CHAPTER VI

GODS

+635+. The climax of the organization of external religion appears in

the conception of gods proper; this conception is always associated with

more or less well-developed institutions. Early religious life expresses

itself in ceremonies; the god is the embodiment of man's ideal of the

extrahuman power that rules the world. It is not always easy to

distinguish the true gods from the other supernatural beings with which

early man's world is peopled.[1052] As far as concerns power, the ghosts

and the spirits appear to do all that the gods are credited with doing;

the sphere of ghostly action is practically unlimited, and the spirit

that dwells in a spring, in a river, or in a mountain, is as mighty in

his sphere as Indra or Apollo in his sphere; the difference between them

and gods is a difference of intellectual and moral culture and of the

degree of naturalization in a human society--a god might be defined as a

superhuman Being fashioned by the thought of a civilized people (the

term 'civilized' admitting, however, of many gradations). Still, gods

proper may be distinguished from other Powers by certain characteristics

of person and function. Ghosts are shadowy doubles of human beings,

sometimes nameless, wandering about without definite purpose except to

procure food for themselves, uncertain of temper, friendly or unfriendly

according to caprice or other circumstances, able to help or to harm,

and requiring men to be constantly on the alert so as not in an

unguarded moment to offend them. Souls of recently deceased ancestors,

more highly organized ghosts, conceived of also as attenuated bodies,

have powers not essentially different from those of the simpler ghosts,

but are differentiated from these in function by their intimate

relations with the family or clan to which they belong, and by their

more definite human nature; they are as a rule permanently friendly, are

capable of definite sympathetic social intercourse with living men, and

are sometimes controllers and patrons, hardly to be distinguished from

local or departmental gods. Spirits are ethereal beings residing in, or

closely connected with, certain objects (trees, rivers, springs, stones,

mountains, etc.), sometimes permanently attached to these objects,

sometimes detached; roaming about, sometimes kindly, more generally

inimical, authors of disease and death, to be feared and to be guarded

against, but sometimes in function (though not in origin) identical with

ancestral ghosts. Totems, in their developed form, are revered, but

rarely if ever worshiped. The term 'animal-gods' may mean either living

animals regarded as divine, or animals believed to be the forms assumed

by gods; in the latter case they may be taken to be real gods of an

inferior type.

In distinction from the four classes of Powers just mentioned, a true

god is a supernatural being with distinct anthropomorphic personality,

with a proper name or a distinctive title, exercising authority over a

certain land or people or over a department of nature or a class of

phenomena, dwelling generally in a sanctuary on the earth, or in the

sky, or in the other world, and in general sympathetic with men. Gods

have rational human qualities, human modes of procedure, and are human

beings in all things except power.[1053]

+636+. The god appears to have been at the outset a well-formed

anthropomorphic being. His genesis is different from that of the ghost,

spirit, ancestor, or totem. These, except the spirit, are all given by

experience: totems are familiar objects plainly visible to the eye;

ghosts and ancestors are known through dreams and appearances by day,

and by tradition; and the conception of the spirit is closely allied to

that of the ghost, though it is in part a scientific inference rather

than a fact of experience. In distinction from these a god is a larger

product of imagination, springing from the necessity of accounting for

the existence of things in a relatively refined way. The creator is a

beast only in low tribes, and in process of time, if the tribe continues

to grow in culture, is absorbed in the cult of a true god. It is rarely,

if ever, that a beast, whether a totem or only a sacred thing, becomes a

god proper.

The best apparent examples of such a growth are the Egyptian bull Apis,

who had his temple and ministers, the Hindu monkey-god Hanuman, and the

divine snake of the Nagas of India.[1054] But, though in these cases the

beast forms receive divine worship, it is not clear whether it is the

beast that is worshiped or a god incarnate in the beast; the question is

difficult, the data being meager. The myths in which gods appear in

beast forms do not prove a development of the former out of the latter.

It is not necessary to suppose that Zeus was once a bull, Artemis a bear

or a sow, Adonis a boar, and Aphrodite a sow or a dove. The myths may be

naturally explained as arising from the coalescence of cults, the local

sacred beast becoming attached to a local deity who had a different

birth.

The god is a figure of slow growth. Beginning as a sort of headman,

identified sometimes with an ancestor, sometimes with a beast, his

character is shaped by all the influences that go to form the tribal

life, and he thus embodies from generation to generation the tribe's

ideals of virtue.

+637+. The list of classes of supernatural Powers given above must be

regarded, as is there intimated, as a general one. One class appears

sometimes to shade into another; in the theistic schemes of low tribes

it is often difficult to define the conceptions of supernatural beings

with precision.

_Early mythical founders of culture._ Before proceeding to a

consideration of true gods, a class of beings must be mentioned that

appears to stand on the borderland between divine animals, spirits, and

gods. There are various sorts of beings that appear sometimes in animal

form, sometimes in human form, their function being the arranging of the

affairs of the world, the origination of institutions, and sometimes a

definite creation of various things. The title "founders" or

"transformers" or "culture-heroes" has been given them. They arise,

just as the true gods do, from the necessity of accounting for the

beginnings of things,[1055] and, from a comparison of the ideas of

various tribes, a certain growth in the conception may be recognized.

+638+. In some cases the figure is that of a mere trickster, a

mischievous being, the hero of countless stories, who acts from caprice

or malice, though his actions may result in advantage to men. Such are

many of the animal forms of the North American Indians: the coyote of

the Thompson River Indians,[1056] the raven of North British

Columbia,[1057] the mink and the blue jay of the North Pacific

Coast.[1058] In other cases, as also to some extent in the Thompson

River region, he appears in a more dignified form as a benevolent

organizer.

This growth of the trickster into the real culture-hero may be referred

to a progress in thought and refinement.[1059] Among the Northern Maidu

of California there is a sharp distinction between the two characters:

the coyote is tricky and mischievous in the bad sense, with no desire to

do anything profitable to men; the benevolent and useful work of the

world is ascribed to a personage called "the creator," who is always

dignified and regardful of the interests of man.[1060] This sort of

distinction, intended to account for the presence of both good and evil

elements of life, is found in inchoate form among other low peoples (as,

for example, the Masai and the Australians[1061]), but reaches its full

proportions only in the great civilized religions.

+639+. In this class of vaguely conceived creators or transformers we

may place the Central Australian Arunta ancestors, who embodied the idea

of the identity of beasts and human beings, and are the originators of

all the arts and institutions of the tribes; they established the

totemic groups and the ceremonies, and, in the developed myth,

perpetuate their existence by entering the bodies of women and being

born as human beings.[1062] The relative antiquity of this conception of

the origin of things is uncertain; in one point of view it is crude, but

in another it is an elaborate and well-considered attempt to explain the

world. These Arunta ancestors, notwithstanding their half-bestial forms,

are represented as acting in all regards like human beings, and as

having planned a complete system of tribal organization, but no

religious worship is offered them--they figure only in sociogonic myths

and in the determination of the totemic status of newborn children.

Among the Navahos we find a combination of beast and man in the work of

creation.[1063] In their elaborate cosmogonic myth the first actors are

Coyote, First Man, and First Woman, and there is discord between Coyote

and his human coworkers. Here again the object seems to be to account

for the diverse elements of the tribal life.

+640+. Many such personages, originators or introducers of the arts of

life and the distribution of territory, are described in the folk-tales

and myths of the North American tribes. The conception, it may be

concluded, existed all over the world, though for many communities the

details have not yet been brought to light.[1064] A noteworthy personage

of this class is the Melanesian Qat (especially prominent in the Banks

Islands), a being credited with almost plenary power, the creator or

arranger of seasons, the introducer of night, therefore an important

cultural power, yet mischievous, the hero of numerous folk-stories; he

does not appear in animal form but lives an ordinary family life. He is

not worshiped--he is regarded rather as the explanation of phenomena, a

genuine product of early cosmogonic science. He appears to be the

nearest approach in Melanesia to a real creator (with the exception

perhaps of a somewhat uncertain female being called Koevasi); but

alongside of him stand a number of spirits and ancestral ghosts who play

an important part in the organization of society.[1065] For the Koryaks

of Northeastern Siberia the "Big Grandfather" is an arranger of all

things out of preëxisting material;[1066] the Chukchee, on the other

hand, regard as creator a benevolent being residing in the zenith. Vague

stories of simitar arrangers are found among the East African Nandi, and

the South African Zulus.[1067]

+641+. Traces of this function of organizing society appear in the

mythical figures of some higher religions. Among such figures may be

reckoned the Babylonian Gilgamesh, the Old Testament Cainides, the Greek

Heracles, Theseus, Orpheus, and others.[1068] But these personages

generally take on human form and are treated as factors in the regular

social development.

+642+. The "culture-hero" thus seems to be a natural product of

incipient civilization. He represents the vague feeling that the

institutions of society arose out of human needs and that the

origination of these institutions demanded more than human wisdom and

power.[1069] He partakes of the nature of both men and gods--he is

all-powerful, yet a creature of caprice and a slave of accident. To him

society is supposed to owe an incalculable debt; but his mixed nature

affords a wide field for bizarre myths and folk-stories, and he of

necessity gives way to more symmetrical divine figures.

+643+. The god, in the true sense of the word, is the highest

generalization of the constructive religious imagination. In his

simplest and earliest form he appears as a venerable supernatural man,

wise according to the wisdom of his place and time--such is the natural

conception of the lower tribes. His position is described by the titles

"the old one," "the father," "the grandfather";[1070] he is a superhuman

headman or chief, caring for his people, giving them what they need,

sharing their ethical ideas and enforcing their ethical rules. He is an

all-sufficient local ruler or overseer, his functions touching the whole

life of his people and of no other people. In the progress of

myth-making (that is, in the construction of early scientific theology)

such gods are not infrequently represented as men who have gone up to

the sky; this is a natural way of accounting for their superterrestrial

abode. Savage conceptions of the origin and history of such figures are

usually vague, and their theologies fluctuating and self-contradictory;

but there are two points as to which opinion is firm: the god is like

men in everything except power, and his functions are universal. He

represents not a monotheistic creed (which takes the whole world as the

domain of God), but a narrow tribal acceptance of the sufficiency of the

local divine patron.[1071]

CLAN GODS

+644+. The character just described is that of the earliest known gods;

it is embodied in certain figures found in various parts of the world.

Such divine figures belong to the simplest form of social organization,

the clan; it is in the clan that they are shaped, and they reflect the

conceptions, political and ethical, of the clan. In Southeast Australia

the personages called Daramulun, Baiame, Bunjil, correspond to this

description: they are supernatural old men who have always existed; they

are taken for granted without inquiry into their origin; they direct the

affairs of the tribe in a general way in accordance with the moral

ideas of the place and time.[1072] The Australians have other beings

with vaguely expressed characters and functions, but our information

regarding these is so meager that it is not possible to form a distinct

judgment of their character. Similar figures are the Klamath Indian "Old

Man"[1073] and the Zulu Unkulunkulu, an old man, the father of the

people, only dimly understood by the natives who have been questioned on

this point; they are uncertain whether he is dead or alive, but in any

case he is revered as a great personage.[1074]

+645+. Other such deities are reported in South Africa, as the Qamata of

the Xosa, Morimo of the Bakuana, and farther north Molungu.[1075] On the

West Coast also, in Ashanti, Dahomi, and Yoruba, a number of deities

exist which were in all probability originally local.[1076] Such appears

to be the character of certain gods of the non-Aryan tribes of India, as

the Kolarian Sunthals and Koles.[1077] Perhaps also the god Vetala was

originally such a local deity with the savage characteristics proper to

the time and place, though later he was half Brahmanized and became a

fiend.[1078] Among the Todas every clan has its god, who was the creator

and instructor of the people. The large number of gods now recognized by

the various Toda communities are essentially the same in character and

function, and the existing system has doubtless been formed by the

coalition of the clans.[1079] In North America the Navahos have a number

of local deities, the _yei_ (Zuñi, _yeyi_), some of which are called by

terms that mean 'venerable.'[1080] The Koryak guardians of occupations

and houses may be of the nature of such objects of worship in the

clans,[1081] and so also the Patagonian family-gods. Cf. the Greek

[Greek: kourotrophos]. In Japan the early system of supernatural beings

has been obscured by the great religions of the later time--Shinto in

its developed form, and Buddhism--but the indications are that the

general term _kami_, a designation of all supernatural things, included

local deities.[1082]

+646+. It is not clear how early the practice began of giving these

beings proper names. In the lowest known tribes we meet descriptive

titles such as "old one," "grandfather," "grandmother"; and so among

some civilized peoples, as the Semites, whose local deities are often

known simply as _baals_ ('possessors,' 'lords'), sometimes as lords of

particular places, as, for example, the Arabic Dhu ash-Shara (Dusares),

'lord of the Shara.' A god identified with a particular object may be

called by its name; so 'Heaven' is said to have become the proper name

of a Huron deity (cf. Zeus, Tien, Shangti).[1083] Names of Pawnee gods

are Bright Star (Evening Star), Great Star (Morning Star), Motionless

One (North Star), and many other such; the Navahos have The Woman Who

Changes (apparently the changing year), White Shell Woman, Child of

Water;[1084] the Kolarian Sunthals, Great Mountain;[1085] the Brazilian

Arawaks, River-born.[1086] A proper name becomes necessary as soon as

definite social relations with a god are established. Divine names in

civilized religions, of remote origin, are often inexplicable.

+647+. Among the simple clan gods divinized men should be included. In

many parts of the world, as is remarked above, chiefs and other great

personages are regarded as divine; this attribution of divinity is a

part of that general early conception according to which there was an

element of power in all things, naturally embodied in a special way in

important men. This sort of divinization is particularly prominent in

Melanesia and parts of Polynesia; it exists also in Japan and in West

Africa. As a rule it is only the recently dead that are thus regarded as

divine objects of worship, and the cult would thus be substantially a

part of the worship of ancestors; but such divinized men frequently

bore a peculiarly intimate relation to the clan or community and became

specific protectors.[1087] So far as their origin is concerned, this

class of divine patrons differs essentially from the old clan god, whose

genesis probably belongs to a remote antiquity and is based on the

general consciousness of some powerful influence in nature.[1088]

+648+. Clan gods are found abundantly among the ancient civilized

peoples, Egyptian, Babylonian, Canaanite, Arabian, Greek, Roman, and

probably existed among other peoples as to whom we have no exact

information. In Old Egypt every hamlet had its protecting deity; these

continued to be the objects of popular worship down to a very late time,

the form of the deity being usually that of a living animal.[1089]

+649+. A similar religious constitution obtained among the old Semitic

peoples. This is obvious in the case of the Canaanites (including the

Phoenicians), where every clan or community had its divine lord (the

Baal), who was a universal deity sufficient for all the needs of the

living, though particularly connected with the dominant interests of his

people.[1090] Such, probably, was the original form of the Hebrew Yahweh

(Jehovah); in his Sinaitic home he was naturally connected with the

phenomena of desert and mountain, and in Canaan, whither the Israelites

brought his cult, he was after a while recognized as the giver of crops

also, and gradually became a universal god in the larger sense of the

term.[1091] The Phoenician Baals--such as the Tyrian Melkart, 'the

king of the city'--are obviously local deities.[1092] The same thing is

true of the various gods that appear in pre-Mohammedan Arabia; the

deity of any particular clan or tribe was known to the people as "the

god" (Arabic _Allah_, that is, _al-Ilahu_), and the title "Allah,"

adopted by Mohammed as the name of the supreme and only god, thus in so

far fitted in with the usage of the people.[1093]

+650+. In Babylonia also a very large part of the divine names found in

the inscriptions must be understood to refer ultimately to local

deities, each supreme in his own territory; the later theologians

(probably priests) endeavored to organize these into a sort of pantheon,

but never succeeded in differentiating the various deities distinctly.

In general it may be said that all these old Semitic gods had one and

the same character; each in his place was supreme, and it is difficult

to find any difference in real character and function among the great

gods, as Ea, Bel, Marduk, Sin, Shamash, Ishtar, Nabu, Ashur, Eshmun, and

others.[1094]

+651+. The same remark will probably hold good of the popular worship of

the old Greeks. When Pausanias traveled through Greece he found

everywhere local cults which bore evidence of primitiveness, and

obviously pertained to the clan gods of the various regions. In many

cases these had been identified with old animal-gods or had been

interwoven into the general later scheme and had been merged with the

great gods of the developed pantheon.[1095] The functions ascribed to

various deities in the Veda suggest a similar origin for them. When we

find that many of them are credited with the same larger or smaller acts

of creation, protection, or blessing, we may suspect that they were

originally clan gods that have been incorporated in the great theologic

system, and that "henotheism" is mainly a survival from this earlier

scheme or an extension of it.[1096] Similar local gods appear in

Peru[1097] and Mexico.[1098]

+652+. One class of _Greek "heroes"_ may be considered as belonging in

the category of clan gods.[1099] When the hero appears to be originally

a god his worship is identical in character with that offered to local

deities; so in the case of Achilles and many others.[1100] Such an one

is often a divine patron of a definite (usually small) territory, has

his sacred shrine with its ministers, and his specific sacrificial cult.

A trace of this type may perhaps be recognized in Hesiod's

"halfgods,"[1101] the heroes of the Trojan war and others, whom he

places just after the age of bronze and just before his modern age of

iron; their origin is thus made relatively late, as was natural if they

descended culturally from old gods.

+653+. A similar view appears in the fact that a hero is sometimes of

mixed parentage--his father or his mother is divine: a local god,

standing in close cultic connection with a greater deity, is easily made

into a son of the latter. In general, in the popular worship there seems

to be no distinction between old heroes and gods. Where such a hero

stood in close relations with a community--if, for example, as was

sometimes the case, he was the patron or tutelary divinity of a family,

or a mythical ancestor--there was doubtless a peculiar tenderness in the

feeling for him. But his general function probably was simply that of

local patron.[1102]

+654+. Clan gods are specially important in the history of worship--they

form the real basis of the great theistic development. Ghosts and

spirits continue to be recognized and revered or dreaded, but they are

not powerful social bonds--it is the local deity about whose person

organized public worship grows up, and it is he whose functions are

gradually enlarged till he becomes a universal god. The initial forms of

religion are everywhere limited locally and intellectually; it is only

by loyalty to the home as a center and standing-place that man's

religious affections and ideals have expanded so as to embrace the

world, and reach a high standard of ethical purity and logical

consistency.

DEPARTMENTAL GODS

+655+. It must be regarded as an advance in religious conceptions and

religious life when natural phenomena are divided into classes and

assigned each to its special deity; such a scheme brings men into more

intimate and sympathetic relations with the gods. It presupposes a

relatively advanced observation of nature and some power of coördination

and generalization, and seems to be found only in communities that have

some well-organized communal life. In general it belongs to the

agricultural stage and to the higher civilizations that have grown out

of this stage. Care for food appears to be the starting-point; later,

all sorts of social interests demand consideration.

+656+. This specialization of functions is possibly in part an elevation

of the old scheme of spirits according to which every object in the

world was conceived of as inhabited or controlled by some spiritlike

being. It is not probable that the departmental gods are always

developed directly out of spirits--they appear sometimes to belong

rather in the clan system, are anthropomorphic, human, lending

themselves more readily than spirits do to human intercourse.[1103] It

is true that the lower cults of animals and spirits persist alongside of

the higher religious forms, and the various groups often appear to blend

with one another, as is generally the case in transitions from one

system of thought to another.

+657+. Deities with this sort of specialized functions appear in all

parts of the world and at various periods of culture. The particular

sort of specialization differs according to climatic conditions and

social organization--that is, it depends in any community on the nature

of the phenomena that touch the life of the community closely. But the

general principle remains the same--it is the effort to penetrate more

deeply into the nature of the supernatural Powers, and to enter into

more intimate and helpful relations with them; it is the beginning of a

more practical study of theology proper.

+658+. A somewhat low and vague form of specialization of function is

found in Melanesia, where certain beings appear as patrons of

work.[1104] These are said by Codrington to be ghosts, yet to be prayed

to just as if they were gods; and in fact, being men with indefinitely

great powers, they can hardly be distinguished from such deities as

Daramulun and Unkulunkulu, except in the fact that their function is

specific. In Australia the published reports do not describe

departmental gods proper, with the possible exception of an undefined

being in the North. A more developed scheme exists in Polynesia. In New

Zealand there were deities of food-planting and of forests.[1105] The

highest point of Polynesian civilization seems to have been reached in

the Hawaiian Islands, where, besides several great gods, there were

deities of the sky, the sea, winds, and lightning, of agriculture, and

of various occupations and professions, such as fishing, and even

robbing.[1106]

+659+. The Sea Dyaks have a god of rice-farming and one of war.[1107] In

the Malay Peninsula there is a confused mingling of supernatural beings

of various sorts, with a great development of magic; the determination

of the functions of the better-developed gods is rendered difficult by

the fact that the Malays have been much affected by Hindu

influence.[1108] Such influence is possibly to be recognized also in the

systems of the Dravidian and Kolarian tribes, though in them there seems

to be a native non-Aryan element. The Khonds have gods of rain, fruit,

hunting, and boundaries. Among all these tribes the chief deity is the

sun-god, by whose side stands the earth-god; these may well be

primitive, though their present form may be due to Hindu

influence.[1109]

+660+. The Masai of Eastern Africa have two chief gods--one black, said

to be good; the other red, said to be bad.[1110] The only trace of a

recognition of cosmic powers appears in their myth that the sky and the

earth were once united in one embrace;[1111] but it is not clear that

they recognize a god of the sky and one of the earth. Among the Bantu,

who are largely, though not wholly, pastoral, there appears to be no

trace of an apportionment of natural phenomena among supernatural

beings.[1112] On the West Coast of Africa there is a somewhat elaborate

scheme of departmental deities. The sky is the chief god, but in Dahomi

and Ashanti there are gods of lightning, fire, the ocean, the rainbow,

war, markets, silk, cotton, and poison trees, smallpox, sensual desire,

discord, and wisdom; in Dahomi there is a tutelary god of the royal

family. The Yorubans have a similar system, embracing gods of the Niger,

nightmare, wealth, gardens, and divination.[1113] This more elaborate

system corresponds to their more highly developed scheme of social

organization.

+661+. The tribes of Northeastern Asia are less developed religiously.

The Koryaks are said to have benevolent and malevolent deities, but

appear not to have made much progress in the recognition of the distinct

departments of nature.[1114] The Ainu have a large number of specific

deities: the goddess of fire, whose title is "Grandmother"; gods of the

kitchen, of doors, of springs, and of gardens.[1115] As the Ainu culture

resembles that of Northeastern Asia in several respects, it is possible

that in the latter region there exists a more highly specialized scheme

than has yet been reported. In Central Asia also it seems that no great

progress has been made in this direction by native thought. The

statement of Herodotus[1116] that the Thracians in time of thunderstorms

used to shoot arrows at the sky and threaten the god, may point to a

recognition of a god of the sky or of storm. In the greater part of

Central Asia the conception of local spirits has prevailed and still

prevails (Shamanism), a phase of religion that stands below that of the

division of nature into departments. In certain districts of Mongolia,

in which the theistic system is complicated, departmental deities are

now found, but the obvious dependence of this region on Buddhism

(Lamaism) and other outside cults makes it doubtful whether or how far

this scheme of gods is of native origin.[1117]

+662+. In North America the Algonkin and Maskoki nations and the Skidi

Pawnee have deities of the sky, the heavenly bodies, the winds, and

fire.[1118] In the western part of the continent the theistic systems

are less developed, but the details of the cults have not yet been fully

collected; so far as appears, a departmental organization has not been

made. In Brazil there is a trace of such a conception among the Tupis;

but the South American tribes remain at a low level of theistic

development.[1119]

+663+. The three greater religions of America, the Maya, the Mexican,

and the Peruvian, offer much more interesting material, in regard to

which the information which has been handed down to us is often

unfortunately meager. Particularly, little definite is known of the Maya

system; the indications are that the Mayas were superior in civilization

to the Aztecs, and their religious customs and conceptions

correspondingly higher than those of the latter.[1120]

+664+. The Aztec religion is that which the Spaniards on their arrival

found to be the dominant one in Mexico. It was the religion of a

conquering race, formed in part by a coalition of tribes and a

combination of cults. From the records (none of which are

contemporaneous) it appears that there was a very considerable

specialization of function in the Aztec deities. These were probably

local gods with universal functions gradually differentiated.

Huitzilopochtli, apparently a patron of vegetation (with three annual

festivals corresponding to agricultural seasons), became especially the

god of war, in accordance with the character of the Aztecs. Another side

of social life was embodied in the conception of Tezcatlipoca, who

represented law and justice, but naturally became also a god of war. In

sharp contrast with these stands Quetzalcoatl, a milder god, apparently

a representative of general culture and good life. But he is commonly

held to be of foreign origin. If a foreigner, he was nevertheless

adopted by the Aztecs and embodied one side of their life, particularly,

perhaps, the protests against the human sacrifices, which were so

prominent a feature in the cults of the other two deities. There were

further a god of rain, a goddess of harvest, and a goddess of sensual

pleasure, besides a great number of minor specialized deities. With this

specialization of function, however, there was no corresponding

development of character in the gods, no pantheon proper. The myths

which have been preserved relate to the origin of social customs and to

the birth of gods. They appear to have been developed only a step beyond

the myths of the Redmen.[1121]

+665+. The Peruvian cult differs from the Mexican in that it recognizes,

in its developed form, one preëminent deity, the sun-god, from whom

issues all authority. Along with him stand two prominent figures,

Viracocha and Pachacamac, who also are credited with great powers.

Apparently they were local universal deities who were incorporated into

the Peruvian system and subordinated to the sun-god. All three are only

vague, general figures, having no histories except a few stories of

origins, and the Peruvian myths do not differ in essential character

from those of the Aztecs.[1122]

+666+. In this category we may include a large number of minutely

specialized deities of the Egyptians, the Greeks, and the Romans. As

among some lower tribes already referred to, so here many common objects

and pursuits are regarded as being under the fostering care of specific

deities. In Egypt the ripe ear of the grain, the birth of a child and

its naming, and other things had their special divinities.[1123]

+667+. The Greeks had such divine patrons of the corncrib, beans,

plowshare, cattle, city walls, banquets, potters, physicians, athletic

contests, and even one hero known as the "frightener of horses" and a

deity called the "flycatcher."[1124]

+668+. The Romans carried out this specialization in even greater

detail. Almost every object and every event of the communal life had its

patron deity: the house, the hearth, the field, the boundary stone,

sowing and reaping, the wall, breath, marriage, education, death; the

Lares were the special protectors of the house or of the field, and all

patrons of the home were summed up under the general designations _dii

penates_ and _dii familiares_. Most of these beings have proper names,

but even where there are no such names, as in the case of the _dii

penates_, there can be little doubt that they were looked on as personal

individualized beings.[1125] The tendency was, as time went on, to add

to the number of these specialized patrons, as appears from the Roman

_indigitamenta_[1126] lists of such divine beings redacted by the

priests, who were disposed, naturally, to make the objects of worship as

numerous as possible; but herein they doubtless responded to a popular

impulse.

+669+. This disposition to define practical functions minutely appears

also in the cultic history of the greater gods of the old Roman

religion: the rôle of Jupiter as god of sky and rain was definitely

fixed, and Tellus was not the divine mother of the human race but the

beneficent bestower of crops. As the functions of such greater gods

became more numerous and more definitely fixed, epithets were employed;

Jupiter had a dozen or more of such adjectival additions, and it appears

that at a later time such epithets were personalized into deities; but

this academic or priestly procedure does not set aside the fact that the

early Roman religion recognized a vast number of divine beings as the

specific patrons of certain things and acts.

+670+. It was quite natural for the practical Roman mind to place

everything of importance under the care of a divine being--a procedure

which is simply carrying out in greater detail modes of thought which we

have seen to be common in many of the lower tribes. Augustine thinks

this specialization amusing, ridiculous, and difficult to understand. He

brings up the whole question of origin when he asks why it was necessary

to have two goddesses for the waves of the sea--one, Venilia,

representing the wave as advancing to the shore; the other, Salacia,

representing the wave as receding.[1127] This seems, to be sure, an

unnecessary specialization; but, considered in connection with the whole

Roman system, it is not less intelligible than the multiplication of

deities attending upon the birth and education of a child, on the

processes of farming, and on the fortunes of war. Since human life is

guided by the gods, thought the Romans, there is no act that may not

have its god; this system is the objectivation of the conception of

divine special providence.[1128]

+671+. To certain Semitic deities highly specialized functions have been

supposed to belong; but the known facts hardly warrant this supposition.

In the names Baal-Marqod, Baal-Marpe, Baal-Gad, the second element may

be the name of a place; that is, the Baal may be a local deity (as the

Baals elsewhere are). The title Baal-berit[1129] has been interpreted as

meaning "lord of a covenant"--that is, a deity presiding over treaties;

but the expression is not clear. Baalzebub is in the Old Testament the

god of the Philistine city Ekron, where he had a famous oracle;[1130] it

is highly improbable that the name means "lord of flies" (which would

rather be Baal-zebubim), but the sense is obscure. The New Testament

Baal [Beel]-zebul[1131] (the only correct form) has been variously

explained. The second element, _zebul_, occurs in the Old Testament as a

name of the heavenly abode of the deity,[1132] and the title has been

regarded as the Semitic rendering of a Greek or Roman title of a god of

heaven (Zeus Ouranios; cf. Caelestis, epithet of Jupiter); as foreign

deities were called "demons" by the later Jews, the chief of these

deities, it is held, might well be taken to be the "prince of demons."

However this may be, Beelzebul cannot be ranked among the deities with

highly specialized functions.[1133]

+672+. The scheme of gods just described is closely allied to that of

tutelary deities for individual human beings. A transitional step may be

recognized in the assignment of special divine protectors to every house

or village or grove, as among the Ainu (with whom the tutelary power is

the head of a bear), in Borneo (where every house has a human skull as

protector), among the Khonds, in the Vedic Vastoshpati, the "lord of the

house," in the Hindu "house goddess," and in the Chinese tutelary god

for every year.[1134] From such a scheme to the assignment of a

protecting spirit to every human being there is but a step, and this is

made natural or necessary by the increasing sense of the value of the

individual. Such tutelary spirits or deities are found in Polynesia and

Africa.[1135] The North American manitu and the Central American

nagual,[1136] referred to above, are not only special objects of worship

but also constantly present guardians of individual men. The Iroquois

have special tutelary spirits.[1137] In Ashanti such a function is

performed by the indwelling spirit, which is scarcely distinguishable

from the man himself.[1138] The Roman _genius_ represents the man's

individual life, but becomes also his guardian;[1139] and the _daimon_

of Socrates was possibly originally a being of the same sort,[1140]

though he may have identified it with conscience.

+673+. In the great religions of antiquity every city and every state

had its special divine protector. The Persian fravashis are the

guardians of individual human beings. The later Jews held that there was

a guardian angel for every nation and for every person.[1141] All such

conceptions embody the human sense of dependence on divine aid and the

demand for specific divine protectors standing near to man and

sustaining special relations with individuals. In some forms of

Christianity the function of protection is assigned to patron saints.

+674+. Certain classes of departmental or specific gods may be mentioned

here for the purpose of indicating their development.

+675+. _Creators._ The work of the creation of the world is assigned

among various peoples to a great variety of beings. In the earliest

strata of religious belief animals play a great rôle as creators. The

known examples of their creative function are so numerous that we may

well be disposed to regard it as universal. In general it is the

best-known animal, or the one credited with the greatest sagacity, that

is regarded as creator.[1142]

+676+. But the natural progress of thought involved the advance to the

conception of anthropomorphic creators. A transitional stage is

presented by the Australian Arunta, in whose mythical system the authors

of tribal institutions and the makers of heavenly bodies are the

half-animal, half-human ancestors; this seems to be an attempt at a

transformation of the old scheme of creation by animals--unwilling to

abandon the earlier conception, these tribes have satisfied themselves

by the theory that the ancestors and creators, though animals in nature,

must at the same time have been human.[1143] We may compare with these

the Melanesian and Samoan supernatural beings who are incarnate in

animal forms and are at the same time originators of civilization.[1144]

These zoömorphic beings are not necessarily totems, as in Australia;

outside of the Arunta it does not appear that totems as such are ever

regarded as creators[1145]--they are ancestors, but at that point their

function appears to cease.

+677+. There are however ghosts, which, while of course representing

ancestors, are regarded not specially in their ancestorial capacity, but

rather as powerful beings who have been more or less active in framing

the constitution of society. This form of ghost occurs in Melanesia,

where also spirits, vague beings who never were human, play a great

rôle. The best authorities find it somewhat difficult to distinguish

between such ghosts and spirits on the one hand, and gods on the other

hand.[1146] The Qat of the Banks Islands is in one sense a creator,

since he determines the regular courses of the seasons and is the

introducer of night; yet, since he does not actually create the world,

but only rearranges the existing material, he belongs rather in the

category of transformers or initiators. Real anthropomorphic gods appear

as creators in very early tribes. Such, for example, are Baiame,

Daramulun, Bunjil of Australia,[1147] perhaps Supu of the Melanesian

island of Vate.

+678+. In Polynesia there is a better-defined cosmogonic

anthropomorphism. The Hawaiian creators Kane and Tangaloa appear to be

fully formed deities.[1148] The Maoris have the divine figures Heaven

and Earth, whose children are the producers of all things in the world.

But Maui, who seems to be a general Polynesian figure, is rather a

culture-hero than a god, though his achievements were of a very serious

sort. The Tapa of the Borneo Land Dyaks,[1149] and the Boora Pennu of

the Khonds[1150] may be regarded as real gods. On the West Coast of

Africa the Yorubans, the most advanced of the coast tribes, with a

well-developed pantheon, have deities who may be called creators; such

are Obatala, who, according to one account, made the first human pair

out of clay, and Ifa, the restorer of the world after the flood.[1151]

In North America the New England Kiehtan and the Virginian Oki have

creative functions.[1152] The Navahos ascribe the creation of certain

animals to a god Bekotsidi, whose character and rôle, however, are

vague.[1153] The Brazilian Tupan and Jurupari appear to be divine

creators.[1154] For a good many tribes in all parts of the world the

published reports give no precise information regarding the beginning of

things, but it seems probable that fuller acquaintance with them would

reveal conceptions similar to those described above.

+679+. The great civilized nations, with their well-formed

anthropomorphic deities, have constructed elaborate cosmogonies, which

commonly begin with the conception of an unshaped mass of material out

of which the gods arise and create the world. There is no great

difference in these various schemes: Babylonians and Greeks have fallen

upon substantially the same general view of creation; the variations

among the various peoples are due to circumstances of place and culture.

It is noteworthy that the Maoris have a cosmogony which is not unlike

that of the great civilized nations of antiquity, but the origin of

their scheme of the world is not clear.[1155]

+680+. _Gods of the other world._ The class of departmental gods

includes those who have charge of the other world. As soon as the abode

of men after death is definitely fixed, it is natural that a deity

presiding over this other world should arise. Among the lower tribes

this sort of god is not frequent.[1156] One of the clearest cases of

such organization occurs in Fiji.[1157] Here, in addition to other

deities who deal with the dead on their entrance into this farther

world, the great deity Ndengei has his abode, and one of his functions

is to pass on the merits of those who present themselves from the world

of living men. He is, however, in part an otiose deity and can hardly be

said to rule over this otherworldly realm. Similar undeveloped deities

are found among the Maoris and the Finns.[1158]

+681+. But fully formed and effective divine rulers of the other world

occur only in the more advanced religions, such as the Babylonian, the

Egyptian, the Hindu, the Persian, the Greek, the Roman.[1159] From the

nature of their abode such deities have very little to do with the life

on earth except when, as in the Egyptian system and to some extent in

the Fijian, there is a judge of conduct, with authority to assign the

dead their places, good or bad. In such cases they become important

moral factors in life.

+682+. An ethical god of the other world appears not to have been

created by the Semites. The Babylonian Underworld goddess or god has

nothing to do with moral character, and among the Hebrews, so far as the

statements in the Old Testament go, no special deity was assigned to the

other world; whether such an Underworld deity once existed and was lost

by the Hebrews, or has been expurged by the later editors of the Old

Testament books, must remain uncertain;[1160] in the late pre-Christian

period the national god, Yahweh, was regarded as controlling the

Underworld as well as Heaven and Earth.[1161] The Greek Aïdes or

Plout[=o]n and the Roman Pluto also are not ethical gods in the higher

sense, as indeed no early deity of any people has such a moral

character. At a later period ethical distinctions were introduced into

the administration of the other world.

By reason of paucity of data it is difficult to determine the precise

characters of various Celtic, Slavic, and Germanic deities whose names

appear in the records. They are gods of clans and of departments of

nature; none of them can properly be reckoned among the great

gods.[1162]

+683+. _Division into good and bad Powers._ Among many savage and

half-civilized peoples we find that a distinction is recognized between

good and bad ghosts and spirits--a distinction at first vague, based on

passing experiences in which all the fortunes of men, favorable and

unfavorable, are referred to these beings. Their morals are those of the

human communities with which they are connected: they may be amiable or

malignant, beneficent or revengeful, but the ethical element in their

characters and deeds is not distinctly recognized and is not made the

basis of the distinction between the two classes. The world is seen to

be full of Powers that make for weal or for woe--a conception that

contains the germ of all the later development but is at first nebulous.

+684+. In a somewhat higher form of culture these two classes of Powers

may be unified respectively into, or replaced by, two gods, one helpful,

the other harmful. Such appears to be the scheme of the Masai, who have

their black god and red god.[1163] A Californian cosmogonic myth

describes a nonmoral conflict of work between the good "Creator" and the

malicious Coyote.[1164] A real unification appears, however, to be

rare; it supposes in fact a degree of reflection and organization that

we should not expect to find among lower peoples. The story, for

example, that has been told of a well-developed dualistic system of the

Iroquois is based on a misconception.[1165] Dualism proper is not

recognizable among the savages of America, Polynesia, Asia, or

Africa.[1166] In the Old Testament prior to the sixth century B.C. the

spirits, good and bad, which are not essentially different from those we

find among the lower tribes, are massed under the control of Yahweh, and

do his bidding without moral reflection; when he sends a lying spirit

into the mouth of Ahab's prophets[1167] this spirit goes without malice

merely to perform the will of the supreme god. This massing of all

spirit Powers under the control of one god is a step toward unity and

clearness in the conception of the government of the world.

+685+. At a later stage of social growth there appears the conception of

a cosmic struggle, the conflict between the natural forces that tend to

disorder and those that tend to order. Philosophical reflection led to

the supposition of an original chaos, a medley of natural forces not

combined or organized in such a way as to minister to the needs of human

life; and a similar conception of conflict may have arisen from

observation of the warring elements at certain seasons of the year.

+686+. The adjustment of the rival forces and the establishment of a

system of physical order is referred to the great gods. Such a picture

of the original state of things is contained in the elaborate Babylonian

cosmologies that have come down to us; in these the dragon of disorder

(Tiamat) is completely conquered by the god Bel-Marduk, who represents

the Babylonian civilization of the time in which the cosmology arose. Of

the same nature is the Egyptian myth of the contest between Horus (the

light) and Set (the dark), in which, however, the victory of Horus is

not described as being absolute[1168]--a representation suggested,

possibly, by the recognition of the persistence of the good and bad

elements of the world; compare the cosmologies of the Maidu and the

Khonds mentioned above (§684). In the Greek and Teutonic myths in which

the Giants are the enemies of the great gods a more humane and settled

government of the world is introduced by Zeus and Wodan. Traces of this

construction of the universe are to be found also among the Maoris, the

Hawaiians, and other peoples of a like grade.[1169]

+687+. In the original form of these myths there is no moral element

beyond the fact that the settlement of the cosmic powers was necessary

in order to the establishment of good social life. Individual wicked

deities do not appear at this stage, but the way is prepared for them by

the picture of cosmic struggle in which powers friendly and unfriendly

to men are opposed to one another. A similar conception is found in the

figures of the Fates, who are the embodiment of the course of events in

the world--the immovable, remorseless, absolute fortune of men, good and

bad--a picture of life as it has presented itself, doubtless, to men in

all periods of history. Out of this came the abstract conception of

Fate, the impersonal power that controls all things.

+688+. The deeper conception of a conflict between the moral good and

the moral evil in life belongs to the latest period in religious

history. Here the determining fact is the control of the world by the

high gods, who have their adversaries, but in general prove victors. At

the foundation of this scheme of the world lies the conception of order,

which is particularly defined in the Vedic _arta_ and the Avestan

_asha_[1170]--the regulation of the world in accordance with human

interests, in which the ethical element becomes more and more prominent

as human society is more and more formed on an ethical basis.

+689+. Ethical dualism is most fully embodied in the Persian conception

of two gods, good and bad, with the understanding that the good god,

Ahura Mazda, exercises a certain restraint on the bad god, Angro Mainyu,

who is finally to be crushed.[1171] This optimistic point of view, which

has no doubt existed in germinal shape among all peoples, appears also

in the modified dualism of the Old Testament and the late Jewish and

Christian schemes. The Old Testament Satan is originally a divine being,

one of the "sons of the Elohim" (that is, he belongs to the Elohim, or

divine, class); his function is that of inspector of human conduct,

prosecutor-general, with a natural tendency to disparage men and demand

their punishment. As a member of Yahweh's court and council he makes

regular reports to his divine lord and pleads cases before the divine

court.[1172] In this character he is suspicious and mischievous but not

immoral; but a little later a trace of malice appears in him,[1173] and

in the uncanonical Jewish book of the Wisdom of Solomon and in the New

Testament he advances to the position of the head of the kingdom of

moral evil, so that he is called also "the god of the present

age"[1174]--that is, he is the controller of the existing unregenerate

element in human society, and is to be displaced when the ideal age

shall be established.

+690+. _Man's attitude toward demons._ Demons[1175] (the term being

taken to include all early malefic superhuman beings, whether ghosts or

spirits) are feared and guarded against, but rarely receive worship. As

they are the authors of all physical ills that cannot be explained on

natural grounds, measures, usually magical, are taken to thwart their

purposes--to prevent their intervention or to overcome and banish the

evil begun by them. As they are not credited with moral principle,

hostility to them rests not on ethical feeling but merely on fear of

suffering.[1176] If they are placated, it is in cases in which they

approach the character of gods and in so far cease to be demons in our

sense of the word. They serve a useful purpose in that, taking on their

shoulders all the ills of life, they leave the clan gods free from the

suspicion of unfriendliness to men.[1177] On the other hand, the belief

in them has created a pseudo-science of relief from suffering and a

great host of pseudo-doctors who for a long time exercised a large

control over society and bound men in fetters of ignorance.

+691+. In early societies demons have not individual names. In savage

societies there are malefic deities, with individual names, connected

with sicknesses and other ills; but such deities are not demons. Demons

do not enter into friendly social relations with men,[1178] and

observation of experiences is not carried so far as to assign every ill

to a separate author. In more advanced societies, as, for instance, the

Babylonian,[1179] demons are divided into classes according to their

various lines of activity, and to these classes names are given. If some

individual demon, representing a particular ill, becomes specially

important, it may receive an individual name. In general, the demonic

name-giving follows the theistic, but lags behind it. Clan gods have at

first some such appellation as Old One, Grandfather, or a descriptive

epithet (as among some American Indian tribes), and later, Lord, Lady,

Mighty One, Exalted One; in process of time they receive proper names,

which must have arisen at a relatively early period, since the meaning

of the names of most of the old deities was to the ancients, as it is to

us, unknown. In the case of the demonic world this development has not

been carried so far, for the reason stated above, namely, that these

beings, unlike gods, have not become real citizens of the communities

with which they are connected.

+692+. In like manner the organization of demons has not kept pace with

that of gods. In most regions they have remained a mob, every individual

pursuing his way independently. It is only in advanced cults that they

form a community with a head. In China and Persia the sharp division of

supernatural forces into two classes was the outcome of great religious

reformations that followed the usual savage chaos of the hordes of

demons. The Jewish demonology (probably influenced by the Persian) chose

for the head of its kingdom of evil an old god (the Satan) or the

similar figure Azazel.[1180]

+693+. It does not appear that religious worship has ever been offered

to a being regarded as morally bad and in honor of moral badness. The

"devils" reported by early (and some recent) travelers as the recipients

of religious homage turn out on inquiry to be clan gods whose anger is

feared.[1181] The cult of many savage and many civilized deities has

been, and is, characterized by gross cruelty and licentiousness; but it

is certain that human sacrifice and sexual indulgence were, and are, in

these cases not regarded as morally wrong. Durga (Kali), wife of Çiva,

most terrible and repulsive of female deities, while she is feared, is

also revered as the giver of all good gifts; and the Thugs, when they

offered her their strangled victims, ascribed no more moral blame to her

than to themselves--their work they regarded not as murder but as pious

sacrifice.[1182] The Gnostic sects, Ophites and Cainites, looked on the

serpent and Cain as friends of the supreme Deity and of man; they were

enemies only of the Demiourgos, the Jewish god Yahweh, who, they held,

wished to keep man in ignorance.[1183] The Mesopotamian Yezidis also

(the so-called devil-worshipers) revere only beings that they regard as

morally good or as destined to become good. Their peculiar attitude

toward Satan (a mingling of fear and respect) is based not on his

connection with evil but on their expectation that, though he is now

fallen from his high angelic estate, he is ultimately to be restored to

his original dignity.[1184]

+694+. Thus, it cannot be said that a demon has ever developed into a

god. The malefic Powers of savages have generally been absorbed by

higher beings or have otherwise disappeared. Some gods, such as the

Hebrew Satan and certain Greek deities, have been degraded to the

demonic class. In some cases, particularly in the Zoroastrian system, a

being who is the consolidation of all malign supernatural activities has

been credited with all-but divine power and authority.[1185] But the two

classes remain distinct--the true "god" is a friendly member of a human

society, and when he is angry may be placated; the true "demon" is

essentially hostile to men and must be thwarted and expelled.[1186]

+695+. _Gods of abstractions._ Gods of abstractions, found in certain

theistic systems, are to be distinguished on the one hand from deities

that are simply personalizations of physical objects (such as Vesta and

Agni) and on the other hand from poetical personifications, such as that

of Wisdom in the Jewish books of Proverbs, Ecclesiasticus, and the

Wisdom of Solomon, and from concrete figures like the Logos of Philo and

the Fourth Gospel. Though these abstract forms appear to be relatively

late (posterior to the formation of the greater gods), the meagerness of

our data makes it difficult to describe their genesis and the

conceptions of their character by the peoples among whom they arise.

Some facts known to us, however, may help us to understand in part the

process by which they came into existence.

+696+. We have already considered the tendency in human communities to

particularize the divine objects of worship and to personalize external

objects; everywhere, it would appear, there is a disposition to assign a

particular divine control to every fact that is specially connected with

human interests. We have to note, further, the tendency to concretize,

as, for example, in many cases in which evil, physical or moral, is

regarded as a concrete thing that may be removed bodily from the

community.[1187] This sort of conception we may suppose to be connected

with early psychological theory, according to which anything that

affects man is credited with manlike form and power. The facility with

which the abstract and the concrete may be identified is illustrated by

such modern terms as deity, majesty, highness, state, government,

direction, counsel; in these expressions the abstract quality or act is

incarnated in certain persons, and so we may imagine that at a certain

stage of society any quality or act might be isolated and regarded as a

personal thing. A series of victories, for example, might suggest the

conception of 'victory' as a thing present in these events, and the

tendency to personalize would then create the divine figure Victory.

Historically a personalization may have arisen, in some cases, through

the isolation of an epithet of a deity (so, for example, Fides may have

come from Dius Fidius),[1188] but in such cases the psychological basis

of the personalization is the same as that just stated. From these, as

is remarked above, must be distinguished poetical and philosophical

abstractions.

+697+. Whatever be the explanation of the process, we find in fact a

large number of cases in which such abstractions appear as deities and

receive worship.

+698+. _Semitic._ The material for the Semitic religions on this point

is scanty.[1189] The Arabic divine names supposed by Nöldeke to

represent abstractions are Man[=a]t (fate), Sa'd (fortune), Ru[d.][=a]

(favor), Wadd (love), Man[=a]f (height), 'Au[d.] (time). Whether these

are all abstract terms is doubtful. _Wadd_ means also 'lover,' divine

friend or patron. _Sa'd_ occurs as adjective 'fortunate,' is the

appellation of certain stars, and the god Sa'd is identified by an Arab

poet with a certain rock[1190]--the rock is doubtless an old local

divinity. _Ru[d.][=a]_ is found apparently only as a divine name (in

Palmyrene and Safa inscriptions and as a god of an Arabian tribe)--the

form may be concrete, in the sense of 'favoring,' divine patron. As

"time" (_dahr_, _zaman_) often occurs in Arabic poetry in the sense of

'fate,' the god 'Au[d.] may be an embodiment of this conception.[1191]

_Man[=a]f_, if understood, as is possible, in the sense 'high place,' is

not abstract but concrete, though in that case the original reference of

the term is not clear.

+699+. Man[=a]t is one of the three great goddesses of Mecca, the others

being Al-Lât ('the goddess') and Al-Uzza ('the mighty one'); as these

two names are concrete, there is a certain presumption that _Man[=a]t_

likewise is concrete. The original meaning of the word is obscure. It

does not occur as a common noun, but from the same stem come terms

meaning 'doom, death,'[1192] and, if it be allied to these, it would be

an expression for 'fate' (like _'Au[d.]_). However, the stem is used in

the sense 'number, determine, assign,' and Man[=a]t may be the divine

determiner of human destinies. From this same stem comes the Biblical

_Meni_, and apparently the Assyrian _Manu_.[1193] The ordinary North

Semitic conception of the source of human destinies is that they are

determined by the gods and written on tablets or in a book,[1194] and

the same conception may have existed in the South Semitic area.[1195]

The other deity mentioned in Isaiah lxv, 11, is Gad; the word means in

Arabic and Hebrew 'fortune, good fortune,' and occurs as the name of a

deity in Phoenician and Aramaic inscriptions, but the data are not

sufficient to fix its original sense. It is the name of a Hebrew tribe,

which is perhaps so called from the tribal god, and the name of a

tribal god is probably concrete.[1196]

+700+. It seems, then, that for most if not all of the names of the

Semitic deities just mentioned abstract senses, though possible, are not

certain. Nöldeke remarks that most of these terms are poetical--they may

be ornate epithets given to old concrete divine figures, in which case

the real cults were attached to these latter and not to abstractions. It

must be regarded as doubtful whether Semitic religion created any

abstract deity.

+701+. _Egyptian._ The most prominent Egyptian abstract deity is Maat,

'truth.' She fulfilled an important function in the judgment-hall of

Osiris in the Underworld, and was widely revered, but had no mythical

history, and seems to have been rather a quasi-philosophical creation

than a vital element of the Egyptian religious life. A god Destiny is

mentioned, who generally bestowed a happy fate.[1197]

+702+. _Roman and Greek._ The most fully developed form of this

conception is found in the Roman cult.[1198] The civic genius of the

Romans led them to give prominence to the maintenance of public and

private rights; thus among their deities appear public safety or

salvation (Salus Publica), public faith or fidelity to engagements

(Fides), civic harmony (Concordia), connubial purity (Pudicitia), filial

devotion (Pietas), the boundary of property (Terminus), victory

(Victoria), liberty (Libertas). There are further the gods Youth

(Juventus and Juventas) and Desire[1199] (Cupido), perhaps as things

fundamental in human life.[1200] Fortune (Fortuna) is the mass of

evidence determining life by the will of the gods, with which the

utterances of the gods (Fata) are identical, and the embodiment of the

determining agencies is the Parcæ. Several of these deities have their

correspondents in the Greek theistic system:[1201] Eros (desire); Tuche

(that which is allotted one by the gods or by the course of events);

Moira (Aisa), the unification of all the powers that determine man's

destiny. The god Kronos was by some improperly identified with "time"

([Greek: chronos]).[1202]

+703+. _Aryan._ Among the Aryans of India the god Kama (desire) appears

to be identical with Cupido. Some other abstractions, such as Piety and

Infinity, are akin to Mazdean conceptions.[1203] Brahma, originally

'magical formula,' then 'prayer,' and later 'pious thought,' becomes

finally Brahma, the all-embracing god. [R.]ta (arta), 'order,' at first,

perhaps, the proper order of the sacrificial ritual, becomes finally

'moral order or righteousness' and 'cosmic order.' This conception is

still more prominent in the Avesta,[1204] in which Asha (Order) is one

of the Amesha-spentas, only inferior to the supreme god; the other

companions of Ahura Mazda have similar titles and may equally be

regarded as the personalization of abstract ideas.[1205] In the same

category may be included the Mazdean conceptions Endless Time (Zrvan

Akarana) and Endless Space (Thwasha), which appear to be treated in the

Avesta as personal deities.[1206] The organizers of the Mazdean faith,

having discarded almost all the old gods, invested the supreme god with

certain moral qualities, and these, by a natural process of thought,

were concretized (Ahura Mazda is sometimes included in the list of

Amesha-spentas). Thus arose a sort of pantheon, an echo of the old

polytheism; but the history of the process of formulation is

obscure.[1207]

+704+. Most, if not all, of the abstract conceptions mentioned above are

also placed, in the various theistic systems, under the control of great

gods. Thus, for example, Jupiter is the guardian of boundaries and has

the epithet "Terminus," and Zeus is the patron of freedom

(Eleutherios).[1208] It is, however, not necessary to suppose that the

abstractions in question are taken from the functions of the great gods.

Rather these epithets of the gods are to be explained from the same

tendency that produced gods of abstractions. It was the sense of the

importance of the boundary in early life that led both to the creation

of the god Terminus and to the assignment of the epithet "Terminus" to

Jupiter. The desire or love that was so important an element in human

life both fashioned itself into a personality and was put under the

guardianship of a special deity. Public safety was a cherished idea of

the Romans and was doubtless held to be maintained by every local or

national god, yet could none the less become an independent deity. The

data are not sufficient to enable us to determine in all cases the

question of chronological precedence between the deification of the

abstraction and the assignment of the epithet to a god. We know that in

the later Roman period abstractions were personalized, but this

procedure was often poetical or rhetorical.[1209]

+705+. A general relation may be recognized between the intellectual

character of a people and the extent to which it creates abstract gods.

The Semitic peoples, among whom the development of such gods is the

feeblest, are characterized by objectiveness of thought, indisposition

to philosophical or psychological analysis, and a maintenance of local

political and religious organization; it is natural that they should

construct concrete deities exclusively or almost exclusively. Egypt also

was objective, and carried its demand for visible objects of worship to

the point of incarnating its gods in living animals; such living gods

tend to banish pale abstractions, and such conceptions played an

insignificant part in Egyptian religion. In India, with its genius for

philosophical refinement, we might expect to find this latter class of

gods; but Indian thought speedily passed into the large pantheistic and

other generalizations that absorbed the lesser abstractions. Greece

appears to have had the combination of philosophy and practicalness that

favors the production of a certain sort of abstract gods, and a

considerable number of these it did produce;[1210] but here also

philosophy, in the form of large theories of the constitution and life

of man, got the upper hand and repressed the other development. The

Romans had no pretensions to philosophic or æsthetic thought, but they

had a keen sense of the value of family and civic life, and great skill

in using religion for social purposes. It is they among whom specialized

deities, including abstractions, had the greatest significance for the

life of the people--family and State.

+706+. With the growth of general culture all specialized divinities

tend to disappear, absorbed by the great gods and displaced by better

knowledge of the laws governing the bodily and mental growth of

men.[1211] The divinities of abstractions, so far as they were really

alive, had the effect of making great civic and religious ideas familiar

to the people. Later (as in modern life) such ideas were cherished as

the outcome of reflection on domestic and national relations--in the

earlier period they were invested with sacredness and with personal

power to inspire and guide. Exactly what their ethical influence on the

masses was it is hardly possible to determine; but it may be regarded

as probable that they helped to keep alive certain fundamental

conceptions at a time when reflection on life was still immature.

NATURE GODS

+707+. The term "nature gods" may be taken as designating those deities

that are distinguished on the one hand from natural objects regarded as

divine and worshiped, and on the other hand from the great gods, who,

whatever their origin, have been quite dissociated from natural objects;

in distinction from these classes nature gods are independent deities

who yet show traces of their origin in the cult of natural

objects.[1212]

+708+. These three classes often shade into one another, and it is not

always easy to draw the lines between them. It is worth while, however,

to keep them separate, because they represent different stadia of

religious and general culture; the nature gods are found in societies

which have risen above the old crude naturalism, but have not yet

reached the higher grade of intellectual and ethical distinctness. But

as they are in a real sense dissociated from natural objects, they tend

to expand as society grows, and it is unnecessary to attempt to deduce

all their functions from the characteristics of the objects with which

they were originally connected. In some cases, doubtless, they coalesce

with the local clan gods whose functions are universal; and in general,

when a god becomes the recognized deity of his community, the tendency

is to ascribe to him a great number of functions suggested by the

existing social conditions. In some cases the particular function of the

god may be derived from the function of the natural object whence he is

supposed to spring; but the number and variety of functions that we

often find assigned to one deity, and the number of deities that are

connected with a single function, indicate the complexity of the

processes of early religious thought and make it difficult to trace its

history in detail.

+709+. Among natural objects the heavenly bodies, sun, moon, and stars,

and particularly the sun and moon, have very generally attracted men's

attention and become objects of worship. The deification of the sun may

be traced through all stadia of development, from the crudest

objectivism to a highly developed monolatry or a virtual

monotheism.[1213] Veneration of the physical sun, or a conception of it

as a supernatural man, is found in many parts of the world.[1214] It has

not been observed, apparently, in Australia, Melanesia, Indonesia, and

on the North American Pacific Coast;[1215] these regions are all

backward in the creation of gods--devoting themselves to the elaboration

of social organization they have contented themselves largely with an

apparatus of spirits and divine animals. In Central and Northern Asia

and among the Ainu of Jesso, while there appears to be a recognition of

the sun as divine, it is difficult to distinguish real solar

divinities.[1216] In Japan mention is made of a sun-goddess but she

plays an insignificant part in the religious system.[1217]

+710+. The cult is more developed in Eastern and Central North America,

particularly in the former region. The Navahos (in the center of the

continent) have a vague deity of the sun, but the cult is most prominent

among the Algonkin (Lenâpé) and Natchez tribes; the last-named

especially have an elaborate cult in which the sun as deity seems to be

distinct from the physical form.[1218]

+711+. The highest development of this cult in America was reached in

Mexico and Peru. In both these countries, which had worked out a

noteworthy civilization, the solar cult became supreme, and in Peru it

attained an ethical and universalistic form which entitles it to rank

among the best religious systems of the lower civilized nations.[1219]

+712+. The Egyptians, with their more advanced civilization, finally

carried sun-worship to a very high point of perfection. The hymns to Ra,

the sun-god, reached the verge of monotheism and are ethically high, yet

traces of the physical side of the sun appear throughout.[1220] The same

thing is true of the old Semitic sun-cult. The Babylonian and Assyrian

Shamash is in certain respects an independent deity with universal

attributes, but retains also some of the physical characteristics of the

sun.[1221] In Africa, outside of Egypt, the only trace of an independent

sun-god appears to be in Dahomi, where, however, he is not prominent;

why such a god should not be found in the neighboring countries of

Ashanti and Yoruba is not clear; climatic conditions would affect all

these countries alike.[1222]

+713+. In the Veda the sun-god Savitar has a very distinguished position

as ethical deity, but earlier than he the similar figure Surya

represents more nearly the physical sun, and this is true perhaps also

of Mitra.[1223] With the latter it is natural to compare the Avestan

Mithra; he is held by some to have been originally a god of light, but

he seems also to have characteristics of the sun in the Avesta,[1224]

and in late Persian the word _mihr_ ('sun') indicates that he was at any

rate finally identified with the sun. It is noteworthy that a distinct

sun-worship is reported among certain non-Aryan tribes of India,

particularly the Khonds;[1225] this cult may be compared with that of

the Natchez mentioned above,[1226] though the Khonds are less socially

advanced than these American tribes.

+714+. The cultic history of the moon is similar to that of the sun, but

in general far less important. In addition to its charm as illuminer of

the night, it has been prominent as a measurer of time--lunar calendars

appear among many tribes and nations, uncivilized (Maoris, Hawaiians,

Dahomi, Ashanti and Yorubans, Nandi, Congo tribes, Bantu, Todas, and

others) and civilized (the early Babylonians, Assyrians, Hebrews,

Greeks, Romans, perhaps the early Egyptians, and now all Mohammedan

peoples). Naturally it has been associated with the sun in myths,

standing to it in the relation of brother or sister, husband or wife.

Among existing noncivilized peoples it sometimes receives worship as a

god[1227] or as connected with a god.[1228] In these cases it retains to

a great extent its character as an object of nature. So the Greek

Selen[=e] and the Roman Luna, standing alongside of the lunar gods

proper, probably indicate an early imperfect deification of the moon.

+715+. Though the stars were generally regarded, both among savages and

in ancient civilized communities, as animated (possessed of souls), and

in a sort divine,[1229] instances of the deification proper of

particular stellar bodies are rare. In Egypt they were reverenced, but

apparently not worshiped.[1230] The Babylonian astronomers and

astrologers began early to connect the planets with the great gods

(Jupiter with Marduk, Venus with Ishtar, etc.), and stars, like other

heavenly bodies, were held by them to be divine, but a specific

divinization of a star or planet does not appear in the known

literature.[1231] The same thing is true of China, where, it may be

supposed, reverence for the stars was included in the general high

position assigned to Heaven.[1232] In the Aryan Hindu cults stars were

revered, and by the non-Aryan Gonds were worshiped, but there is no

star-god proper.[1233]

+716+. In the Old Testament and the Apocrypha there are passages in

which stars and planets are referred to in a way that indicates some

sort of a conception of them as divine: they are said to have fought

against Israel's enemies, and in the later literature they are (perhaps

by a poetical figure of speech) identified with foreign deities or with

angels.[1234] But there is no sign of Israelite worship offered them

till the seventh century B.C., when, on the irruption of Assyrian cults,

incense is said to have been burned in the Jerusalem temple to the

mazzalot (probably the signs of the zodiac) and to all the host of

heaven (the stars);[1235] and there is still no creation of a

star-god.[1236] The early Hebrews may have practiced some sort of

star-worship; there are traces of such a cult among their neighbors the

Arabs.

+717+. The Arab personal name Abd ath-thuraiya, 'servant (worshiper) of

the Pleiades,' testifies to a real cult,[1237] though how far it

involves a conception of the constellation as a true individual deity it

may be difficult to say. It has been supposed that the pre-Islamic Arabs

worshiped the planet Venus under the name Al-Uzza,[1238] but this is not

certain. It is true that they worshiped the morning star, and that

ancient non-Arab writers identified the planet with Al-Uzza because it

was with this goddess that the Roman goddess Venus was generally

identified by foreigners. But Al-Uzza was an old Arabian local deity who

gradually assumed great power and influence, and it is certain that she

could not have been originally a star. It must, therefore, be considered

doubtful whether the Arabs had a true star-god.

+718+. A well-defined instance of such a god is the Avestan

Tistrya.[1239] His origin as an object of nature appears plainly in his

functions--he is especially a rain-god, and, as such, a source of all

blessings. Alongside of him stand three less well defined stellar

Powers. The Greeks and Romans adopted from Chaldean astronomy the

nominal identification of the planets with certain gods (their own

divine names being substituted for the Babylonian); this did not

necessarily carry with it stellar worship,[1240] but at a late period

there was a cult of the constellations.[1241]

To some savage and half-civilized peoples the rainbow has appeared to be

a living thing, capable of acting on man's life, sometimes friendly,

sometimes unfriendly.[1242] It figures largely in myths, but is not

treated as a god.

THE GREAT GODS

+719+. Along with the deities described above there is a class of higher

gods with well-defined personalities, standing quite outside physical

nature and man, with definite characters, and humanized in the higher

sense. In contrast with the bizarre or barbarous anthropomorphic forms

of the earlier deities these have the shape of refined humanity, capable

of taking part in the life of the best men; they are the embodiment of a

reflective conception of the relations between men and the great world.

Inchoate divine forms of this sort may be recognized among certain

half-civilized communities, but in their full form they are found only

among civilized peoples, being indeed the product of civilization; and

among such peoples they exist in varying degrees of approach to

completeness.

+720+. The process of growth from the clan deities and the nature gods

up to these higher forms may be traced with some definiteness in the

great civilized nations of antiquity. We can see that there has been a

scientific movement of separation of gods from phenomena. There is the

distinct recognition not only of the difference between man and physical

nature, but also of the difference between phenomena and the powers that

control them.[1243] At the same time there is an increasing belief in

the predominance of reason in the government of the world, and along

with this a larger conception of the greatness of the world and finally

of its unity. Artistic feeling coöperates in the change of the character

of divine beings--the necessity of giving symmetry and clearness to

their persons, whereby they more and more assume the form of the highest

human ideals. Necessarily the ethical element advances hand in hand with

the intellectual and artistic; it becomes more and more difficult to

conceive of gods as controlled by motives lower than those recognized by

the best men.

+721+. This general progress of thought is in some cases embodied in the

conception of a succession of dynasties--one set of gods is overthrown

or succeeded by another set; the most extreme form of the overthrow

appears in the conception of the death of a whole community of gods, but

this occurs not in the form of natural development, but only when one

stadium or phase of religion is overmastered and expelled by another.

+722+. In Babylonia the earliest pair of deities, Lakhmu and Lakhamu,

vague forms, were succeeded by a second pair, Anshar and Kishar,

somewhat less vague, and these in their turn yielded to the more

definite group represented by Ea, Bel, and Marduk--deities who became

the embodiments of the highest Babylonian culture; in Assyria Ashur and

Ishtar occupied a similar position. In the long religious history of the

Hindus many of the gods prominent in the Veda disappear or sink into

subordinate positions, and deities at first unimportant become supreme.

The Greek succession of dynasties resembles the Babylonian. The ancient

Heaven and Earth are followed by Kronos,[1244] and he is dethroned by

Zeus, who represents governmental order and a higher ethical scheme of

society. The Romans appear to have borrowed their chronology of the gods

from the Greeks: the combination of Saturnus with Ops (who belongs

rather with Consus), the identification of these two respectively with

Kronos and Rhea, and the dynastic succession Cælus,[1245] Saturnus,

Jupiter, seem not to be earlier than the Hellenizing period in Rome.

+723+. These changes, when original, may have been due partly to the

shifting of political power--the gods of a particular dominant region

may have come into prominence and reigned for a time, giving place then

to deities of some other region which had secured the hegemony; the

history of the earliest gods lies far back in a dim region without

historical records and therefore is not to be reconstructed definitely

now. But such light as we get from literary records of later times

rather suggests that the dynastic changes are the product of changes in

the conception of the world, and these are as a rule in the direction of

sounder and more humane thought.

+724+. There is a general similarity between the great deities that have

been created by the various civilized peoples, since civilization has

been practically the same everywhere. But the gods differ among

themselves according to the special characters, needs, and endowments of

the various peoples, so that no deity can be profitably studied without

a knowledge of the physical and mental conditions of the community in

which he arose. But everywhere we find that any one god may become

practically supreme. Here again the political element sometimes comes

in--a dominant city or state will impose its special god on a large

district. There is also the natural tendency among men to concentrate on

an individual figure. As legendary material has always gathered around

particular men, so the great attributes of divinity gather about the

person of a particular god who, for whatever reason, is the most

prominent divine figure in a given community. Such a god becomes for the

moment supreme, to the exclusion of other deities who under different

circumstances might have had similar claims to precedence; and under

favorable conditions a deity thus raised to the highest position may

maintain himself and end by becoming the sole deity of his people and of

the world. In any case such a divine figure becomes an ideal, and thus

influences more or less the life of his worshipers.

+725+. In Oriental polytheistic systems the desire to secure

completeness in the representation of divine activity shows itself in

the combination of two or more forms into a unity of action. On the

lower level we have the composite figures of Egypt and Babylonia,

congeries of bodies, heads, and limbs, human and nonhuman--the result

partly of the survival of ancient (sometimes outgrown) forms or the

fusion of local deities, partly of the imaginative collocation of

attributes. Many compound names may be explained in this way; in some

cases they seem to arise from accidental local relations of cults.

As illustrations of lines of growth in divine figures we may take brief

biographies of some of the greater gods. It is in comparatively few

cases that the development of a god's character can be satisfactorily

traced. There are no records of beginnings--we can only make what may be

judged to be probable inferences from names, cults, and functions. The

difficulty of the subject is increased by the fact that mythologians and

theologians have obscured early conceptions by new combinations and

interpretations, often employing familiar divine figures simply as

vehicles of late philosophical ideas or some other sort of local dogmas.

+726+. _Egypt._[1246] The cult of the sun in Egypt issued in the

creation of a group of solar divinities, the most important of whom are

Horus (Har or Hor) and Ra (or Rê).

Horus appears to have been the great god of united Egypt in the earliest

times about which we have information. The kings of the predynastic and

early dynastic periods are called "worshipers of Horus," a title that

was adopted by succeeding monarchs, who had each his "Horus name."[1247]

He was also the special patron of some small communities--a fact that

has been variously interpreted as indicating that the god's movement was

from local to general patron,[1248] or that it was in the opposite

direction[1249]; the former of these hypotheses is favored by what

appears elsewhere in such changes in the positions of deities. As Horus

is always connected with light he may have been originally a local

sun-god; it is possible, however, that he was a clan god with general

functions, who was brought into association with the sun by the natural

progress of thought. In any case he became a great sun-god, but yielded

his position of eminence to Ra. The myth of his conflict with Set, the

representative of darkness, is probably a priestly dualistic

construction, resting, perhaps, on a political situation (the struggle

between the North and the South of the Egyptian territory).[1250]

+727+. The general development of Ra is plain, though details are

lacking. It may be inferred from his name (which means 'sun') that he

was originally the physical sun. Traces of his early crudeness appear in

the stories of his destruction of mankind, and of the way in which Isis,

by a trick, got from him his true name and, with it, his power.[1251]

With the growth of his native land (Lower Egypt) he became the great

lord of the sun, and finally universal lord;[1252] his supremacy was

doubtless due in part to the political importance of On (Heliopolis),

the seat of his chief shrine. What other circumstances contributed to

his victory over Horus are not recorded; in general it may be supposed

that political changes occasioned the recedence of the latter.

Introduction to the History of Religions Handbooks on the History of Religions, Volume IV · 第 8 / 18 章