DEMOCRACY
=A conflict.=--There was a fight on a railway train--a terrific fight.
The conductor and two other Americans were battling against ten or more
foreigners. These foreigners had come aboard the train at a mining town
en route to the city for a holiday. The train had hardly got under way,
after the stop, when the fight was on. The battle raged back and forth
from one car to the other across the platform amid the shouts and
cursing of men and the screams of women. Bloody faces attested the
intensity of the conflict. One foreigner was knocked from the train, but
no account was taken of him. The train sped on and the fight continued.
Nor did its violence abate until the train reached the next station,
where the conductor summoned reënforcements and invoked the majesty of
the law in the form of an officer. The affray, from first to last, was
most depressing and gave to the unwilling witness a feeling that
civilization is something of a misnomer and that men are inherently
ferocious.
=Misconceptions.=--More mature reflection, however, served to modify
this judgment, and the application of some philosophy resolved the
distressing combat into a relatively simple proposition. The conductor
and his assistants were fighting for their conception of order, and
their opponents were fighting for their conception of manhood. Reduced
to its primal elements, the fight was the result of a dual
misconception. The conductor was battling to vindicate his conception of
order; the foreigners were battling to vindicate their conception of the
rights of men in a democracy. Neither party to the contest understood
the other, and each one felt himself to be on the defensive. Neither one
would have confessed himself the aggressor, and yet each one was
invading the supposed rights of the other. Judicial consideration could
readily have averted the whole distressing affair.
=Foreign concept of democracy.=--The foreigners had come to our country
with roseate dreams of democracy. To their conception, this is the land
where every man is the equal of every other man; where equal rights and
privileges are vouchsafed to all men without regard to nationality,
position, or possessions; where there is no faintest hint of the caste
system; and where there are no possible lines of demarcation. Their
disillusionment on that train was swift and severe, and the observer
could not but wonder what was their conception of a democracy as they
walked about the streets of the city or gave attention to their bruised
faces. Their dreams of freedom and equal rights must have seemed a
mockery. They must have felt that they had been lured into a trap by
some agency of cruelty and injustice. After such an experience they must
have been unspeakably homesick for their native land.
="Melting pot."=--Their primary trouble arose from the fact that they
had not yet achieved democracy, but had only a hazy theoretical
conception of its true meaning. Nor did the conductor give them any
assistance. On the contrary he pushed them farther away into the realm
of theory, and rendered them less susceptible to the influence of the
feeling for democracy. Before these foreigners can become thoroughly
assimilated they must know this feeling by experience; and until this
experience is theirs they cannot live comfortably or harmoniously in our
democracy. To do this effectively is one of the large tasks that
confront the American school and society as a whole. If we fail here,
the glory of democracy will be dimmed. All Americans share equally in
the responsibility of this task. The school, of course, must assume its
full share of this responsibility if it would fully deserve the name of
melting pot.
=Learning democracy.=--Meeting this responsibility worthily is not the
simple thing that many seem to conceive it to be. If it were, then any
discussion appertaining to the teaching of democracy would be
superfluous. This subject of democracy is, in fact, the most difficult
subject with which the school has to do, and by far the most important.
Its supreme importance is due to the fact that all the pupils expect to
live in a democracy, and, unless they learn democracy, life cannot
attain to its maximum of agreeableness for them nor can they make the
largest possible contributions to the well-being of society. It has been
said that the seventeenth century saw Versailles; the eighteenth century
saw the Earth; and the nineteenth century saw Humanity. Then the very
pertinent question is asked, "Which century will see Life?" We who love
our country and our form of government fondly hope that we may be the
first to see Life, and, if this privilege falls to our lot, we must come
to see life through the medium of democracy.
=The vitalized school a democracy.=--Life seems to be an abstract
something to many people, but it must become concrete before they can
really see it as it is. Democracy is a means, therefore, of transforming
abstract life into concrete life, and so we are to come into a fuller
comprehension of life through the gateway of democracy. The vitalized
school is a laboratory of life and, at the same time, it is the most
nearly perfect exemplification of democracy. The nearer its approach to
perfection in exemplifying the spirit and workings of a democracy, the
larger service it renders society. If the outflow from the school into
society is a high quality of democracy, the general tone of society will
be improved. If society deteriorates, the school may not be wholly at
fault, but it evidently is unable to supply to society reënforcement in
such quantity and of such quality as will keep the level up to normal.
=Responsibility of the individual.=--In society each individual raises
or lowers the level of democracy according to what he is and does. The
idler fails to make any contributions to the well-being of society and
thus lowers the average of citizenship. The trifler and dawdler lower
the level of democracy by reason of their inefficiency. They may
exercise their right to vote but fail to exercise their right to act the
part of efficient citizens. If all citizens emulated their example,
democracy would become inane and devitalized. Tramps, burglars,
feeble-minded persons, and inebriates lower the level of democracy
because of their failure to render their full measure of service, and
because, in varying degrees, they prey upon the resources of society and
thus add to its burdens. Self-reliance, self-support, self-respect, as
well as voting, are among the rights that all able-bodied citizens must
exercise before democracy can come into its rightful heritage.
=The function of the school.=--All this and much more the schools must
teach effectively so that it shall be thoroughly enmeshed in the social
consciousness or their output will reveal a lack of those qualities that
make for the larger good of democratic society. Democracy must be
grooved into habits of thought and action or the graduates of the
schools will fall short of achieving the highest plane of living in the
community. They will not be in harmony with their environment, and
friction will ensue, which will reduce, in some degree, the level of
democracy. Hence, the large task of the school is to inculcate the habit
of democracy with all that the term implies. Twelve years are none too
long for this important work, even under the most favorable conditions
and under the direction of the most skillful teaching. Indeed, civic
economy will be greatly enhanced if, in the twelve years, the schools
accomplish this one big purpose.
=Manifestations of democratic spirit.=--We may not be able to resolve
democracy into its constituent elements, but the spirit that is attuned
to democracy is keenly alive to its manifestations. The spirit so
attuned is quick to detect any slightest discord in the democratic
harmony. This is especially true in the school democracy. A discordant
note affects the entire situation and militates against effective
procedure. In the school democracy we look for a series and system of
compromises,--for a yielding of minor matters that major ones may be
achieved. We look for concessions that will make for the comfort and
progress of the entire body, and we experience disappointment if we fail
to discover some pleasure in connection with these concessions. We
expect to see good will banishing selfishness and every semblance of
monopoly. We expect to find every pupil glad to share the time and
strength of the teacher with his fellows even to the point of
generosity, and to find joy in so doing. We expect to find each pupil
eager to deposit all his attainments and capabilities as assets of the
school and to find his chief joy in the success of all that the school
represents.
=Obstacles in the path.=--But it is far easier to depict democracy than
to teach it. In fact, the teacher is certain to encounter obstacles, and
many of these have their source in American homes. Indeed, some of the
most fertile sources of discord in the school may be traced to a
misconception of democracy on the part of the home. One of these
misconceptions is a species of anarchy, which appropriates to itself the
gentler name of democracy. But, none the less, it is anarchy. It
disdains all law and authority, treads under foot the precepts of the
home and the school, flouts the counsels of parents and teachers, and is
self-willed, obstinate, and defiant. Democracy obeys the law; anarchy
scorns it. Democracy respects the rights of others, anarchy overrides
them. Democracy exalts good will; anarchy exalts selfishness. Democracy
respects the Golden Rule; anarchy respects nothing, not even itself.
=Anarchy.=--When this spirit of anarchy gains access to the school, it
is not easily eradicated for the reason that the home is loath to
recognize it as anarchy, and resents any such implication on the part of
the school. The father may be quite unable to exercise any control over
the boy, but he is reluctant to admit the fact to the teacher. Such a
boy is an anarchist and no sophistry can gloss the fact. What he needs
is a liberal application of monarchy to fit him for democracy. He should
read the Old Testament as a preparation for an appreciative perusal of
the New Testament. If the home cannot generate in him due respect for
constituted authority, then the school must do so, or he will prove a
menace to society and become a destructive rather than a constructive
agency. Here we have a tense situation. Anarchy is running riot in the
home; the home is arrayed against the attempts of the school to correct
the disorder; and Democracy is standing expectant to see what will be
done.
=Snobbery.=--Scarcely less inimical to democracy than anarchy is
snobbery. The former is violent, while the latter is insidious. Both
poison the source of the stream of democracy. If the home instills into
the minds of children the notion of inherent superiority, they will
carry this into the school and it will produce a discord. A farmer and a
tenant had sons of the same age. These lads played together, never
thinking of superiority or inferiority. Now the son of the tenant is
president of one of the great universities, and the son of the
proprietor is a janitor in one of the buildings of that university.
Democracy presents to view many anomalies, and the school age is quite
too early for anything approaching the caste system or snobbery. The
time may come when the rich man's son will consider it an honor to drive
the car for his impecunious classmate.
=Restatement.=--It needs to be repeated, therefore, that democracy is
the most difficult subject which the school is called upon to teach, not
only because it is difficult in itself, but also because of the attitude
of many homes that profess democracy but do not practice it. To the
influence of such homes one may trace the exodus of many children from
the schools. The parents want things done in their way or not at all,
and so withdraw their children to vindicate their own autocracy. They
are willing to profit by democracy but are unwilling to help foster its
growth. They not only lower the level of democracy but even compel their
children to lower it still more. The teacher may yearn for the children
and the children for the teacher, but the home is inexorable and
sacrifices the children to a misconception of democracy.
=Coöperation.=--Democracy does not mean fellowship, but it does mean
coöperation. It means that people in all walks of life are animated by
the common purpose to make all their activities contribute to the
general good of society. It means that the railroad president may shake
hands with the brakeman and talk with him, man to man, encouraging him
to aspire to promotion on merit. It means that this brakeman may become
president of the road with no scorn for the stages through which he
passed in attaining this position. It means that he may understand and
sympathize with the men in his employ without fraternizing with them. It
means that every boy may aspire to a place higher than his father has
attained with no loss of affection for him. It does not mean either
sycophancy or truculence, but freedom to every individual to make the
most of himself and so help others to make the most of themselves.
=The democratic teacher.=--Democracy is learned not from books but from
the democratic spirit that obtains in the school. If the teacher is
surcharged with democracy, her radiating spirit sends out currents into
the life of each pupil, and the spirit of democracy thus generated in
them fuses them into homogeneity. Thus they become democratic by living
in the atmosphere of democracy, as the boy grew into the likeness of the
Great Stone Face.
QUESTIONS AND EXERCISES
1. How may elementary teachers inculcate the principles of true
democracy?
2. By what means may public schools assist in the transformation of
illiterate foreigners into "intelligent American citizens"?
3. What are some of the weaknesses of democracy which the public school
may remedy? the press? public officials? the people?
4. Are such affairs as are described in the beginning of the chapter
peculiar to democracies? Why or why not?
5. How may school discipline recognize democratic principles, thereby
laying the foundation of respect for law and order by our future
citizens?
6. What qualities of citizens are inconsistent with a high level of
democracy?
7. Discuss the extent to which the management of the classroom should be
democratic.
8. How may the monarchical government of a school fit pupils for a
democracy? How may it unfit them?
9. In what ways may the following institutions raise the level of
democracy: centralized schools? vocational schools? junior high schools?
moonlight schools? evening schools?