reply to the above. Dated 6 Sept. [1419.]

_Id. Ibid._

Our most dred and most souveraign ertly lord we recomande us unto þe

souveraign excellence of your kyngly mageste in þe most humble and

lowely wyse þt any pouere or simple lieges can best imagine or devise

lowely thankyng your souveraign excellence and noble grace of þe right

gracious and right confortable lettres which ye liked late to sende us

fro your town of Maunt be Johan Palyng. The which lettres with al maner

of honour and lowely reverence we have mekly resceyved and understonde.

And trewely most dred and souveraign lord gladder ne moor confortable

tithinges might never have come nor in better tyme for to satisfie

and refresche þe fervent desir of your poure lieges þat have loong

thrusted aftur knowlech of your prosperite than were your sayd gracious

lettres the which amongs al oþer special graces most principalich for

our hertly confort conteyned þe souveraign helþ and parfit prosperite

of your most souveraign and gracious persone. The which Crist of his

souveraign mercy and noble pite plese alwey to kepe in al maner of

worship and joye. Our most dred and souveraign erthly lord whan we

remembre us hough þat your kyngly might and power grounded in the

trewe pees of god is so vertuosly soonded wiþ þe spirit of meknesse in

devout and continuel thankyng of god in al his soondes and trust of

good prayers of your peple as your said lettres make gracious mencõn:

Trewely we ar meved be as gret consideracõn and as resonable cause as

ever were liege men to pray as we have and shulle yet god will for þe

good and gracious spede of your most excellent and gracious persone and

to thanke god lowely þat ever he sent us so gracious and so vertuose a

souveraign lord to regne and have lordship up on us. Our most dred and

most souveraign lord yef it like your souveraign highnesse to here of

þastat of your citee London plese it your kyngly mageste to conceyve

þat in more quiet ne pesibler rest as ferforth as absence of you þat ar

our most gracious and most souveraign lord may suffre was never erthly

citee nor place blessed be god. Our most dred and most souveraign lord

we lowely beseche god the kyng of pees whos grace excedeth þe merit of

hem þat pray þat he vouche sauf your kyngly mageste stabilissh in al

vertu and evermore kepe your most excellent and souveraign persone in

al joy and prosperite to his plesaunce. Writen at your said citee of

London under þe seal of mairalte þerof the vie day of September.

No. 5.

Letter from the Duke of Clarence to the Mayor and Aldermen of

London notifying the capture of Pontoise. Dated Mantes, 5 Aug.

[1419]

Letter Book I, fo. 236b.

Right trusty and Welbeloved We grete you well often tymes with al our

herte. And forasmoche as it is confortable and likyng to you to here of

þe tithinges in this parties. We do you to understonde þat the morwe

after þat the werre began at this tyme by twene my lord þe kyng and his

adversaire of Fraunce by cause þat he wolde naught applie nor accorde

to right and resoun he assigned certein peple to passe to Pountoise

Where the Frensh kyng lay during the time of this convencõn. And so

thei have wonne the forsaid toun by assaulte ithonked be god thorough

the whiche wynninge my forsaid lord hath passage to Parys. Ferthermore

We do you to understonde that Roger Tillyngton, Skynnere, our

welbeloved servaunt desurth gretly to be freman and enfranchised amongs

you at þis tyme. Wherefor We pray you entierly With al our herte þat

ye wol for contemplacõn and favour of us to admitte and resceyve the

forsayd Roger to be enfraunchised amongs you so þat he may knowe þat

þis our praier may availle hym and stonde in stede as our gret trust is

in you Right trusty and Welbeloved þe Holy Trinite have you evermore in

his kepyng I writen at Maunt Under our Signet the v day of Augst.

No. 6.

Reply to the above. Dated 6 Sept. [1419]

_Id. ibid._

Right High right mighty Prince and excellent lord We recomaunde us

unto þe high lordship of your gracious excellence in as humble Wyse as

any poure men best can or may ymagine and devise Thakyng your lordly

excellence in as lowely maner as office of writing may conteyne for

þe high and favorable remembraunce which your gracious Lordship hath

to þe Citee of London in signifieng to us be your gracious lettres

writen at Maunt the v day of Augst of our most dred and most souveraign

erthly lordes prosperous helth and victorious spede and eke of youres.

The Which god of His souveraign grace and noble pite With encrees of

al honur and Joye ever kepe & mainteigne. Right high right mighty

Prince and excellent Lord yef it like your lordly excellence to here

of thastat of the Citee of London. Plese it your gracious Lordship to

conceyve þat in moor quiet ne pesibler rest blessed be god was never

erthly Cite nor toun in absence of her most souveraign & gracious

Lord. Right high right mighty Prynce and excellent lord þe Prynce of

all hevenly knyght hood have you in his holy kepyng. Writen at þe sayd

Citee London under þe seal of Mairalte þerof þe vje day of September.

No. 7.

Letter from Henry V to the City informing the citizens of his

movements in France. Dated Mantes, 12 July [1421].

Letter Book I, fo. 263.

Trusty and welbeloved we grete yow wel And for asmuch as we be certein

that ye wol be joyful to here good tiding of oure estat and welfare

we signiffie unto yow that we be in good heele and prosperite of oure

personne and so been oure brother of Gloucestre oure beluncle of

Excestre and al the Remenant of lordes and other personnes of oure

oost blessed be oure lorde whiche graunte yow soo for to bee witting

moreover that in oure comyng by Picardy we hadde disposed us for to

have taried sumwhat in the cuntre for to have sette hit with goddes

help in better gouvernance and whils we were besy to entende therto

come tidinges unto us that he that clepeth hym Daulphin was commen doun

with a greet puissance unto Chartres and thoos parties purposinge hym

for to leye siege as we were enfourmed unto the saide toun of Chartres.

Wherefor we drow us in al haste unto Paris as wel for to sette oure

fader of France as the saide good toune of Paris in seure gouvernance

and from them unto this oure toun of Mante at whiche jolace we arrived

on Wodnesday last to thentente for to have yeven secours with goddes

grace unto the saide toun of Chartres and hider comme unto us oure

brother of Burgoigne with a faire felaship for to have goon with us to

the saide secours the whiche oure brother of Burgoigne we fynde right

a trusty lovyng and faithful brother unto us in al thinges. But in

oure comyng from Paris unto this oure toun of Mante we were certified

uppon the weye by certain lettres that were sent unto us that the saide

pretense Daulphin for certein causes that meved hym hath reised the

saide siege and is goon in to the cuntre of Touraine in greet haste as

hit is saide and we truste fully unto oure lord that þorow his grace

and mercy al thinges here that we shall have to doo with shall goo wel

from hensforth to his plesance and worship whom we beseche devoutely

that hit soo may bee and to have yow in his keping. Yeven under oure

signet in oure oost at oure toun of Mante the xij day of July.

No. 8.

Reply to the above. Dated 2 August [1421].

Letter Book I, fo. 263.

Our most dred and most soveraign erthly lord we recomaunde us un to

your kyngly power and soveraign highnesse in as meke wyse and lowly

maner as eny simple officers or pouere lieges most hertly can ymagine

or divise Thankyng with al our hool myght and konnyng your soveraign

excellence and noble grace of þe right confortable and joyfull lettres

which ye liked late to sende us from your town of Mante þe which

lettres with al maner of humble reverence we have lowly resceyved and

understonde. By whos tenure amonges al other blessed spede and gracious

tithynges. For which we thanke highly and ever shall þe lord almyghty

ware we most inwardly comforted and rejoysed whan we herd þe certeinte

of your prosperouse helth after which we have longe desired and which

god of his eendles pite ever kepe and mainteign And of þestate of

your cite London yef it like your soveraign highnesse to heere and

understonde Plese it your kyngly Mageste to conceyve þat in pesibler

degree tretabler governance ne joyfuller rest as ferforth as absence

of yow þat are our lord most soveraign under god may suffre was never

erthly cite nor place blessed be god in whos vertu stondeth al kyngly

gladnesse which of his infinit power and most habundaunt grace alwey

dresse and continue your spede to his high worship and plesaunce and

sende yow grace with report of wordly victorye upon us and all your

other lieges longe for to regne. Writen at your saide cite of London

under þe seal of þe Mairalte þerof þe ij day of Augst.

No. 9.

Letter from the Duke of Bedford to the City claiming the government

of the realm at the death of Henry V. Dated Rouen 26 Oct,

[1422].

Letter Book K, fo. 2.

Right trusty and welbeloved we grete yow wel with al oure herte And

for asmuche as hit liked our lord but late a goo to calle the kyng our

souverain lord that was from this present world un to his pardurable

blisse as we truste fermely by whos deces during the tendre age of the

king oure souverain lord that is nowe the gouvernance of the Reaume of

England after the lawes and ancien usage and custume of þe same Reaume

as we be enfourmed belongeth un to us as to þe elder brother of our

saide souverain lord that was. And as next unto þe coroune of England

and havyng chief interesse after the king þat is oure souverain lord

whom god for his mercy preserve and kepe. We praye yow as hertely and

entirerly as we can and may and also requere yow by þe faithe and

ligeance that ye owe to god and to þe saide coroune that ye ne yeve in

noo wyse assent conseil ne confort to any thing that myght be ordenned

pourposed or advised in derogacõn of þe saide lawes usage and custume

yif any suche be or in prejudice of us Lattyng you faithfully wite that

our saide prayer and requeste procedeth not of ambicion ner of desir

that we might have of worldly worship other of any singuler comodite or

prouffit that we might resceyve thereby but of entier desir and entente

that we have that the forsaide lawes usage and custume ne shulde be

blemysshed or hurt by oure lachesse negligence or deffaulte ner any

prejudice be engendred to any personne souffisant and able to þe whiche

the saide gouvernance myght in cas semblable be longyng in tyme comyng

Making pleine protestacõn that it is in no wise oure entente any thing

to desire that were ayenst the lawes and custumes of the saide lande

ner also ayenst the ordonnance or wil of oure saide souverain lorde

that was savyng our right to þe whiche as we trowe and truste fully

that hit was not oure saide souverain lordes entente to deroge or doo

prejudice. And god have you in his keping Writen under oure signet at

Rouen þe xxvj day of Octobre.

No. 10.

Letter from the Mayor and Aldermen of the City of London to the

Duke of Bedford. No date [A.D. 1424.]

Letter Book K, fo. 18b.

Right high right myghty and right honourable Prince we recomaunde us

un to your Lordly excellens in þe most humble and servisable maner

that we can best ymagine and devise Thankyng lowly your noble grace

of þo gracious lettres in makyng gladsom in undyrstandyng and passyng

comfortable in favoring of our pouer degrees Whyche you liked late

to sende us from Craille upon case[843] [_sic_] in Normandie be þat

worshypfull and wel avised man John Salveyn your esquier whyche hath

made us notable report and right comfortable exposiciõn of þestate

and tidinges of þat londe blessed be god. Bot amonges alle other more

gladder ne more comfortable tidinges myght now have come nor in better

tyme to satisfie and refressh þe fervent desire of us that long have

thursted after knowlech of your prosperite þan were seid gracious

lettres þat yaven us ful enformacõn and singler comfort of þe gode

hele and disposicõn of your persone whyche Crist of his soveraign mercy

and pite infenite ever preserve and mainteigne in Joye and honoure to

his plesaunche. Right high right myghty and right houourable Prince of

þat þat your lordly clemence so benigly voucheþ sauf as is purported in

þe parclose of your seid lettres to have assercion be comers be twene

of your gode desires enclinyng your excellence to þaccomplissement of

hem at alle tymes, it excedeth in estimablich our power and konnyng to

yeve you thankynges þerof recompensable in every wyse. Bot god þat is

guerdoner of every gode dede quite rewarde yow in stede of us where we

may not. And for we truste and knowe verilich þat hit pleseth yow to

here of þestate of þe cite of London to whiche ye have evyr be right

gode Lorde and favorable we certefie un to your gracious Lordship þat

in more quiete ne pesibler reste was never Cite nor place blessed be

god whiche of his incomperable bounte send you gode and graciouse lif

to þe plesaunche of hym and comfort of us and alle your oþer welvillers

long for to lede Writen at London.

No. 11.

Another letter from the same to the same. No date [A.D. 1424.]

Letter Book K, fo. 21.

Right high right mighty And right honurable Prince we recomaunde us

to þestate of your lordly excellence in as humble maner as eny ordyr

of writing can expresse for bountees & bienfaites innumerable which

þe liberal grace of your high and gracious lordship without our meryt

or desert hath ever shewed us heretofore but at þis tyme in especial

for þo passing gladsom and confortable letters of credens þat plesyd

you late to sende un fro Vermeil[844] on perche be þat worshipful &

wel avised esquier Stephen Hatefelde on of your kervers which made us

noble assercõn ioyfull report and comendable credence of þe cronicable

and victoriouse esploit þat our lord almyghty be special influence of

his grace as it semeth and singler mediacõn of your knyghtly corage

sent un to þat blessed innocent and gracious Prince our soveraign Lord

whiche esploit and victorie as devoutly as we can or may we yelde and

ever shall humble þankinges and grace to þe lord of hevenis which in þe

balance of his infenit merci and pite as it semyth so favourably weyeth

þe right and Innocence of our seid soveraign lord during his tendre

age þat he will not suffre hym in nowise to be Injuried be malice or

circumvencõn of his enemyes Bot hath purveid sent and stablisshed you

right high right myghty and right honourable Prince to be a special

mene and supporter in þis parte for tuicõn and conservacõn of his right

and Innocence to singler comfort and consolacõn of all his people

blessid be god whiche of his incomperable bounte send you good and

graciouse lif to þe plesaunche of hym and comfort of us and all your

oþer Welvillers Long for to lede. Writen at London &c.

No. 12.

Letter from the Earl of Salisbury and of Perche to the Mayor and

Aldermen of the City of London announcing the success of the

war in France. Dated 5 Sept. [1428]

Letter Book K, fo. 55b.

Right trusty & entierly welbeloved frendes we grete you hertely wel

And for asmuche as we trust fully that ye desire to here of þe good

tydinges of þat which vureth wel to oure sovereing lord in the conquest

of his enemys here in þis lande We do yow to witte þat þe vure & spede

seth our last comyng in to þis lande hath be so good that I am ever

behold to þanke god besechyng hym to continue hit for his mercye and

after þe Wynnying of many diverse tounes castelles & Forteresses we

laied siege afor þis toune of Yenville and after diversez aprochemenes

made þerto as was on sonneday sevenyght which was the xxix day of

August we gate þe said toune of Yenville be þe most notable assault þat

evere we sawe. And sethen þe castell was yolden un to oure grace and

many oþer tounes castelles & stronge chirches god hath sent hem in to

þobbeissaunce of oure sovereing lord blessed most god be somme yolden

to oure grace somme to our wil somme wonne be assault & somme oþer wyse

þe nombre of whiche is more þan xl And so þanked be god þer comyth in

dayly places to þobbeissaunce to þe Recovering of which we þenke to

do all diligence as we behold with out sparyng of labour or pein. And

for our gret & singler comfort We pray you oft tymes to signifie us be

wryting of youre Welfare. And þat we may fynd your faveur and Frendship

in alle þinges þat we have or shal have to don in oure absence and so

to continue your good frendship like as hit liked yow to do what tyme

we were þer present. For which we thanke yow and hold us muche behold

to do for yow what we can or may to which we wol ever be redy with al

our power. And þe holie trinite have yow always in his blessed keping.

Writen at Yenvile the v day of Septembre.

Item we do you to wite that seth the wryting of þis we have had

tydinges frome our brother Sire Richard Haukeford whome we had sent

to Ride afore þe toune and castel of Meun sur leyre[845] þat blessed

be god he hath do so good diligence that he hath goten þe sayd toune

castel & peuple yolden to þobbeissaunce of oure soverein lord Which

toune & castell ben ryght notable & hugely fourneshed of peuple and

vitaile yuoughe blessed be god for alle þe kyngis puissaunce here a

good while. And to þe sayd toune is a faire brigge overe þe gret River

of leyre which ys bot v leges oute of þe cite of Orliens.

[A schedule of 38 towns follows]

No. 13.

Reply to the above. Dated 12 Oct. [1428]

Letter Book K, fo. 55b.

Right worshipful & ryght mighti lord we recomaunde us to your gret

lordsship & noble grace in as humble maner as we can or ought Thankyng

it fro þe deppest of our hertis of þe gentill lettres writene at

Yenvile þe v day of Septembre last þt ye liked to sende us be your

herauld.... Which lettres after the resceit of hem whith dhue reverence

And after þat thei were publisshed and redde to fore þe Commens of

þis Cite putte us all in singler comfort & Joye because of þe fervent

& special desir we hadde afore to here comfortable tidynges of your

good spede and welfare. And mekely we þanke our lord of heven for þe

gret & greüx oevre þat it liked hym to sende you of his mercy so sone

after youre First comyng at þis tyme in to þo parties as your seid

lettres make noble mencioun Beseching hym of his infinit pite continue

& encrese it to his plesaunce. Right worshipful & ryght mighty lord of

þat þt it liketh youre high lordship so favorably to wryte & desire

in yor seyd lettres to here & know of oure welfare & offre us your

good lordship in tyme comyng plese it yow to wite þat þe sayd Cite

is in gret pees tranquillite & good accorde and we þat are þe simple

governors þerof in good hele & disposicõn of our personnes blessed be

god. And be cause we perceyve wel þat þis desire & ofre procedeth of

your gret gentilesse & good grace & not of our merit ne desert so þt it

excedeth incomparablich our puissaunce to recompense it be thankinges

or ought elles. Therefore we pray to god þat is almyghti to acquite &

guerdone it in stede of us. But we & suche service as we can do þough

it be simple or mene of value shal ever be Dressed & apparailled to

your plaisirs. Whiles we lyve God knoweth which of his endles grace

kepe & preserve your noble lordship in alle þe actes of knyghthode to

Hys plesaunche. Wrytten at London þe xii day of Octobre.

No. 14.

Letter from King Henry VI to the City asking for a loan of 10,000

marks. Dated Rouen, 10 Nov. [1430].

Letter Book K, fo. 84.

Trusty and welbeloved we grete yow wel and signiffie un to yow þat

amonge alle þevident tokens of trewe affeccioun and of kyndenesse

þat our sugettes of oure Royme of England hav shewed and shewen un to

us for þavantyng forward of oure present voiage þe tender love and

kynde acquitail of oure goode and trew cite of London bothe un to our

progenitours of noble memoire in like cas, and al so un to us is noght

owt of our remebrance but writen and wel emprinted þeryn for þe which

we have and purpos to have our said citee as þe principalle and most

notable of our said Royme and yow as our kynde and trewe suggettes

þe moore specialy recommended and can yow singuler thank and as owre

entencioun is to shew yow perseverance of goode lordship semblably we

trust þat on yowre part ye wol put yow in yowre trewe dewire and kynde

acquitaille un to us att alle tymes and namely at our nede as ye have

wel done al weyes hedir toward and soþe hit is þat be cause of many

costlew charges long to declare our necessitee is at þis tyme suche þat

on lesse þan it be in short tyme releved suche inconveniences þat god

defende been noght unlike to falle boþe til us and oures, as shuld be

right displesant til alle oure trewe suggettes and to yow in special

whom we wold entierly desirous of our welfare. Wherfore siþ we have

founden yow redy and welwilling to chevese us of good at alle tymes ar

þis, þat nede hape required, and oure necessitee is suche at þis tyme

as was never gretter. We pray yow hertely and also right entierly,

as ye desiere þe seurte of oure personne and þe wel and worship of

boþe oure Roymes þat continuing un to us þe kynde tendirnesse in oure

absence þat ye shewed un to us in oure presence ye wol at þis tyme

make un to us a prest of xml marc repaiable at suche tyme and of seure

repaiment as may bee accorded be twix our counsaille þer and yew of

which chevance we trust ye wol not faille us consideryng þat þe said

some may do us more ese and service in our present necessite þan

perventure shuld þe double and muche more an oþer tyme whan þat whan

þat [_sic_] our nede war lasse. To þe whiche loone we trust þat our

personel beyng here among our enemyes in þis our tendir age shal muche

þe more meve yow for to take yow nigh to serve oure desire. Wyting for

certain and withouten dowte þat in perfourming at þis tyme of our

prayer ye may do un to us soo notable and þanklewe service þat we wol

wel considre hit in tyme comyng and be þe more enclined to shewe you

favorable and good lordship. Wyting also þat we wold noght desire of

yow þis charge as nowe be cause of þe charges þat ye have borne un to

us ar þis, ner urgent and verray necessite required us þer to and our

lord have yow in his kepyng. Yeven under our signet at our toun of

Rouen þe x day of Novembre.

No. 15.

Letter from Cardinal Beaufort to Mayor, Sheriffs and Aldermen

of the City informing them of his intention of returning to

England. Dated Ghent, 13 April [1432].

Letter Book K, fo. 105.

My ryght trusty and with al myn herte entierly welbeloved frendis I

grete yow wel as hertily as I can. Desiring evermore to knowe of the

welfare and prosperite of yowe alle and of ech of yow and of al þe

good commune of þe noble citee of þe which ye bee for my singuler joye

and gladnesse. Biseching oure blessed lord evermor to give yow as good

welfare as ye can desire and as I wold for my self. And wol ye wite

þat nought wiþstanding divers adversitees þat I soeffre ayeinst Reson

and gentilesse I hadde pourposed me to have goon to þe court of Rome

to doo þe duetee þat loongeþ to myn astat trustyng always þat þe moost

xren prince my souverain lord of whos disposicioun I ne have noo doubte

and also his wise counsail of his Royaume in engeland wel advised

wolde have doon me Right and favour also al þing considered aswel in

myn absence as yn my presence. Nevertheless as in to þis tyme I feele

right littel or noon as me þenkeþ And þerfore nought wiþstanding þat

oure holyfader haþ sent un to me for to come to hym in haste I wol

leeve al þing for a tyme and retourne agein into engeland and bee þer

yif god wol a boute þe bigynnyng of þis parlement to knowe þe causes

why I am þus straungely demeened and declare my self as a man þat have

nought deserved soo to be treted. Mi right trusty and wiþ al myn herte

entierly welbeloved frendis I þanke yow wiþ al þentierness of my herte

of youre good love favour and will wich I have ever founden in yow

paying you of youre good continuance and douteth not ye schull þerinne

doo to god plesance for he is al trouþe to þe Kyng my soverain lord

noo trespas nor offence but to hym comen to more age which with goddis

mercy shal in haste growe singuler plesir, and to your self worshipp.

My right trusti and wiþ al myn herte entierly welbeloved frendis yef I

can or may goodly eny thing doo to your ese ye certiffie me þerof as to

hym þat to my trewe pouer wol faithfully parfourme hit right gladdly

and wiþ al myn herte þat knoweþ our blessed lord whom I hertily beseche

to have yow evermor in his gracioux proteccioun and keping. Written att

þe good town of Gaunt þe xiiie day of Averil.

No. 16.

Letter from the Mayor and Aldermen of Calais to the Mayor and

Aldermen of the City of London asking for assistance. Dated 27

June [1436].

Letter Book K, fo. 148.

Ful worshipfull wise & discrete sires we recommaunde us un to you in

as goodli wise as caan be þought and in as mochell as we fynde of

olde governaunce of þis toun that oure predecessours hadde in cours

to wryte to your worshipfull estate to be mene and movers toward þe

kyng our souveraigne lord and þe gracious lordes of is counseill for

þe relevying & sustentacioun of þis said toun the yeveth us occasioun

to wryte to yow attys tyme. Of which it were to longe to wryte the

particuler circumstaunces of þe mischiefs and disese þat is suffred

here to our unportable distresse and hevynesse. With more þt we sende

to yow at this time how þarmynakz[846] þt been in Rewe prese fast and

have prayhed a boute Samme de boys[847] and takyn mony prisouners

and brent þe toun of Staples. And as it is said of presumpcioun þey

purpose & avaunte to override þe lordshipes heere of Guysnes & oþer

and to renne heere a fore þis toun. So ferforth þat þe pore tenauntz

forsake þe land & drawe þeim in to þe said toun & castelx and leve þe

villages desolate the which yef þei were destruyed that god defende

were pryved of our sustenaunce of levying and conforte & þe people

anyentysed for evyr prayeng & besechyng you as ye þt be þe principall

of all þe citees of þe Roiaulme of Engelond that it like to yor trew

affeccioun that ye have & owe to have to þe said toun to contynue &

exercise þe commendable promocioun as your said worthy predecessours

hadden in use for þe salvacioun of þe said toun. As ye þat were trust

singulerly in and as a principall membre oweth to do & ministre to

is parties atte reverence of god whom we be sech preserve you ever &

graunt yow parfite conclusyoun of yor desires with good lyf and long.

Wrytene at Cales þe xxvij day of Juyn.

No. 17.

Letter from Henry VI to the Mayor, Aldermen and Sheriffs of London

touching the prevention of disturbance within the City. Dated

Lichfield, 3 Sept., 35 Hen. VI [1456].

Letter Book K, fo. 287.

By the king.

Right trusty and trusty and welbeloved we doubt not but that it is in

yor remembraunce what inconvenience have late fallen and more were

likly to have falle if it had not myghtly have be resisted not oonly

by suche as with multitude of people otherwise then that their power

& degree wold have entred oure chambre and citee of London by what

meanes it is not unknowen unto you, but also by thinsolence of evil

disposed and mysgoverned people of our saide citee whereof as nowe ye

have þe governaunce the which thing hath be to the breche of our peas

and grete trouble of our people and whereof we have had cause to be

gretely displeased. And we willyng to eschew all suche inconveniences

from hensforward will and charge you straitely that considered that our

saide citee is called and named oure chambre and so we holde it wherein

shuld be rest and peas and the whiche ought to be of goode governaunce

to ensample of all this oure Reaume that from hensforthward ye ne

suffre any persone or persones of what estate degree or condicioun that

he or they be of at any tyme to entre into oure saide cite and chambre

but peasiblie and with moderate nombre of people according to his and

their estate and degree. And also þat not onely aftre their entree

into our saide citee and chambre ye have suche awaite & and [_sic._]

attendaunce that they ne make any assemblees nor gadringes of any suche

evil disposed people as is abovesaide but also þat ye have suche awaite

& attendaunce to oure saide citee and chambre þat by the people beyng

in or resorting to or saide citee no gadringes nor assemblees be made

the which in any wise may sowne or shuld be to þe breche of or peas or

trouble of our people. And if any suche hap to be as god defend þat ye

lette it as ye wol answere unto us at your perill. And furþermore we

wolle and charge you on þe feith and ligeance that ye owe unto us þat

ye kepe or saide citee in due obeisaunce unto us as ye ought to doo.

And not to suffre any such multitude of people entre into our saide

citee neiþer to be in þe same but as ye may be at alle tymes of power

to suppresse them and to be governours for us of þe same as reason

wille ye shuld. Yeven under our privee seal at Lychefeld the iij daye

of Septembre the yeer of or regne xxxvth [1456].

No. 18.

Letter from King Henry VI to the City ordering the seizure of

foreign ships of war in the Thames. Dated Coventry, 10 March

[1456-7].

Letter Book K, fo. 288b.

By the king.

Trusty and welbeloved We be enfourmed by a full grevous and a

lamentable complainte made unto us and our counseill by marchantz

estraungiers of Italie beyng heere within þis that where as they nowe

late by vertue of our lettres patentz have shipped certeyn wolles

wollencloth and other marchandises in diverse shippes of Zeland and

paied truely alle duetees belongyng unto us And upon that have their

Cokettes[848], there have certeyn shippes of werre aswell of Caleis

as of Sandewiche encountred the said shippes of Seland within the

Themyse at Tilbery or there nigh. And in maner of werre assaulted them

and doo their werst to take and despoile them the whiche demeanyng

is full gretely ayenst our honeur and worship in especial sith the

saide marchantes been heere undre our sauf conduit and ligue. It is so

also an example to discorage every marchaunt, and thereof must ensue

not onely grete disclaundre to this our land but also the subversion

of thentrecourse of marchandise. Wherin resteth gretly the welefare

of our subgettes, With the whiche horrible dede, we be right gretely

displeased as we have cause so to be. And will in no wise suffre that

it passe over unpunysshed, And forasmuche at this straunge demeanyng

is commytted and doon undre the boundes of yor franchises and in suche

place where ye have jurisdiccõn and power by suche franchises as ourre

noble progenitours and we have graunted unto you as it is doon us to

understande. It is yor parte to resiste correct and reforme the said

wronges wherefore we by thavise of or grete Counseil woll that callying

to yor remembraunce our lawes made in þt behalve and in especial the

statue made by our noble progenitor King Edward the third in the ixth

yeer of his regne and oþer statutes made in þat behalve ye immediatly

aftre pereceivyng of thees our lettres sette remedye in þe matier

abovesaid. And þat ye take þe said shippes of Werre and malefactours

and commytte theym to prisoun there straitely to be kept and to have

as they have deserved, And provide that þe said shippes of Seland and

marchandise be at their full fredome, and restored to their goodes if

any be take fro them. Letyng you wite for certeyn if ye be remysse or

necligent in þe punisshing of þis mysgovernaunce and executyng this

our comaundement, as we thinke ye have be in oþere afore this, ye shall

renne into þe peyne provided by our lawes aswele in yor franchise as

oþerwise. Wherto we shall entende withoute any grace to be shewed to

you. And if so bee ye doo effectuelly yor devoir in this matier þat

sitteth us right nigh to hert we shal thanke you. And lete you have

knowliche þat ye have doon us singler pleasir. Yeven undre or privee

seal at our citee of Coventre the x daie of Marche.

No. 19.

The same to the same touching the peace of the City. Dated

Kenilworth, 22 March [1456-7].

_Id., ibid._

By þe king.

Trusty and welbeloved we grete you wele and late you wite that certeyn

of yor breþeren aldermen of our cite of London hath shewed unto us by

þe declaracõn of your Recorder of þe good diligence that ye entended

to have put you in to þe performyng of our commandement yeoven unto

you by our lettres of prive seal in case our said lettres had come

unto you in convenable tyme as for tharrest and attachement to have be

made of certeyn shippes and persones þat late in our Ryver of Thamyse

made gret attemptatz ageynst our ligue and sauf conduct of þe which

yor goode disposicioun and benivolence we hold us wele content and can

you þerfore right goode thankes charging you that if it hapne any of

þe said shippes or mysdoers to repaire herafter unto or saide citee or

unto þe franchise þerof that thenne ye doo put them undre arrest and to

be kept in sure warde abiding the determinacon of our lawes the which

we wol in all wise be executed. And over this we charge you in yor

effectuel devoir to see that our peas be kept at alle tymes within our

saide citee And if any misgoverned persone of what estate or condicioun

so ever he be make any stiring riot or attempt any thing to þe breche

of or paix within oure saide citee and franchise of þe same þat thenne

ye doo yor peyne to suppresse them and to put hem in warde and so þat

they be duely punisshed according to their demerites. In which thing

doyng ye shal mynistre unto us cause of grete plaisir and deserve of us

þerfore right good and especial thanke in tyme to come. Yeven under our

signet at or Castell of Kenelleworth the xxij daye of Marche.

No. 20.

Letter from the City to Henry VI, touching the capture of Sandwich

by the French. Dated 3 Sept. [1457].

Letter Book K, fo. 292.

Of al erthely princes our moste high moste redoubted sovereyn lord and

moste Christian kyng. We youre symple officers and feithfull humble

lieges Mair and Aldermen of yor true citee and chambre of London

recomande us unto yor most souvereyn excellence & noble grace in als

humble and lowly wise as we moste hertly canne ymagine and devise

humblely beseching yor moste noble grace to be enformed of þe full

piteuous and lamentable tidings þat late have comen unto or knowliche

bothe by writing in certeyn and credible reaporte made to us touching

thynfortunate entrepruise late hadde upon yor towne of Sandewiche by

yor enemyes and adversaires of France and Bretaigne whiche in a grete

armee and with grete noumbre of shippes on Sondaie last passed aboute

vj of the clok in þe mornyng arrived to lande at yr saide towne of

Sandewiche. And there after diverse scarmysshes gate and entred þe

towne and it have dispoiled and pilled unto thuttermoste they have

also full cruelly slayne diverse and many of your people and taken

prisoners þe moste parte of the þrifty men of þe same towne and also

have taken & ladde awaie þe shippes in the haven þere aboute þe nombre

of xxxij grete and smale diverse of theym charged with wolles and oþere

marchandises of no litle estymacõn and value to þe grete hurt of all

this your reaume, and suche othir shippes as they myght not with them

wele convey from thens have broken fired and brent and many oþere grete

and outrageous violences have there commytted and doon þat pitee is

to hire like as in þe copies of ij lettres entre-closed within thise

is made expresse mencõn. And thise doon yor saide enemeys with their

vessels pillaige and prisoners withdrowe them unto the Downes where

they dailie encrecen in gretter nombre both of people and vessels

entending not as it is seide therby to ceasse of their cruell and

malicious purpose but utterly to destroye þe navire of this yor land

as it sheweth in open experience by that they have late also attempted

and doon at yor towne and porte of Fowey and oþere places. And then

to take an entrepruise upon this yor royalme þe whiche if it ne were

þe sonner myghtly lette and manly withstonde by yor saide highnesse

and myghti power myght of liklihode growe unto þe grete jeoparde of

your saide reaume as god defende. In eschewing of whiche daungerous

myschiefz and grete perils we yor said humble lieges wiþ grete &

undelayed diligence have had rype comynycacõn with þe grete partie of

yor comons of yor saide citee whom to þe pleasir of god and of you

sovereyn lord and to þe defence and saufgarde of this yor reaume we

fynde to their power full wele-willed and towardly disposed to take

upon them the charge in hasty wise to vitaille manne and setteforthe

diverse shippes heer beyng in yor ryver of Thamyse with þe nombre of mt

mt persones or neer thereby they to be redy to attende & assist such

armee and power as shall like yor highnesse by thavise of yor Counsell

to provide and ordeyne to þe resistence recountre and rebuke of yor

saide enemyes by goddis mercy. So þat it may like yor moste high and

noble grace to comaunde them so to doo. And þeruppon to yeove them

sufficient auchorite undre yor grete seal. And to open and declare þe

premisses unto your saide higenesse more at large. We send towardes þe

same at this tyme or broþer Thomas Cook, alderman pleynly instruct of

or entent in this behalve. To whom in moste humble wise we besiche yor

said highnesse to give full feith & credence in the premisses Moste

high moste redoubted sovereyn lorde and most Christian kyng we devoutly

besiche þe kyng of all kynges whos reaume shall endelesly last and

endure your blessed soule and noble body from either of þeir enemyes

evermore to protect kepe and defende þat ye mowe in þis world upon us

and alle yor oþer lieges wiþ reporte of worldly joye and victorie long

tyme regne & endure to þe singuler conforte of us all. Written at yor

saide citee of London þe third daie of Septembre.

No. 21.

Reply to the above. Dated Northampton, 5 Sept [1457].

_Id. Ibid._

Trusty and welbeloved we grete you oftentymes wele. And lete you wite

þat this same daie or welbeloved Thomas Cook oon of your brethren hath

in yor behalve presented yor lettres and also declared full notablie

yor credence unto us by the which we have understande the fervent

desire and true ligeaunce þat ye tendirly and humbly here unto or

royal estate, the whiche hath gretely renoveled and recomforted us

Whereof aswele as of the notable aide that ye have graunted at this

tyme unto us in right notable nombre of men of werre shippes and all

other necessaires expedient for theym to þe repressing and rebuke of

thoultrageous malice of oure enemyes of Fraunce now travarssing the

narwe Se as it is saide we thanke you with as goode wille and hert as

we can trusting for undoubted and also praying you þat considering þis

Somer season passeth fast ye wille in all possible haste prepare and

advaunce yor saide exploit for the whiche we have comaunded Chauncellor

of Englond to yeove you auctorite so to doo undre oure grete seal.

And have written to or port of Hull and oþere to drawe them and their

ships towardes þe Se in their moste defensible and warrely araye and to

ioigne and accompaignie theyme with you under the leding and guiding of

god and of suche lordes and capitaignes proved in þe werre as we have

full hope shall be to the grete renõmee of us and seurtee of you and

alle our true subgettes and to thutter confusioun and reproche of or

auncien enemy adverse of Fraunce. Yeoven undre oure Signet at our towne

of Northampton the v daye of Septembre.

No. 22.

A letter similar to No. 20 (_supra_) was sent to Bishop

Waynfleete the Chancellor, to which was made the following

reply. Dated Waltham, 5 Sept. [1457].

Letter Book K, fo. 292b.

Right Worshipfull and right entierly welbeloved sirres I recommende me

unto you in þe moste herty wise. Puttyng you in knowliche þat I have

receved yor lettres direct unto me by Roger Tonge yor comon clerc in

þe whiche I have understande not onely yor grete trouth to þe king

our aller sovereigne lord and to this his Reaume but also I see and

cleerly understand yor worshipfull coraige special love tendernesse

and affeccõn þat ye bere to his highnesse and to þe defence prosperite

and wele of this his Land to my special reioysing and conforte for þe

whiche I thank you all as entierly as it is possible to me so to doo.

I am certeyn that þe kinges highnesse will yeove you a grete Laude &

speciall thankinges & alle the land hath cause to do þe same. Your

worshipfull Demeanyng in this case and in this tyme of so straite

necessite shall be an example to all þe land aftre I besiche you

right hertly to contynue yor saide goode & worshipfull entent to yor

perpetuell laude & worship hereaftre. In suche tyme as I shall come

next to þe kinges high presence & to thassemblyng of þe lordes of his

land I shall not forgete but I shall remembre open and declare yor

worshipfull demenyng at this tyme. And where as I have ever be wele

willyng to þe wele of þe cite afore this tyme by occasioun of this

yor so thankfull demeanyng ye shall have me. Doutelese ever heraftre

more redy & right glade to doo suche thinges as may be to þe welefare

honer and prosperite of þe same. And how be it þat this may be thought

a burthyn and a charge for þe season I doute not but þe goodenesse

of almyghty god shal encrece you þe more for this so meritory a werk

in tuicioun & defence of þe land and in eschewing of inconveniences

happely muche gretter than as yet ben knowen. Furthermore I pray you

to yeve feith & credence to suche thinges as þe said Roger shall open

unto you in my behalf. And þe Holiegoste have you alwey in his guydyng.

Written at Waltham þe vth day of Septembre.

No. 23.

Letter from the Earl of Kendal, Lord Scales & others in the Tower

to the Mayor asking why war was being made upon them. No date

[_circ._ July 1460].

Journal 6, fo. 250b.

Sirs it is yor saying that ye be the kinges trew liegemen and soo be

we wherfore we wul desire of you to wite the cause why ye make us

werre. And that we may understande how ye may joyne your sayinges and

youre dedes togiders, And also what shuld bee the cause that ye take

prisouners and we shuld nat defende us ayenst you and of this abovesaid

we pray of you an answer for we cast us no more to accomber you wt oure

writing, &c.

No. 24.

Reply to the above. No date.

_Id. ibid._

Like it your lordshipps to understande and with for certain that

according to oure sayn ... we have ever bee, nowe we bee, and ever

will bee the kinges treu subgettes and hum ... liegemen. And where ye

by youre bill desire of us to wite þe cause why we mak ... you werre,

&c. Therto we answer and seye that ye and your ffelesship have began

and made no werre by diverse assault shetyng of gonnez and otherwise

by the which the kinges treu liege people aswell the inhabitauntz of

this citee men women and children as oþer have be murdred slayn maemed

and myscheved in sundry wise. And soo that þat hath be doon by us is

onely of youre occasioun in oure defence. And suche as we take for

prisouners been for the attemptatz occasiouns and assaultz by theym

doon as aforesaid in breche of the kinges peas, and for dispoillyng

of the kinges treu people of their vitaillz and goodes without due

contentacõn or paiement hadde in that behalve contrary to good equite

and all lawe, &c.

No. 25.

Agreement touching the surrender of the Tower by the besieged

Lords. Dated 16 July 38 Hen. VI. [1460].

_Id._ fo. 256.

Be it remembred that we William Hulyn maire of the citee of London and

the aldermen and þe comunes of the same agree us by thise presentz to

holde ferme and stable and to performe in every pointe in that that in

us shall bee alle suche appoyntementz touchyng the gyvyng over of the

Toure of London by therle of Kendale the lord Scales, the lord Lovell,

the lord Hungerford and Sir Edmond Hampden and oþer nowe beyng wtin

the same tour, and the receyving of the tour aforesaid by the erle of

Salisbury to the kinges use as be made by the same erle or his deputees

on that one partie, and the said erl of Kendale lord Scales, lord

Lovell, lord Hungerford and Sir Edmond Hampden and oþer or that othre

partie. In witnesse wherof to thise same presentz we have put our comon

seal writen at London aforesaid the xvj day of July the xxxviijth yeer

of the reign of King Henry the vjte [1460].

No. 26.

Minutes of proceedings of the Common Council upon the return of the

Earl of Warwick to England and the flight of King Edward IV.

Oct., 1470.

Journal 7, fos. 223b-224.

Translation.

Be it remembered that on the 1st day of October it was noised abroad

throughout the city that Edward the Fourth King of England had fled,

for which cause the Queen Elizabeth who had fortified the Tower of

London quitted the same Tower and fled to the sanctuary at Westminster

and sent the Abbot of Westminster to Richard Lee the Mayor and the

Aldermen to inform them on the Queen's behalf that the men of Kent

and many others from divers parts of England in great numbers were

purposing to enter the city and lay siege to the said Tower and the men

at arms whom the said Queen had left behind in the same Tower; that

the same Queen desired that the said Tower should be delivered into

the hands of the Mayor and Aldermen because the said Queen was afraid,

it was said, that unless the said Tower was so surrendered the said

Kentishmen and others would invade the said sanctuary of Westminster

to despoil and kill the said Queen. And be it remembered that the said

Tower was on the Wednesday next following delivered into the hands of

the Mayor and Aldermen and of Geoffrey Gate, knight & others of the

council of the lords Clarence and Warwick on condition that all who

were then within the said Tower should remain safe & secure with their

goods and be conducted in the city of London either to the Sanctuary

at Westminster or Saint Martin according as they might wish. And be it

remembered that the lord Henry the Sixth who on the said Wednesday and

for many years past had been confined in a certain cell (_in quodam

Argastulo_) within the said Tower, was conducted by the said mayor and

Aldermen to a certain chamber adorned with handsome furniture which the

said Queen Elizabeth had fitted up and in which, being _enceinte_, she

purposed being brought to bed. And be it remembered that the aforesaid

Mayor and Aldermen for the safe custody of the said Tower and the said

lord the King Henry the Sixth then living in the same placed in the

said Tower the persons underwritten, namely

[Here follows a list of names.]

And each of the said Commoners had with him in the same Tower 2 men at

arms to wait upon him.

And be it remembered that all the foregoing was executed by authority

of the common council assembled in the church of Saint Stephen in

Walbrok.

Also be it remembered that on the 5th day of October the Archbishop

of York entered the Tower of London with a large band of men at arms

and took command of the said Tower and relieved the said Aldermen and

Commoners of the custody of the same And be it remembered that on

Saturday the 6th day of October George Duke of Clarence and Richard

Earl of Warwick entered the City by Newgate about the third hour after

noon with a large army and rode through _le Chepe_ to the said Tower of

London and took away the lord the King Henry the Sixth and brought him

the same day before nightfall to the Bishop of London's palace.

Be it remembered that as soon as it was notified that Edward the Fourth

had fled the Mayor and Sheriffs every day to wit for 10 days rode about

the City with armed men both before nine and after nine; the following

men being sent by the masters and wardens of the misteries to the

Guildhall every morning to attend upon the said Mayor and Sheriffs.

[Here follows a schedule of the number of men sent by each mistery.]

No. 27.

Letter from Thomas Faucomberge, captain of Kent, to the City of

London. Dated "Sydyngbourne," 8 May [1471].

Letter Book L, fo. 78.

To the worshipfull my feithfull trusty and welbeloved frendes the

Comminaltie of the Citee of London youre feithfull trewe lover Thomas

Faucomberge Capteyn and leder of oure liege lorde king Henrys people in

Kent at this tyme sendith hertly recommendacioun lettyng witte that I

am enfourmed howe the partie of the usurper of our saide liege lordes

Crownne hath made you to understande that I with the kynges people

shulde purpose to robbe ryfell and despoile the Citee of London if I

came therein. Wherefore they exorted you to make us werre and kepe

us oute of the Citee. Certaynly frendes god knoueth whome I calle to

recorde. It was never myn entent ne purpose and therfore I beseeche

you to give no credence to theire false suggestioun and surmyse. But

trusty frendis sethen it is soo that I have taken upon me with the

helpe of Almyghty god and the true comons to revenge his quarell ayenst

the saide usurper and his adherentis and to sike hym in whate parties

he be within the Reaume of Enland to abrigge the peynfull labour and to

shorte the wey of the kinges people hertly sette and disposed ayenst

the saide usurper desire and praye you courteisly to passe through the

Citee in oure wey. And we shall neiþer take vitaille ne ware withouten

payment be ye therof certayne. And that I promytte you on myn honour

for he is not within the kyngis hoste in my company that breketh the

kyngis crye but he shal have execucioun accordyng to his offences.

No more unto you at this tyme saffe we have desired of the Maire and

Aldermen to have an answere hereof by Fryday ix of the clokke at the

blak ethe. And Almyghty Jesus have you and the goode Citee in his

blessed garde. Writene at Sydyngbourne hastely the viijth day of Maij.

No. 28.

Reply to the above. Dated 9 May [1471].

_Id. ibid._

Worshipfull sir we receyved your lettres writen at Sydyngborn the

viijth day of the present month of Maij by the whiche we understande

that it is comyn unto youre knoulege that if ye and youre ffeleaship wt

the which ye be accompanyed shulde come unto the Citee of London like

as ye write ye entende to doo that thanne ye wolde rifell and dispoile

the saide citee ye desire us by the saide lettre that we shulde yeve

no credence to noon suche surmyse seiyng and takyng recorde of god

that ye never entended so to doo. Prayng us to suffre you and youre

saide ffeleaship to passe through the saide Citee of London uppon

youre journey to perfourme and execute suche thinges as in your saide

lettres ben more largely expressed. Sir we lette you witte that whanne

the kgng kyng Edward þe fourth oure soveraigne lord after his grete

victorye hadde uppon Ester day last passed beside Barnet daparted oute

of the saide Citee of London. He charged and commaunded us upon oure

aligeaunce that we shulde kepe the same saffely and suerly to his beof

and use not suffryng any persone what degree or condicioun or estate

whereof gaderyng or makyng assembles of any people contrary to his

lawes wt oute auctorite of his high commaundement to entre therin ffor

the whiche cause and many oþer we ne darre may ne wille suffree you to

passe through the same Citee, lettyng you witte for certayne that we

understand that if ye and youre saide feleaship shulde come and entre

in to the same that youre saide feleaship wolde beof like condicioun

as other of like disposicioun have bene in tyme passed as by sondry

precedentis it appereth unto us right largely. And it shulde not lye

in youre power to lette your saide feleaship frome dispoilage and

robery. Wherefore we advertise you for that love and service that we

afore tyme have ought unto that noble knyght youre ffader[849] and oure

goode lorde whose steppes we wolde that ye shulde folowe and for verrey

favour that we have born and bere unto you for the goode disposicioun

and vertue that in tyme passed we have knouen to be in you that ye

spare and absteyne you self from suche unlawfull gaderyng & asumbleng

of people the whiche if ye soo doo we doubte not but it shal not

onely be unto you grete honour and worship but also to youre prevaile

and cause the kyng the rather to be youre goode and graciouse lorde.

Moreover Sir we have receyved a proclamacioun sent from you in the

whiche amonge oþer articles we understand that ye by the commaundement

of Henry late kyng of this Reaume Margarete late quene and Edward late

called Prynce by thavise of the Erle of Warwyk whom ye suppose to be

alyve[850] as we ben enfourmed and oþer ye be ordeigned Captayne of the

Navye of Englond and men of warre both by þe See and by lande. Right

worshipfull Sir we mervaile gretely that ye beyng a man of soo grete

wisdame and discrecioun shulde be disceyved by simple seynges and

fayned tales we certifie you upon oure worshippes and trouthes that

bothe the saide Edward late called Prynce and therle of Warrewyk ben

slayne and dede for we knoue for certayne not onely by the reaporte

of men of grete credence bothe of this citee and by other which were

wt the saide Erle of Warrewyk in the felde whanne he and his brother

Marqueys Montagu were slayne but also by open lying of theire bodyes in

the chirche of Poules by the space of ij dayes whiche many of us didde

see and understand for certayne to be the bodies of the saide Erle of

Warrewyk and Marqueys Also Sir the saide Edward late called Prince

Therle of Devynshire lord John of Somerset lord Wenlok Sir Edmund

Hampden Sir Robert Whityngham, Sir John Lewkenore, John Delves wt other

moo were sleyne upon Saturday last passed at Tewkesbury. And the Duke

of Somerset lord of Seint Johannys Sir Gerveys of Clifton Sir Thomas

Tresham wt oþer moo to the noumbre of xij persones ben taken and ben

beheded on Monday last passed as we ben veryly enfourmed at Tewkesbury

aforsaide where god yaffe the kyng oure saide soverayn lord the victory

as we certeynly understande not onely by lettres signed with oure

saide soveraigne lordys owne hande whereof we sende yow a copye herein

enclosed and by writynges senden from lordes and gentilles there beyng

present unto divers and many persones beyng wtin in the saide Citee

of London but also by the reaporte of many credible persones and men

of worship and by oþer servauntes of the same Citee. Whereof some

were sent unto the hooste of oure saide soveraigne lord the king and

some unto the hooste of the saide Edward late called Prynce to see

and understand the disposicioun of bothe þe saide hoostes and to make

reaporte unto us accordyng to the trouth whiche faiethfully have made

reaporte unto us of the disposicioun and gugdyng of bothe the saide

hoostis and howe and in what manere and fourme the saide Edward late

called Prynce and oþer were taken and slayne. Wherefore we fryndely

exorte you and stire you not onely to absteyne youre silf from suche

unlawfull gaderynges and assembles of people and gevyng feith and

credence to any symple feyned and forged tales contrary to trouth as

it is rehersed, but also to take accepte and obey the kyng, kyng Edward

the iiijth for your soveraigne lord the grete victories aforerehersed

which god hath gevyn hym by his myghty power considered like all the

lordes spirituell and temporell of this lande and we also have agreed

for to doo. And ye soo doyng shal cause the kyng rather to be youre

goode lorde and therby ye shal eschewe grete ieobardies parelles and

inconveniences that myght enshewe of the contrary. And also ye shal

not onely have oure good willes and benevolences in all thinges that

hereafter ye shall have to doo wt us but also we shall be meane to the

kynges highnesse trustyng that by oure praier he shalbe unto you the

rather goode and graciouse lord lettyng you witte for certayne that ye

nor youre hooste shal not come within the said Citee. Writen at London

in the yeldehall the ix day of Maij.

No. 29.

Account of the invasion of the City by the Kentish rebels on Sunday

the 12th May 1471.

Journal 8, fo. 7.

Translation.

Be it remembered that the Mayor and Aldermen with the assent of the

Common Council fortified the banks of the river Thames from Castle

Baynard as far as the Tower of London with men at arms, bombards, and

other implements of war to prevent an attack by the seamen who had

brought a large fleet of ships near the Tower, and the said bank was

held by the Aldermen and the rest of the citizens in great numbers.

Be it remembered also that on Sunday viz: the 12th day of May in the

eleventh year of Edward IV, [1471] Kentish seamen and others, rebels

of the lord the king made an attack upon London bridge and on the new

gate there and set fire to divers houses called _berehouses_ near

the hospital of Saint Katherine; and afterwards on the 14th day of

May being Tuesday the eleventh year aforesaid about eleven o'clock

in the morning of the said Tuesday the said Kentish seamen and other

rebels made an attack with great force and set fire to 13 tenements

upon London bridge. The said Kentish seamen and others to the number

of 5000 persons also made an attack from the Thames upon the gates of

Aldgate and Bishopsgate and set fire to divers tenements. The citizens,

however, sallied out of the gates and made a stout resistance and put

them to flight, and nearly 300 men fell in battle and in flight besides

those who were drowned in endeavouring to get on board their ships at

Blakewall &c. And afterwards viz.: on the eve of the Ascension the

aforesaid eleventh year our said lord King came with a great multitude

of armed men to the city of London and there to the honour of the same

city created knights John Stokton the Mayor, Richard Lee, Matthew

Philip, Ralph Verney, John Yong, William Tailor, aldermen, Thomas

Urswyk the Recorder, George Irlond, William Hampton, Bartholomew James,

Thomas Stalbrok and William Stokker, aldermen. And the same lord the

King conferred upon them knights' badges.

No. 30.

Letter from King Henry VII to the City announcing the betrothal of

his daughter the Princess Mary to Prince Charles of Castile.

Dated Richmond, 28 Dec. [1507].

Letter Book M, fo. 138.

By the king

Trusty and welbeloved we grete you well. And forasmoche as wee doubt

not but yt is and shalbe to you and to all other our true subiectes

right joyfull and confortable to here and understande from tyme to

tyme specially of suche causes and matiers as redounde to the grete

honour exaltacioun universall weal suertie and restfulnes of us this

our realme and our subiectes of the same we signifie unto you that by

or grete labour studie and police thys grete and honourable aliaunce

and mariage betwixt the prince of Castile and or right dere doughter

the lady Marie ys nowe or lorde bethanked betwixt or ambassadours

and the oratours aswell of or brother and cousyn the king of Romans

as of the seid yonge prince at or towne of Calays accorded aggreed

concluded and finally determyned wt a grete ample and large amitie

and consideracioun to the suertie strenght defence and comfort aswell

of us and of the seid prince as of either of our realmes contrayes

dominions and subiectes and considering the noble lynage and blode

whereof the seid yong prince ys descended whiche ys of the grettest

kinges and princes in Cristendome remembring also the regions landes

and contrays by rightfull enheritaunce he shall succede with the

manyfolde commodities and goodenes that may folowe and ensue to us and

this or realme aswell by the seid aliaunce and amitie as also by the

free and sure entercourse of merchaundise that our and hys subiectees

may and shall have in the regions and contrayes of us bothe specially

being soo nye joyned togeder as they be we thinke verraly that thought

the same shalbe right chargeable yet for the honor suertie weale and

profite of this or seid reame noon so noble mariage can any where be

founde. So that by meane therof and thother aliaunce whiche we have wt

or good son the King of Scottes[851] this or reame ys nowe environd

and in maner closed on every side wt suche myghti princes or good

sonnes frendes confiderates and alies that by the helpe of or lorde

the same ys and shalbe perpetually establisshed in rest and peace and

welthy condicioun to or grete honor and pleasor the reioysing and

comfort of all or loving frendes confiderates and alies, the feare

and discomfort of or enmyes that wold entende or presume to attempt

any thing to the contrary. The premisses therefore considered we do

advertise you of the same to thentent that like as we doubt nat but

ye and every of you wol take pleasor and comfort in hering thereof.

So with convenient diligence uppon the sight of these or lettres ye

wol cause demonstraciouns and tokens of reioysing and comfort to be

made in sundry places wt in or citie there aswell by making of ffyres

in suche places as shall thinke convenient as otherwise in the best

and confortable maner that ye can so that therby it may be evidently

knowen what gladnesse and reioysing ys generally takyn and made by you

and other or subiectes for perfecting of the seid honorable matiers

like as we knowe right well that the subiectes of the seid yong prince

for their parte have doon and wol semblably do accordingly lating you

wite that we have directed or like lettres to diverse other cities and

townes wtin or seid reame semblably to do for theyr part. Yeuen under

or Signet at our maner of Richemond the xxviij day of Decembre.

No. 31.

Petition of Dean Colet to the Common Council that he might be

allowed to purchase certain lands and tenements for the purpose

of enlarging his School; 15 Jan. 3 Henry VIII. [1511-12].

Journal 11, fo. 147b.

To the honorable Comon Counsell of the Citie of London.

Shewith unto you the Honorable Comyn Counsell of the Citie of London

yor lover and Bedman John Colet Deane of poules. That where he hath

made sute unto you afore this tyme for certeyn mesuage or tenement in

the olde Chaunge and ye have not sufficiently yitt knowen his mynde in

that behalf that it woll nowe lyke you to understande his mynde more

plainly whiche ys this. That ys to sey That where he hathe edified and

ordeyned a scole for your Childern bothe for lernyng and for good made

maners in poules Churche and nowe to the more examplefying and makyng

profite of the same in every pointe And also the more commoditie and

weale of yor sonnes that nowe and hereafter shall resorte to the seid

Scole because he sethe that it moche behoveth hym to his purpose to

have suche house and tenement in the old Channge lying at the bakside

of the said scole in the Est parte of the same that is to sey betwixt

the tenement nowe in the tenour of Reynold Pwe Citezen and Marchaunt

haberdassher of London on the South parte and the tenement nowe in the

tenure of John Evers Citezein and Marchaunt haberdassher of London

on the North parte conteynyng in lenght from the South to the North

xxviij fote of assise and in brede from the Est to the West x fote ix

Inches and a half of assise nowe being in the tenure of the seid John

Evers paying a yerely Rent of xxxv s. Therfore he instantly praieth

you and requireth you that ye wyll voutesave to lett hym have the seid

tenementes for convenient and reasonable price suche as shalbe sene to

indifferent men according to the true valour of the seid tenementes and

[_sic_] this grauntyng ye shall doo the seid John Colet a gret pleasor

and also a thing of gret commoditie to your childern, and the seid John

Colet Deane of poules shall pray for your good prosperious contynuance

to almyghty God all way who ever kepe you amen.

No. 32.

Letter from King Henry VIII to the City desiring 300 men for the

service of the Navy against a threatened invasion of England by

the King of France. Dated Greenwich, 30 Jan. [1512-13].

Journal II, fo. I.

Trusty and welbeloved we grete youe well. And forasmoche as we have

perfite knowleage that or enemye the Frenche kyng hathe prepared a

strong navye furnysshed wt men of warre to entre and lande in diverse

parties of this or realme in this nexist moneth of Februarij for to

brenne slee robbe and distroye all that they may overcome. We entendyng

to prevent his conspired malice and to defende or reame and subgiettes

from all suche invasions by strength of a navye to be shortly sett

to the see. Wol therefore & commaunde youe that almaner excuses

utterly sett a parte ye furthwt upon the sight hereof doo prepaire

and arredye the nomber of ccc able persones sufficiently harneysed to

serve us on the see so that they be here at Grenewiche by the xvth day

off Februarij nexist commyng at the farthest any or former lettres

wrytinges to contrary notwtstondyng and that in the mean season ye do

send unto us some persone to receyve money for jakettes and conducte

money and that ye faile not hereof as ye tender our honor the suertie &

defence of this or realme and woll annswer therefore unto us at their

utturmost perill. Yeven under or Signet at or manor of Grenewiche the

xxx day of Januarij.

No. 33.

Letter from Cardinal Wolsey to the City, touching a loan of 4000

marks. Dated Westminster, 3 Sept. [1522].

Journal 12, fo. 196b.

Right honorable and my welbelovid frendes I parceyve by the relacõn of

Sir John Dauncy howe towardly and benevolently ye at this present tyme

of necessite, do use applye and endevor yor selfes to shewe gratuite

honor and pleasure unto the kynges grace, and that the rather at my

contemplacõn and desire, ye be mynded and contentid nowe to avaunce

unto his highnes by way of lone the summe of iiijml merkes which is

not only a manyfest and evydent demonstracõn of the perfite zele that

ye have to the furtheraunce of the kynges affaires, but also therbye

I do see what good inclynacõn and lovyng myndes ye be of to do unto

me acceptable and thankfull pleasure assuryng you that the kynges

highnes woll not faile so to remembre this yor gentill demeanor as ye

shall have cause to thynk the same well employed and bestowed. And for

my parte I thank you asmoch as though an other season ye gave unto

me thries that valure, offeryng that eny goodes of myn or that I can

make of my frendes shalbe as alliable unto yor commodities weales and

profites hereafter as ye do shew you to be unto the satisfacõn of my

desire and request, promysyng you also that wtin xv dayes next ensuyng

I shall see you entierly repayed of the same And in all such thynges

as may concerne thadvauncemet and comon weale of you and that Citie

ye shall assuredly have my favor and good furtheraunce as thise yor

merites condyngeiely do requyre. At my place besides Westmynster the

iijde daye of Septembre.

Yor assured lovyng ffrende

T. Cardinalis Ebor.

No. 34.

Letter from Henry VIII to the City requesting a benevolence. Dated

Greenwich, 25 April [1525].

Letter Book N, fo. 278.

Trusty and right welbiloved we grete you well. Lattyng you wytte that

by the reaporte and relacioun of the moost reverende fadre in God our

most trusty and mooste enterly welbiloved counsaillor the lorde legate

Cardynall Archebisshope of Yorke Primate of Englande and Chauncellor

of the same Whom we appoynted to practyse wt you for an amyable

graunte to be made unto us towards the supportacõn of or charges for

our intended vyage in to Fraunce for recoverey and atteignynge of our

crown and rightes there We to our singuler contentation understonde

that ye lyke most lovynge and kynde subgettes have shewed yor selffes

as conformable and well mynded to accomplyshe our desire purposed and

shewed unto you by the sayde moost reverende fadre in that behalffe

as cowde be imagined or devised And that there lakketh yn none of you

any maner towardnes or herty good wille with all effecte to performe

the same For the whiche your good demontracõn evidently provynge the

feithfull and mooste lovynge myndes that you alwaies have borne and

contynually doo bere unto us, ye do geve us right good cause to devise

and studie howe we may be as gracious soverayne lorde unto yow, as

ye bee good subgettes unto us: and surely yor towarde conformytes &

demeanors heryn be so imprynted in our harte and mynde that we shall

never forgett the same but yn all your resonable causes and pursuytes

woll have suche consideracõn and respecte therunto as shalbe to yor

comfortes gevyng you for this yor benevolent demeanor our right hartye

thankys. Nevertheless in asmoche as by reaporte and informacõn of

the said moost reverende fader we perceyve that albeyt ye be of this

towarde molinacõn and disposicioun as is aforesaid, yet your powers and

abilities be not equyvalent and correspondent unto yor good myndes ne

ye may commodiously performe the same without your grete detryment and

extreme hynderance & decay: We moche more esteme the prosperite of this

our realme and the weale of you or lovynge and kynde subgettes then we

doo ten suche realmes as Fraunce is. And not willynge you in any wise

to be so overcharged in this benyvolent graunte as shulde be to yor

extreme impoverishing have of our herty affeccõn and love towardes you

at this tyme directed our other lettres and instruccõns unto the said

most reverend fader willyng and desirynge hym to shewe and declare

unto you what waies of moderacõn we have devysed to be taken with you

in this behalff. By whome ye shall perceyve that we noo lesse doo

tendre your weales then we doo the attaynynge of or said rights and

crown whiche of necessite in avoydynge the greate dishonor that by the

contrary may ensue to us and this our realme and subgettes we must

attempte to recover. Trustyng therefor verelye that lyke as we have

tendre respecte unto you and your commoditie soo ye will as liberall

and good subgettes regarde the importance of our said intendyd viage

with the honor and Reputacõn of us and this own realme accordyngly

Yoven undre our Signet at or Maner of Grenewiche the xxv day of Aprill.

No. 35.

Order for Obsequies to be celebrated in the City on the death of

the lady Jane Seymour, 10 November 1537.

Letter Book P, fo. 135b.

At thys courte yt ys agreed that a Solempn herse shalbe made in poules

wyth iiij great Candlestickes wth iiij great Tapers and the herse to

be garnysshed wth xxx other great Tapers wth ij Braunches of vyrgyn

waxe and the same to be garnysshed wth blacke clothe and wth the Quenes

armys and upon Monday next at after noone the great belles in Every

churche at one of the Clocke to be Ronge and so contynue tyll three

and then all the belles in Everye churche to Rynge tyle vj of the

clocke And my lorde Mayre and the Sheryffes to contynue by the space

of xiiij dayes And also agreed that all the Aldermen shall goo in blak

and agreed that at twoo of the clocke at after noone to assemble here

upon Monday next and that at after noone a Solempn Obytt to be kept

at powles and on the morrowe the Masse And that of every Churche twoo

preestes shall gyve attendance Every one in theyre Surplesses and the

said Preestes to be devyded in fyve places in our Lady Chappell Saint

Georges Chappell and Saint The Great Chappels on the North and South

partes and that warnynge be gevyn by the clerkes of Every churche

to the churchewardens of Everye Churche and one offycer of my lorde

mayres to goo west and an other easte Also to gyve warnynge to the

churchewardens and that the belles of Every churche upon Tuesday next

shall begynne at ix of the clocke and contynue untyll xj of the clocke

afore noone And than the great belles of every churche to rynge alone

tyll xij of the clocke be strycken And that my lorde for hys Offycers

viij blacke Gownes shall have and Every one of the Sheryffes to have

iiij a pece At the costes of thys Cytie And that Mr Recorder shall have

xxxiijs iiijd. The Chamberleyn the under-chamberleyn and the Towne

clerk Every one of them xxs a pece by the commaundement of my lorde

Mayre.

No. 36.

Extract from letter from Sir Richard Gresham to Thomas Cromwell,

lord Privy Seal, touching the purchase of certain houses in

Lombard Street belonging to Sir George Monoux, Alderman of the

City of London, for the purpose of a site for an Exchange.

Dated 25 July [1538].

Brit. Mus. MS. Cotton, Otho E x, fo. 45.

* * * The Last yere I shewyd yor goode lordeshipe a Platte that was

drawen howte for to make a goodely Bursse In Lombert strete for

merchaunts to Repayer unto I doo suppose yt wyll coste ij ml_l_ and

more wyche shalbe very beautyful * * and allsoo for the honor owr

soveragne * * ther ys serteyn howssys in the sayd * * longyn to Sir

George Monnocks and excepte * * maye purchesse them the sayd Bursse

can [not] be made Wherefor yt maye please yor good lordshipe [to] move

the kynges highnes to have his most gracious lettyrs [di]rectyd to the

sayd Sir George Wyllynge and allsoo [co]maundynge hym to cawsse the

sayd howssys to be [so]led to the Mayer and Comminaltye of the City of

London for suche prices as he dyd purches them for and that he fawte

not but to accomplyshe hys gracious commaundement the Lettyr must be

sharply made for he ys of noo jentyll nature and that he shale gyffee

Further credens to the mayer I wyll delyver the Lettyr and handyll hym

the best I can, and yf I maye obtayngne to have the sayde howyssys

I dought not but to gather oon ml_l_ towarde the buildynge or I

departe howte of myn office ther shale lacke noo goode wylle In me. And

thus or lorde preserve yor goode lordshippe in prosperous helthe long

to contynew. At London the XXV daye Juylly.

No. 37.

Letter from King Henry VIII to Alderman Monoux desiring him to

part with certain property whereon to erect an Exchange. Dated

Chichester, 13 August [1538].

Journal 14, fo. 124.

By the Kynge

Trusty and welbelovyd we grete you well. And where as we under stande

that ye have certeyn howsyng and tenementes abowt lombard strete in our

Citye of london whiche ar veray mete and expedyent for certeyn intended

purposes to the weale and commen furtherance of merchauntes and

entrecours of the same wtyn that or Cytye lyke as or trusty and Ryght

welbelovyd servaunt Sr Rychard Gresham maior of the same and other hys

brethern there can declare unto you Forasmoche as we tender moche that

theyre good mynde and purpose in that byhalf may take effect And not

dowbtyng but beyng brought up there ye have a good zeale and affeccõn

to the same we have therfore thought hartely to requyre you that nowe

shewyng the same ye woll nowe vouchesave at or intercessyon to bestowe

upon suche a common weale and furtheraunce so moche of yor sayd howsyng

as shall nede for thaccomplysshement of the same freely and frankely

Or at the least wt so reasonable an agreament indelayedly to be made

betwene you and the sayd Gresham as they maye have cawse to thynke that

ye want no good affeccõn towardes the sayd cytye And also that ye have

suche good respect to our requisicõn herein as apperteigneth Assuryng

you that yor gentle confirmite so to doo shalbe by us thankfully

accepted and remembred accordyngly Yeven under or signet at or citye of

Chichestre the xiij daye of August.

No. 38.

Another letter from King Henry VIII to the same urging him to part

with property required for an Exchange, on reasonable terms. No

Date [1538].

_Id. ibid._

By the Kyng

Trusty and welbelovyd we grete you well And where as we have lately

dyrected to you or letters hartely desyeryng you at or request frankely

and frely to gyve certeyn yor howses that ye have in lombardstrete yn

that or Cytye of London for a burse or place apte for merchauntes to

resorte to orelles upon suche a reasonable agreament and convencõn

as ye cowlde fynde yn your harte for or sake to conclude wt theym yn

that byhalf wheryn ye shulde doo unto us acceptable pleasure not to

be forgotten whensoever oportunytye shall requyre Wherupon as we be

enformed or trusty and Ryght welbelovyd servaunt Sir Rychard Gresham

Knight late Maior of or sayd Cytye have wt other of hys brethern

Aldermen of the same bene lately wt you for thaccomplysshement therof

at whiche tyme ye hooly remytted the matter to thorderyng of or trusty

and welbelovyd counsailor Sir Richard Ryche chauncelor of or corte

thaugmentacõns of or crowne wt whome also the sayd Sir Rychard Gresham

wt other of hys brethern thaldermen of that or Cytye concluded and

agreed to pay yerely for ever an annuall rent of twenty markes by

yere for the sayd howses yet thys notwtstandyng thorough the evell

counsayll and dethortacõn of certayn persones of frowarde disposicõn

whiche lytle regarde or pleasure and yor estymacõn contrary to or

expectacõn and lesse to the furtherance of the common wealth of that or

Cytye have dysturbed the sayd good purpose to or no lytill marvell we

therfore muche desyeryng the same to take effect do eftsones desyre and

hartely requyre you that ponderyng and weyng wt yorself the benefite

and commodytye that shall ensue therof to or common wealth and to the

beautifitye of that or cytie and chamber of London to condescende to or

desyre and conclude the sayd graunte accordyngly wtout further delaye

Requyryng you that of yor gentle conformytie herein to be used on yor

behalf (the contrary wherof we nothyng loke for) ye woll advertyse us

wt convenyent dylygence by thys brynger Sir Rychard Gresham to thintent

that accordyng to yor procedynges hereyn we maye gyve unto you or

condigne thankes and also remember the same whan occasyon shall serve

to yor no lytle benefit accordyngly Yeven under or Signet &c.

No. 39.

Letter of thanks from Henry VIII to Alderman Monoux for acceding to

the King's former request. Dated Westminster, 25 Nov. [1538].

Journal 14, fo. 124b.

By the Kynge

Trusty and welbeloved we grete you well And perceyvyng by the relacõn

of or Ryght trusty and Right welbelovyd counsailor the lorde privie

seale howe at the contemplacõn of or lettres lately dyrected unto you

for yor lovyng graunte to be made unto the merchauntes of or citye of

London for theyre reasonable money to have of you suche yor howses and

tenementes situate and lyeng yn Lombardstrete as shulde be mete for a

burse wherunto the merchauntes of or said Cytye shulde for the trafique

of marchaundyses have dayly concorse and accesse to the beautifyeng

of or sayd Cytie and the advauncement of or common wealth of the same

ye have lyke a lovyng subiect conformed yorself unto the same And

have of yor owne gentlenes shewed and declared more conformitye unto

theyre sute and Request than we desyred of you by or sayd lettres

lyke as for yor gentle Accomplysshement thereof we geve unto you or

cordyall and condynge thankes So we assure you we shall have the same

yor towardnes yn the performyng hereof yn suche remembrance as whan

occasyon shall serve yn yor lawfull pursuytes the same shall redownde

unto yor benefyte accordyngly Yeven under or signet at or Royall palace

of Westminster the xxv day of Novembre.

No. 40.

Proclamation by Henry VIII forbidding public hunting and hawking in

the suburbs of London. Dated 7 July, 1545.

Journal 14, fo. 240b.

Forasmoche as the Kynges moste Royall Maistey is moche desyrous to

have the Games of hare partriche ffesaunte and heron preserved in and

abowte his honor at his paleys of Westmynster for his owne disporte and

pastyme That is to save from his said paleys at Westmynster to saint

Gyles in the feelde and from thens to Islyngton to or ladye of the Oke

to Hyghegate to Harnesey parke to Hampstede Hethe and from thens to

Shotehophyll to Wyllesdon to Acton to Cheseweke to Chelsehethe and so

from thens to his said paleys of Westmynster to be preserved and kepte

for his owne disporte pleasure and Recreacõn. His Highnes therefore

straytlye chargethe and Commaundeth all & singuler his subiectes of

what Estate Degree or condicõn soever they be that they ne any of them

do presume or attempte to hunte or hawke or in any manener of meanes

to take or kyll any of the said Games wthin the precincte aforesaid as

they tender his favour and wull exchewe further punysshement at his

Maiestyes wyll and pleasure. * * * Dated Westminster, 7 July, 37 Henry

VIII [1545].

No. 41.

Letter from King Edward VI and the Protector Somerset to the

City asking for a force of 1000 men as a protection against

conspirators. Dated Hampton Court, 6 Oct. [1549].

Letter Book R, fo. 39b.

Trustye and welbeloved we greate yowe well we charge and commaunde

yowe moste ernestlye to gyve order wth all spede for the defence &

preservacõn of that or Cytie of London for us. And to levye owte of

hande & to putt in order as menye as convenyentlye yowe maye well

weaperred & arayed keapyng good watche at the gates. And to sende us

hether for the defence of or person one thousand of that or cytie of

trustye & faythfull men to attende upon us & or most intyerly belovyd

uncle Edwarde Duke of Somersett governor of or personne and protector

of or realmes domynyons and subiectes well harnessed & wth good &

convenyent weapon. So that they do make their repayer hether unto us

this night if yt be possyble or at the leaste tomorrowe before none.

And in the meane tyme to do what as apperteyneth unto yor duetye

for ours & or seid uncles defence agayns all suche as attempte anye

conspyracie or enterpryse of vyolence against us or or seid uncle, and

as yow knowe best for or preservacõn & defence at this presente. Yoven

under or Signett at or honor of Hampton corte the vjth of October the

third yere of or reign.