CHAPTER II.

CAPTAIN COOK'S PREDECESSORS.

I.

Roggewein--The little that is known of him--The uncertainty of his

discoveries--Easter Island--The Pernicious Islands--The Baumans--New

Britain--Arrival in Batavia--Byron--Stay at Rio Janeiro and Port

Desire--Entrance into Straits of Magellan--Falkland Islands and Port

Egmont--The Fuegians--Mas a Fuero--Disappointment Islands--Danger

Islands--Tinian--Return to Europe.

As early as 1669, Roggewein the elder had petitioned the Dutch West

India Company for three armed vessels, in order to prosecute his

discoveries in the Pacific Ocean. His project was favourably received,

but a coolness in the relations between Spain and Holland forced the

Batavian government to relinquish the expedition for a time. Upon his

death-bed Roggewein forced from his son Jacob a promise to carry the

plan he had conceived into execution.

Circumstances, over which he had no control, for a long time hindered

the fulfilment of his promise. It was only after several voyages in

the Indian seas, after having even been judge in the Batavian Justice

Court, that at length Jacob Roggewein was in a position to take the

necessary steps with the West India Company. We have no means of

finding out Roggewein's age in 1721, or of ascertaining what were his

claims to the command of an expedition of discovery. Most biographical

dictionaries honour him with but a slight mention, perhaps of a couple

of lines, and Fleurieu, in his learned and exhaustive account of the

Dutch navigator, was unable to find out anything certain about him.

Moreover, the narrative of the voyage was written not by Roggewein,

but by a German named Behrens. We may, therefore, with some justice,

attribute the obscurities and contradictions of the particulars given,

and their general want of accuracy, rather to the narrator than to the

navigator. It even appears sometimes (and this is far from improbable),

that Roggewein was ignorant of the voyages and discoveries of his

predecessors and contemporaries.

Upon the 21st of August, 1721, three vessels set sail from Texel,

under his command. They were, the _Eagle_ of 36 guns, and with a crew

of 111 men, the _Tienhoven_ of 28 guns and 100 men, Captain James

Bauman, and the galley _African_ of 14 guns and a crew of 60 men,

Captain Henry Rosenthal. Their voyage across the Atlantic afforded no

particulars of interest. Touching at Rio, Roggewein went in search of

an island which he named Auke's Magdeland, and which would appear to

be the same as the Land of the Virgin, Hawkins' Virginia, and the

Archipelago of the Falkland, or Malouine Islands, unless indeed it was

Southern Georgia. Although these islands were then well known, it

would appear that the Dutch knew little of their whereabouts, as after

vainly seeking the Falkland Isles, they set to work to look for the

island St. Louis, belonging to the French, apparently quite unaware

that they belonged to the same group.

There are few lands indeed which have borne so many different names as

Pepys Isles, Conti Isles, and many which we need not mention. It would

be easy to count up a dozen.

After discovering, or rather noticing an island below the parallel of

the Straits of Magellan, about twenty-four leagues from the American

continent, of two hundred leagues in circumference, which he named

South Belgium, Roggewein passed through the Straits of Lemaire, or

possibly was carried by the current to 62-1/2 degrees of southern

latitude. Finally, he regained the coast of Chili; and cast anchor

opposite the island of Mocha, which he found deserted. He afterwards

reached Juan Fernandez, where he met with the _Tienhoven_, from which

he had been separated since the 21st of December.

The vessels left this harbour before the end of March, and steered to

the west-north-west, in search of the land discovered by Davis,

between 27 degrees and 28 degrees south.

After a search of several days, Roggewein sighted an island upon the

6th of April, 1722, which he named Easter Island.

We will not stop to enumerate the exaggerated dimensions claimed for

this island by the Dutch navigator, nor to notice his observations of

the manners and customs of the inhabitants. We shall have occasion to

refer to them in dealing with the more detailed and reliable accounts

of Cook and La Perouse. "But," said Fleurieu, "we shall vainly look in

this narrative for any sign of learning on the part of Roggewein's

sergeant-major." After describing the Banana, of which the leaves are

six or eight feet high, and two or three wide, he adds that this was

the leaf with which our first parents covered their nakedness after

the Fall; and to make it clearer, further remarks that those who

accept this view, do so on account of this leaf being the largest of

all the plants growing either in eastern or western countries, thereby

plainly indicating his notion of the proportions of Adam and Eve.

A native came on board the _Eagle_. He delighted every one by his good

humour, gaiety, and friendly demonstrations.

In the morning Roggewein distinguished an eager multitude upon the

shore, which was adorned with high statues, who awaited the arrival of

the strangers with impatient curiosity. For no discoverable purpose a

gun was fired, one of the natives was killed, and the multitude fled

in every direction,--soon, however, to return in greater haste.

Roggewein, at the head of 150 men, fired a volley, stretching a number

of victims on the ground. Overcome with terror, the natives hastened

to appease their terrible visitors by offering them all they possessed.

Fleurieu is of opinion that Easter Island and Davis Land are not

identical; but in spite of the reasons with which he supports his

opinions, and the differences which he points out in the situation and

description of the two islands, it is impossible to avoid the

conclusion that Roggewein and Davis's discoveries are one and the same.

No other island answering to the description is to be found in these

latitudes, which are now thoroughly well known.

A violent storm of wind drove Roggewein from his anchorage on the

eastern side of the island, and obliged him to make for the

west-north-west. He traversed the sea called Mauvaise by Schouten, and

having sailed eight hundred leagues from Easter Island, fell in with

what he took to be the Isle of Dogs, so called by Schouten. Roggewein

named it Carlshoff, a name which it still retains.

The squadron passed this island in the night, without touching at it,

and was forced in the following night, by the wind and adverse

currents, to the midst of a group of low islands, which were quite

unexpectedly encountered. The _African_ was dashed against a coral

rock, and the two consorts narrowly escaped the same fate. Only after

five days of unceasing effort, of danger and anxiety, the crew

succeeded in extricating the vessels and in regaining the open sea.

The natives of this group were tall, with long and flowing hair. They

painted their bodies in various colours. It is generally agreed now to

recognize in Roggewein's description of the Pernicious Islands, the

group to which Cook gave the name of Palliser Isles.

On the morning succeeding the day in which he had so narrowly escaped

the dangers of the Pernicious Islands, Roggewein discovered an island

to which he gave the name of Aurora. Lying low, it was scarcely

visible above the water, and had the sun not shone out, the

_Tienhoven_ would have been lost upon it.

As night approached, new land was perceived, to which the name of

Vesper was given, and it is difficult to decide whether or no it

belonged to the Palliser group.

Roggewein continued to sail between the 15th and 16th degrees, and was

not long in finding himself "all of a sudden" in the midst of islands

which were half submerged.

"As we approached them," says Behrens, "we saw an immense number of

canoes navigating the coasts, and we concluded that the islands were

well populated. Upon nearing the land we discovered that it consisted

of a mass of different islands, situated close the one to the other,

and we were insensibly drawn in amongst them. We began to fear that we

should be unable to extricate ourselves. The admiral sent one of the

pilots up to the look-out to ascertain how we could get free of them.

"We owed our safety to the calm that prevailed. The slightest movement

of the water would have run our ships upon the rocks, without the

possibility of assistance reaching us. As it was, we got away without

any accident worth mentioning. These islands are six in number, all

very pleasant, and taken together may extend some thirty leagues. They

are situated twenty-five leagues westward of the Pernicious Islands.

We named them the Labyrinth, because we could only leave them by a

circuitous route."

Many authors identify this group with Byron's Prince of Wales Islands.

Fleurieu holds a different opinion. Dumont d'Urville thinks them

identical with the group of Vliegen, already seen by Schouten and

Lemaire.

After navigating for three days in a westerly direction, the Dutch

caught sight of a beautiful island. Cocoa-nuts, palm-trees, and

luxuriant verdure testified to its fertility. But finding it

impossible to anchor there, the officers and crews were obliged to

visit it in well-armed detachments.

Once more the Dutch needlessly shed the blood of an inoffensive

population which had awaited them upon the shore, and whose only fault

consisted in their numbers.

After this execution, worthy rather of barbarians than of civilized

men, they endeavoured to persuade the natives to return, by offering

presents to the chiefs, and by deceitful protestations of friendship.

But they were not to be deceived by the latter, and having enticed the

sailors into the interior, the inhabitants rushed upon them and

attacked them with stones. Although a volley of bullets stretched a

number upon the ground, they still bravely persisted in attacking the

strangers, and forced them to re-embark, carrying with them their dead

and wounded.

Of course the Dutch cried treason, not knowing how to find epithets

strong enough for the treachery and disloyalty of their adversaries.

But, who struck the first blow? Who was the aggressor? Even admitting

that a few thefts were committed, which is probable enough, was it

necessary to visit them with so severe a punishment, to revenge upon

an entire population the wrong-doing of a few individuals, who after

all can have had no very strict notions of honesty?

In spite of their losses, the Dutch called this island, in memory of

the refreshment they had enjoyed there, Recreation Island. Roggewein

gives its situation as below the sixth parallel, but his longitude is

so incorrect, that it is impossible to depend upon it.

The question now arises, whether the captain should prosecute his

search for the Island Espirito Santo de Quiros in the west, or whether,

on the contrary, he should sail northward and reach the East Indies

during the favourable season?

The counsel of war, which Roggewein called to the consideration of

this question, chose the latter alternative.

[Illustration: "The counsel chose the latter alternative."]

The third day after this decision, three islands were simultaneously

discovered. They received the name of Bauman, after the captain of the

_Tienhoven_, who was the first to catch sight of them. The natives

came round the vessels to traffic, whilst an immense crowd of the

inhabitants lined the shore, armed with bows and spears. They were

white skinned, and only differed from Europeans in appearance, when

very much tanned by the sun. Their bodies were not painted. A strip of

stuff, artistically arranged and fringed, covered them from the waist

to the heels. Hats of the same material protected their heads and

necklaces of sweet-smelling flowers, adorned their necks.

"It must be confessed," says Behrens, "that this is the most civilized

nation, as well as the most honest, which we have met with in the

southern seas. Charmed with our arrival, they received us like gods,

and when we showed our intention of leaving, they testified most

lively regrets."

From the description, these would appear to have been the inhabitants

of the Navigators Islands.

After having encountered the islands which Roggewein believed to be

Cocoa and Traitor Islands, already visited by Schouten and Lemaire,

and which Fleurieu, imagining them to be a Dutch discovery, named

Roggewein Islands; after having caught sight of Tienhoven and

Groningue Islands, which were believed by Pingre to be identical with

Santa Cruz of Mendana, the expedition finally reached the coast of New

Ireland. Here the discoverers perpetrated new massacres. From thence

they went to the shores of New Guinea, and after crossing the Moluccas,

cast anchor at Batavia.

There their fellow-countrymen, less humane than many of the tribes

they had visited, confiscated the two vessels, imprisoned the officers

and sailors indiscriminately, and sent them to Europe to take their

trial. They had committed the unpardonable crime of having entered

countries belonging to the East India Company, whilst they themselves

were in the employ of the West India Company.

The result was a trial, and the East India Company was compelled to

restore all that it had appropriated, and to pay heavy damages.

We lose all sight of Roggewein after his arrival at Texel upon the

11th July, 1723, and no details are to be obtained of the last years

of his life. Grateful thanks are due to Fleurieu for having unravelled

this "chaotic" narrative, and for having thrown some light upon an

expedition which deserves to be better known.

Upon the 17th of June, 1764, Commodore Byron received instructions

signed by the Lord of the Admiralty. They were to the following

effect,--"As nothing contributes more to the glory of this nation, in

its character of a maritime power, to the dignity of the British crown,

and to the progress of its national commerce and navigation, than the

discovery of new regions; and as there is every reason for believing

in the existence of lands and islands in great numbers, between the

Cape of Good Hope and the Straits of Magellan, which have been

hitherto unknown to the European powers, and which are situated in

latitudes suitable for navigation, and in climates productive of

different marketable commodities; and as moreover, his Majesty's

islands, called Pepys and Falkland Islands, situated as will be

described, have not been sufficiently examined for a just appreciation

of their shores and productions, although they were discovered by

English navigators; his Majesty, taking all these considerations into

account, and conceiving the existing state of profound peace now

enjoyed by his subjects especially suitable for such an undertaking,

has decided to put it into execution."

Upon what seaman would the choice of the English Government fall?

Commodore John Byron, born on the 8th of November, 1723, was the man

selected. From his earliest years, he had shown an enthusiastic love

of seafaring life, and at the age of seventeen had offered his

services upon one of the vessels that formed Admiral Anson's squadron,

when it was sent out for the destruction of Spanish settlements upon

the Pacific coast.

We have already given an account of the troubles which befell this

expedition before the incredible fortune which was to distinguish its

last voyage.

The vessel upon which Byron embarked was the _Wager_. It was wrecked

in passing through the Straits of Magellan, and the crew being taken

prisoners by the Spaniards, were sent to Chili. After a captivity

which lasted at least three years, Byron effected his escape, and was

rescued by a vessel from St. Malo, which took him to Europe. He

returned at once to service, and distinguished himself in various

encounters during the war with France. Doubtless it was the

recollection of his first voyage round the world, so disastrously

interrupted, which procured for him the distinction conferred upon him

by the Admiralty.

The vessels entrusted to him were carefully armed. The _Dauphin_ was a

sixth-rate man-of-war, and carried 24 guns, 150 sailors, 3 lieutenants,

and 37 petty officers. The _Tamar_ was a sloop of 16 guns, and 90

sailors, 3 lieutenants, 27 petty officers, commanded by Captain Mouat.

The start was not fortunate. The expedition left the Downs upon the

21st of June, but the _Dauphin_ grounded before leaving the Thames,

and was obliged to put into Plymouth for repairs.

Upon the 3rd of July, anchor was finally weighed, and ten days later,

Byron put in at Funchal in the Island of Madeira for refreshments. He

was forced to halt again at Cape Verd Islands, to take in water, that

with which he was supplied having become rapidly wasted.

Nothing further occurred to interrupt the voyage, until the two

English vessels sighted Cape Frio.

Byron remarked a singular fact, since fully verified, that the copper

sheathing of his vessels appeared to disperse the fish, which he

expected to meet with in large quantities.

The tropical heat, and constant rains, had struck down a large

proportion of the crew, hence the urgent need of rest and of fresh

victuals which they experienced.

These they hoped to find at Rio de Janeiro, where they arrived on the

12th December. Byron was warmly welcomed by the viceroy, and thus

describes his first interview.

"When I made my visit, I was received in the greatest state, about

sixty officers were drawn up by the palace. The guard was under arms.

They were fine, well-drilled men. His Excellency accompanied by the

nobility received me on the staircase. Fifteen salutes from the

neighbouring fort honoured my arrival. We then entered the

audience-chamber, and after a conversation of a quarter of an hour, I

took my leave, and was conducted back with the same ceremonies."

We shall see a little later how slightly the reception given to

Captain Cook some years afterwards resembled that just related.

The Commodore obtained ready permission to disembark his sick, and

found every facility for revictualling. His sole cause of complaint

was the repeated endeavour of the Portuguese to tempt his sailors to

desert.

The insupportable heat experienced by the crew shortened their stay at

Rio. Upon the 16th of October, anchor was weighed, but it was five

days before a land breeze allowed the vessels to gain the open sea.

Up to this moment, the destination of the expedition had been kept

secret. Byron now summoned the captain of the _Tamar_ on board, and in

the presence of the assembled sailors, read his instructions.

These enjoined him not to proceed to the East Indies, as had been

supposed, but to prosecute discoveries, which might prove of great

importance to England in the southern seas. With this object the Lords

of the Admiralty promised double pay to the crew, with future

advancement and enjoyments, if they were pleased with their services.

The second part of this short harangue was the most acceptable to the

sailors and was received by them with joyous demonstrations.

Until the 29th of October no incident occurred in their passage. Upon

that date sudden and violent squalls succeeded each other and

culminated in a fearful tempest, the violence of which was so great

that the Commodore ordered four guns to be thrown overboard, to avoid

foundering. In the morning the weather moderated somewhat, but it was

as cold as in England at the same time of year, although in this

quarter of the globe the month of November answers to the month of May.

As the wind continued to drive the vessel eastward, Byron began to

think that he should experience great difficulty in avoiding the east

of Patagonia.

Suddenly, upon the 12th of November, although no land was marked on

the chart in this position, a repeated cry of "Land! land ahead!"

arose. Clouds at this moment obscured almost the entire horizon, and

it thundered and lightened without intermission.

"It seemed to me," says Byron, "that what had at first appeared to be

an island, was really two steep mountains, but, upon looking windward,

it was apparent that the land which belonged to these mountains

stretched far to the south-east." Consequently, he steered south-west.

"I sent some officers to the masthead to watch the wind, and to verify

the discovery. They unanimously asserted that they saw a great extent

of country. We then went E.S.E. The land appeared to present entirely

the same appearance. The mountains looked blue, as is often the case

in dark and rainy weather, when one is near them. Shortly afterwards,

several of our number fancied they could distinguish waves breaking

upon a sandy shore, but after steering with the utmost caution for an

hour, that which we had taken for land disappeared suddenly, and we

were convinced to our amazement that it had been only a land of fog! I

have passed all my life at sea," continues Byron, "since I was

twenty-seven, but I never could have conceived so complete and

sustained an illusion.

"There is no doubt, that had the weather not cleared so suddenly as it

did, we should one and all on board have declared that we had

discovered land in this latitude. We were then in latitude 43 degrees

46 minutes S. and longitude 60 degrees 5 minutes W."

The next morning a terrible gale of wind arose, heralded by the

piercing cries of many hundred birds flying before it. It lasted only

twenty minutes--sufficiently long, however, to throw the vessel on its

beam end before it was possible to let go the halliards. At the same

moment a blow from the sheet of the mainsail overthrew the first

lieutenant, and sent him rolling to a distance, while the mizen-mast,

which was not entirely lowered, was torn to pieces.

The following days were not much more favourable. Moreover, the ship

had sunk so little, that she drifted away as the wind freshened. After

such a troublesome voyage, we may guess how gladly Byron reached

Penguin Island and Port Desire on the 24th of November. But the

delights of this station did not by any means equal the anticipations

of the crew.

The English sailors landed and upon advancing into the interior, met

only with a desert country, and sandy hills, without a single tree.

They found no game, but they saw a few guanacos too far off for a

shot; they were, however, able to catch some large hares, which were

not difficult to secure. The seals and sea birds, however, furnished

food for an entire fleet.

Badly situated and badly sheltered, Port Desire offered the further

inconvenience that only brackish water could be procured there. Not a

trace of inhabitants was to be found! A long stay in this place being

useless and dangerous, Byron started in search of Pepys Island on the

25th.

The position of this island was most uncertain. Halley placed it 80

degrees east of the continent. Cowley, the only person who asserted

that he had seen it, declared it was about 47 degrees latitude, S.,

but did not fix its longitude. Here then was an interesting problem to

solve.

After having explored to the N., to the S., and to the E., Byron,

satisfied that this island was imaginary, set sail for the Sebaldines,

in haste to reach the first possible port where he could obtain food

and water, of which he had pressing need. A storm overtook him, during

which the waves were so terrific, that Byron declared he had never

seen them equalled, even when he doubled Cape Horn with Admiral Anson.

This danger surmounted, he recognized Cape Virgin, which forms the

northern entrance to the Straits of Magellan.

As soon as the vessels neared the shore, the sailors distinguished a

crowd of men on horseback, who set up a white tent, and signed to them

to land. Curious to see these Patagonians, about whom preceding

navigators had so disagreed, Byron landed with a strong detachment of

armed soldiers.

He found nearly 500 men, most of them on horseback, of gigantic

stature, and looking like monsters in human shape. Their bodies were

painted in the most hideous manner, their faces traced with various

coloured lines, their eyes encircled with blue, black, or red, so that

they had the appearance of wearing enormous spectacles. Almost all

were naked, with the exception of a skin thrown over their

shoulders--the wool inside, and a few of them wore boots. Truly, a

singular costume! primitive and not expensive!

[Illustration: "Most of them on horseback."]

With them were numbers of dogs and of very small horses, excessively

ugly, but not the less extremely swift.

The women rode on horseback like the men without stirrups, and all

galloped on the shore, although it was covered with immense stones and

very slippery.

The interview was friendly. Byron distributed numbers of toys, ribbons,

glass trinkets, and tobacco, to the crowd of giants.

As soon as he had brought the _Dauphin_ to the wind, Byron entered the

Straits of Magellan with the tide. It was not his intention to cross

it, but merely to find a safe and commodious harbour, where he might

secure wood and water before starting in his search for the Falkland

Islands.

On leaving the second outlet, he met with St. Elizabeth, St.

Bartholomew, and St. George Islands, and Sandy Point. Near the last he

found a delicious country, springs, woods, fields covered with flowers,

which shed an exquisite perfume in the air. The country was swarming

with hundreds of birds, of which one species received the name of the

"Painted Goose," from the exceeding brilliancy of its plumage. But

nowhere could a spot be found where the ship's boat could approach

without extreme danger. The water was shallow everywhere, and the

breakers were heavy. Fish of many kinds--more especially

mullets,--geese, snipe, teal, and other birds of excellent flavour,

were caught and killed by the crew.

Byron was obliged to continue his voyage to Port Famine, which he

reached on the 27th of December.

"We were sheltered from all winds," he says, "with the exception of

the south-east, which rarely blows, and no damage could accrue to

vessels which might be driven on shore in the bay, because of the

profound calm that prevails. Wood enough floated near the shore to

stock a thousand vessels, so we had no need to go and cut it in the

forest.

"The River Sedger ran at the bottom of the bay, the water of which is

excellent. Its banks are planted with large and beautiful trees,

excellent for masts; parrots, and birds of brilliant plumage thronged

the branches." Abundance reigned in Famine Port during Byron's stay.

As soon as his crew were completely recovered from their fatigue and

the ships well provisioned, the Commodore, on the 5th of January, 1765,

resumed his search for the Falkland Islands. Seven days later, he

discovered a land in which he fancied he recognized the Islands of

Sebald de Wert, but upon nearing them he found that what he had taken

for three islands, was, in reality, but one, which extended far south.

He had no remaining doubt that he had found the group marked upon the

charts of the time as New Ireland, 51 degrees south latitude, and 63

degrees, 32 minutes west longitude.

First of all, Byron steered clear of them, fearing to be thrown upon a

coast with which he was unacquainted, and after this summary bearing,

a detachment was selected to skirt the coast as closely as possible,

and look for a safe and commodious harbour--which was soon met with.

It received the name of Port Egmont, in honour of Earl Egmont, First

Lord of the Admiralty.

"I did not expect," says Byron, "that it would be possible to find so

good a harbour. The depth was excellent, the supply of water easy; all

the ships of England might be anchored there in shelter from winds.

"Geese, ducks, and teal abounded to such an extent, that the sailors

were tired of eating them. Want of wood was general, with the

exception of some trunks of trees which floated by the shore, and

which were apparently brought here from the Strait of Magellan.

"The wild sorel and celery, both excellent anti-scorbutics, were to be

found in abundance. Sea-calves and seals, as well as penguins, were so

numerous that it was impossible to walk upon the strand without seeing

them rush away in herds. Animals resembling wolves, but more like

foxes in shape, with the exception of their height and tails, several

times attacked the sailors, who had great difficulty in defending

themselves. It would be no easy task to guess how they came here,

distant as the country is from any other continent,--by at least a

hundred leagues; or to imagine where they found shelter, in a country

barren of vegetation, producing only rushes, sword-grass, and not a

single tree."

The account of this portion of Byron's voyage, in Didot's biography,

is a tissue of errors.

"The flotilla," says M. Alfred de Lacaze, "became entangled in the

Straits of Magellan, and was forced to put into a bay near Port Famine,

which was named Port Egmont." A singular mistake, which proves how

lightly the articles of this important collection were sometimes

written.

Byron took possession of Port Egmont and the adjacent isles, called

Falkland, in the name of the King of England. Cowley had named them

Pepys Islands, but in all probability the first discoverer was Captain

Davis in 1592. Two years later Sir Richard Hawkins found land which

was thought to be the same, and named it Virginia, in honour of his

queen Elizabeth. Lastly, vessels from St. Malo visited this group, and

no doubt it was owing to this fact that Frezier called them the

Malouines Islands.

[Illustration: Map of the Eastern Hemisphere. _Engraved by E. Morieu

23, r. de Brea Paris._]

[Illustration: Straits of Magellan, after Bougainville. _Grave par E.

Morieu._]

After having named a number of rocks, islets, and capes, Byron left

Port Egmont on the 27th of January, and set sail for Port Desire,

which he reached nine days later. There he found the _Florida_--a

transport vessel, which had brought from England the provisions and

necessary appliances for his long voyage.

But this anchorage was too dangerous. The _Florida_ and the _Tamar_

were in too bad a condition to be equal to the long operation of

transhipment. Byron therefore sent one of his petty officers, who had

a thorough knowledge of the Strait of Magellan, on board the _Florida_,

and with his two consorts set sail for Port Famine. He met with a

French ship so many times in the straits, that it appeared as if she

were bent upon the same course as himself. Upon returning to England,

he ascertained that she was the _Aigle_, Captain M. de Bougainville,

who was coasting Patagonia in search of the wood needed by the French

colony in the Falkland Islands.

During the various excursions in the straits, the English expedition

received several visits from the inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego.

"I have never seen such wretched beings," says Byron; "they were

entirely naked, with the exception of a skin thrown across the

shoulders. They offered me the bows and arrows with which they were

armed in exchange for beads, necklaces, and other trifles. Their

arrows, which were two feet long, were made of cane, and pointed with

greenish stone; the bows were three feet long and were furnished with

catgut for strings.

"Their nourishment consisted of certain fruits, mussels, and the

remains of putrid fish thrown upon the beach during the storms. Pigs

only could have relished their food. It consisted of large pieces of

whale, already putrified, the odour of which impregnated the air for

some distance. One of them tore the carrion in pieces with his teeth,

and handed the bits to his companions, who devoured them with the

voracity of wild beasts.

"Several of these miserable beings decided to come on board. Wishing

to give them a pleasant reception, one of my petty officers played the

violin and the sailors danced. This delighted them. Anxious to show

their appreciation, one of their number hastened to his pirogue (small

boat) and returned with a little bag of wolf-skin, containing a red

ointment, with which he rubbed the face of the violinist. He was

anxious to pay me the same attention, but I drew back. He then tried

every means of overcoming my delicacy, and I had great difficulty in

avoiding the mark of esteem he was so anxious to give me."

[Illustration: "One of them tore the carrion with his teeth."]

It will not be out of place here to record the opinion held by Byron,

an experienced seaman, upon the advantages and disadvantages offered

to the passage through the Straits of Magellan. He does not agree with

the majority of navigators who have visited these latitudes. He

says,--

"Our account of the difficulties and dangers we encountered may lead

to the idea that it is not prudent to attempt this passage, and that

ships leaving Europe for the southern seas, should prefer to double

Cape Horn. I am by no means of this opinion, although I have twice

doubled Cape Horn. There is one season in the year when not only one

ship, but an entire fleet, might safely cross the straits, and to

profit by this season one should enter them in the month of December.

One inestimable advantage which should weigh with all navigators is

that celery, scurvy-grass, fruits, and other anti-scorbutic vegetables

abound. Such obstacles as we encountered, and which delayed us from

the 17th of February till the 8th of April in the straits, were mainly

due to the equinoctial season, a season which is invariably stormy,

and which, more than once, tried our patience."

Until the 26th of April, the day upon which they found Mas-a-Fuero,

belonging to the Juan Fernandez group, Byron had sailed to the N.W. He

hastened to disembark several sailors, who after obtaining water and

wood, chased wild goats, which they found better flavoured than

venison in England.

During their stay in this port, a singular fact occurred. A violent

surf broke over the shore, and prevented the shore-boats from reaching

the strand. Although he was provided with a life-belt, one of the

sailors, who could not swim, refused to jump into the sea to reach the

boat. Threatened with being left alone on the island, he still

persistently refused to venture, when one of his companions cleverly

encircled his waist with a cord, in which he had made a running knot,

and one end of which was made fast to the boat. When he reached the

vessel, Hawksworth's narrative relates, that the unfortunate fellow

had swallowed so much water that he appeared lifeless. He was

accordingly hung up by the heels, whereupon he soon regained his

senses, and the next day was completely restored. But in spite of this

truly wonderful recovery, we can hardly venture to recommend this

course of treatment to humane rescue societies.

Leaving Mas-a-Fuero, Byron changed his route, with the intention of

seeking Davis Land, now known as Easter Island, which was placed by

geographers in 27 degrees 30 minutes, a hundred leagues westward of

the American coast. Eight days were devoted to this search.

Having found nothing after this cruise, which he was unable to prolong,

Byron, following his intention of visiting the Solomon group, steered

for the north-west. Upon the 22nd of May scurvy broke out on board the

vessels, and quickly made alarming havoc.

Fortunately land was perceived from the look-out on the 7th of June in

140 degrees 58 minutes west longitude.

Next day, the fleet neared two islands, which presented an attractive

appearance.

Large bushy trees, shrubs and groves were seen, and a number of

natives who hastened to the shore and lighted fires.

Byron sent a boat in search of anchorage. It returned without having

found the requisite depth at a cable's length from shore.

The unfortunate victims of scurvy who had crawled on to the forecastle,

cast looks of sorrowful longing at the fertile islands, which held the

remedy for their sufferings and which Nature placed beyond their

reach!

The narrative says,--

"They saw the cocoa-trees in abundance, laden with fruit, the milk of

which is probably the most powerful anti-scorbutic in the world. They

had reason for supposing that limes, bananas, and other tropical

fruits abounded, and to add to their torments they saw the shells of

tortoises floating on the shore."

All these delights, which would have restored them to vigour, were no

more attainable than if they had been separated by half the globe, but

the sight of them increased the misery of their privations.

Byron was anxious to curtail the tantalizing misery of his unfortunate

crew, and giving the name of Disappointment Islands to the group, he

set sail once more on the 8th of June.

The very next day he found a new land, long, flat, covered with

cocoa-nut trees. In its midst was a lake with a little islet. This

feature alone was indicative of the madreporic formation of the soil,

simple deposit, which was not yet, but which in time would become, an

island. The boat sent to sound met in every direction with a coast as

steep as a wall.

Meanwhile the natives made hostile demonstrations. Two men entered the

boat. One stole a sailor's waistcoat, another put out his hand for the

quarter-master's cocked hat, but not knowing how to deal with it,

pulled it towards him, instead of lifting it up, which gave the

quarter-master an opportunity of interfering with his intention. Two

large pirogues, each manned by thirty paddlers, showed an intention of

attacking the vessels, but the latter immediately chased them. Just as

they were running ashore a struggle ensued, and the English, all but

overwhelmed by numbers, were forced to use their arms. Three or four

natives were killed.

Next day, the sailors and such of the sick as could leave their

hammocks landed.

The natives, intimidated by the lesson they had received in the

evening, remained in concealment, whilst the English picked cocoa-nuts,

and gathered anti-scorbutic plants. These timely refreshments were so

useful that in a few days there was not a sick man on board.

Parrots, rarely beautiful, and tame doves, and several kinds of

unknown birds composed the fauna of the island, which received the

name of King George--that which was discovered afterwards was called

Prince of Wales' Island. All these lands belonged to the Pomotou group,

which is also known as the Low Islands, a very suitable name for this

archipelago.

On the 21st again a new chain of islands surrounded by breakers was

sighted. Byron did not attempt a thorough investigation of these, as

to do so he would have incurred risks out of proportion to the benefit

to be gained. He called them the Dangerous Islands.

Six days later, Duke of York Island was discovered. The English found

no inhabitants, but carried off two hundred cocoa-nuts, which appeared

to them of inestimable value.

A little farther, in latitude 1 degree 18 minutes south, longitude 173

degrees 46 minutes west, a desert island received the name of Byron;

it was situated eastward of the Gilbert group.

The heat was overwhelming, and the sailors, weakened, by their long

voyage and want of proper food, in addition to the putrid water they

had been forced to drink, were almost all attacked by dysentery.

At length, on the 28th of July, Byron joyfully recognized Saypan and

Tinian Islands, which form part of the Marianne or Ladrone Islands,

and he prepared to anchor in the very spot where Lord Anson had cast

anchor with the _Centurion_. Tents were immediately prepared for the

sufferers from scurvy. Almost all the sailors had been attacked by

this terrible disease, many even had been at the point of death. The

captain undertook to explore the dense wood which extended to the very

edge of the shore, in search of the lovely country so enthusiastically

described in the account written by Lord Anson's chaplain. How far

were these enchanting descriptions from the truth! Impenetrable

forests met him on every side, overgrown plants, briars, and tangled

shrubs, at every step caught and tore his clothes. At the same time

the explorers were attacked and stung by clouds of mosquitoes. Game

was scarce and wild, the water detestable, the roadstead was never

more dangerous than at this season.

The halt was made, therefore, under unfortunate auspices. Still, in

the end limes, bitter oranges, cocoa-nuts, bread-fruits, guavas, and

others were found. But although these productions were beneficial to

the invalids, who were shortly restored to vigour, the malarious

atmosphere caused such violent fever that two sailors succumbed to it.

In addition, the rain fell unceasingly and the heat was overpowering.

Byron says that he never experienced such terrific heat, even in his

visits to the coast of Guinea, the East Indies, or St. Thomas Island,

which is immediately below the equator.

Fowls and wild pigs which weighed about 2 cwt. each, were easily

procurable, but had to be eaten immediately, as in less than a hour

decomposition took place. Lastly, the fish caught upon this shore was

so unwholesome, that even those who ate it in moderation became

dangerously ill, and risked their lives.

After a stay of nine weeks, the two ships, amply provisioned, left the

port of Tinian. Byron continued his route to the north, after having

passed Anatacan Island, already discovered by Anson. He hoped to meet

the N.E. monsoon before reaching the Bashees, which form the extreme

north of the Philippines. Upon the 22nd he perceived Grafton Island,

the most northerly of this group, and upon the 3rd of November he

arrived at Timoan, which had been mentioned by Dampier as a favourable

place for procuring provisions. The natives, however, who are of Malay

descent, refused the offer of hatchets, knives, and iron instruments

in exchange for fowls--they demanded rupees. Finally they accepted

some handkerchiefs in payment of a dozen fowls, a goat and its kid.

Fortunately fish was abundant, as it would have been impossible to

procure fresh victuals.

Byron set sail once more on the 7th November, passed Poulo Condor at a

distance, stopped at Poulo Taya, where he encountered a vessel bearing

Dutch colours, but which was manned entirely by Malays. Reaching

Sumatra, he explored the coast and cast anchor at Batavia, the

principal seat of Dutch power in the East Indies, on the 20th November.

At this time there were more than one hundred ships, large and small,

in this roadstead, so flourishing was the trade of the East India

Company at this epoch. The town was at the height of its prosperity.

Its large and open thoroughfares, its admirable canals, bordered by

pine-trees, its regular buildings, singularly recalled the cities of

the Netherlands.

Portuguese, Chinese, English, Dutch, Persians, Moors, and Malays,

mixed in the streets, and transacted business. Fetes, receptions,

gaieties of every kind impressed new comers with a high idea of the

prosperity of the town, and contributed to make their stay a pleasant

one. The sole drawback, and it was a serious one to crews after so

long a voyage, was the unhealthiness of the locality, where endemic

fevers abound. Byron being aware of this, hurried the embarkation of

his provisions, and set sail after an interval of twelve days.

Short as their stay had been, it had been too long. The fleet had

scarcely reached the strait of the sound, before a malignant fever

broke out among the crew, disabling half their number, and ending in

the death of three sailors.

After forty-eight days' navigation, Byron perceived the coast of

Africa, and cast anchor three days later in Table Bay.

Cape Town furnished all that he could require. Provisions, water,

medicines, were all shipped with a rapidity which sufficiently

indicated their anxiety to return, and once more the prow of the

vessel was directed homewards.

Two incidents occurred on the passage across the Atlantic, thus

described by Byron.

"Off St. Helena, in fine weather, and with a favourable wind, the

vessel, then at a considerable distance from land, received a shock

which was as severe as if she had struck on a rock. Its violence so

alarmed us that we all ran to the bridge. Our fears were dissipated

when we saw the sea tinged with blood to a great distance. We

concluded that we had come in contact with a whale or a grampus, and

that our ship had apparently received no damage, which was true."

A few days later, however, the _Tamar_ was found to be in such a

dilapidated state, such grave injuries were discovered in her rudder,

that it was necessary to invent something to replace it, and to enable

her to reach the Antilles, it being too great a risk to allow her to

continue her voyage.

Upon the 9th of May, 1766, the _Dauphin_ anchored in the Downs, after

a voyage round the world which had lasted for twenty-three months.

This was the most fortunate of all the circumnavigation voyages

undertaken by the English. Up to this date, no purely scientific

voyage had been attempted. If it was less fruitful of results than had

been anticipated, the fault lay not so much with the captain as with

the Lords of the Admiralty. They were not sufficiently accurate in

their instructions, and had not taken the trouble (as was done in

later voyages) of sending special professors of the various branches

of science with the expedition.

Full justice, however, was paid to Byron. The title of Admiral was

conferred on him, and an important command in the East Indies was

entrusted to him. But we have no interest in the latter part of his

life, which ended in 1786, and to that, therefore, we need not allude.

II.

Wallis and Carteret--Preparations for the Expedition--Difficult

navigation of the Strait of Magellan--Separation of the _Dauphin_ and

the _Swallow_--Whitsunday Island--Queen Charlotte's Island--Cumberland,

Henry Islands, &c.--Tahiti--Howe, Boscawen, and Keppel Islands--Wallis

Island--Batavia--The Cape--The Downs--Discovery of Pitcairn, Osnaburgh,

and Gloucester Islands by Carteret--Santa Cruz Archipelago--Solomon

Islands--St. George's canal and New Ireland, Portland and Admiralty

Islands--Batavia and Macassar--Meeting with Bougainville in the

Atlantic.

The impulse once given, England inaugurated the series of scientific

expeditions which were to prove so fruitful of results, and to raise

her naval reputation to such a height.

Admirable indeed is the training acquired in these voyages round the

world. In them the crew, the officers, and sailors, are constantly

brought face to face with unforeseen difficulties and dangers, which

call forth the best qualities of the sailor, the soldier, and the man!

If France succumbed to the naval superiority of Great Britain during

the revolutionary and imperial wars, was it not fully as much owing to

this stern training of the British seaman, as to the internal

dissensions which deprived France of the services of the greater part

of her naval staff?

Be this as it may, the English Admiralty, shortly after Byron's return,

organized a new expedition. Their preparations appear to have been far

too hasty. The _Dauphin_ only anchored in the Downs at the beginning

of May, and six weeks later, on the 19th of June, Captain Samuel

Wallis received the command.

This officer, after attaining the highest rank in the military marine

service, had been entrusted with an important command in Canada, and

had assisted in the capture of Louisburgh. We cannot tell what

qualities commended him to the Admiralty in preference to his

companions in arms, but in any case, the noble lords had no reason to

regret their decision. Wallis hastened the needful preparations on

board the _Dauphin_, and on the 21st of August (less than a month

after receiving his commission), he joined the sloop _Swallow_ and the

_Prince Frederick_ in Plymouth Harbour.

The latter was in charge of Lieutenant Brine, the former was commanded

by Philip Carteret. Both were most distinguished officers who had just

returned from a voyage round the world with Commodore Byron, and whose

reputation was destined to be increased by their second voyage.

The _Swallow_, unfortunately, appears to have been quite unfit for the

service demanded of her. Having already been thirty years in service,

the sheathing was very much worn, and her keel was not studded with

nails, which might have served instead of sheathing to protect her

from parasites. Again the provisions and marketable commodities were

so unequally divided, that the _Swallow_ received much less than the

_Dauphin_. Carteret begged in vain for a rope yarn, a forge, and

various things which his experience told him would be indispensable.

This rebuff confirmed Carteret in his notion that he should not get

further than the Falkland Isles, but none the less he took every

precaution which his experience dictated to him.

As soon as the equipment was complete, on the 22nd of April 1766, the

vessels set sail. It did not take Wallis long to find out that the

_Swallow_ was a bad sailer, and that he might anticipate much trouble

during his voyage. However, no accident happened during the voyage to

Madeira, where the vessels put in to revictual.

Upon leaving the port, the commander supplied Carteret with a copy of

his instructions, and selected Port Famine, in the Strait of Magellan,

as a rendezvous, in case of separation.

Their stay at Port Praya, in the Island of Santiago, was shortened on

account of the ravages committed there by the small-pox, and Wallis

would not even allow his crew to land. Shortly after leaving the

Equator, the _Prince Frederick_ gave signs of distress, and it was

necessary to send the carpenter on board to stop up a leak on the

larboard side. This vessel, which was provided with inferior

provisions, counted already a number of sick among her crew.

Towards eight o'clock in the evening of the 19th of November, the

crews perceived in the N.E. a meteor of extraordinary appearance,

moving in a straight line towards the S.W. with marvellous rapidity.

It was visible for almost a minute, and left behind a trail of light,

so bright that the deck was illuminated as if it were mid-day.

On the 8th of December, the coast of Patagonia was at last visible.

Wallis skirted it until he reached Cape Virgin, where he landed with

the armed detachments of the _Swallow_ and _Prince Frederick_. A crowd

of natives awaited them upon the shore, and received with apparent

satisfaction the knives, scissors, and other trifles which it was

usual to distribute upon such occasions, but they would not part with

guanacos, ostriches, or any other game which were seen in their

possession for any consideration. Wallis says,--

"We took the measure of the largest of them, one was six feet six

inches in height, several were five feet five inches, but the average

was five foot six, or six feet."

It must be remembered that these were English feet, which are only 305

millemetres.

If these natives were not quite so tall as the giants mentioned by

previous navigators, they were very little less striking.

"Each one," continues the narrative, "carried a strange kind of weapon,

it consisted of two round stones, covered with copper, each of which

weighed about a pound, and they were attached at both ends to a cord

about eight feet long. They used them like slings, holding one of the

stones in the hand, and whirling the other round the head until it

attained sufficient velocity, when they threw it towards the object

they wished to strike. They managed this weapon so adroitly that they

could strike a butt no larger than a shilling with both stones, at a

distance of fifteen roods. They did not, however, employ it in chasing

guanacos or ostriches."

Wallis conducted eight of these Patagonians on board. They did not

appear surprised, as one would have expected, at the number of new and

extraordinary things they met with. They advanced, retired, made a

thousand grimaces before the mirrors, shouted with laughter, and

conversed animatedly among themselves. Their attention was attracted

by the pigs for a moment, but they were immensely amused with the

guinea fowls and turkeys. It was difficulty to persuade them to leave

the vessel. At last they returned to the shore, singing and making

signs of delight to their countrymen who awaited them on the bank.

[Illustration: "They made a thousand grimaces."]

On the 17th of December, Wallis signalled the _Swallow_ to head the

squadron for the passage of the Straits of Magellan.

At Port Famine the commander had two tents erected on shore for the

sick, the wood-cutters, and the sailors. Fish in sufficient quantities

for each day's meal, abundance of celery, and acid fruits similar to

cranberries and barberries, were to be found in this harbour, and in

the course of about a fortnight these remedies completely restored the

numerous sufferers from scurvy. The vessels were repaired and

partially calked, the sails were mended, the rigging, which had been a

good deal strained, was overhauled and repaired, and all was soon

ready for sea again.

But Wallis first ordered a large quantity of wood to be cut and

conveyed on board the _Prince Frederick_, for transport to the

Falkland Isles, where it is not obtainable. At the same time he had

hundreds of young trees carefully dug up, and the roots covered in

their native soil to facilitate their transplantation in Port Egmont,

that in taking root--as there was reason to hope they would--they

might supply the barren archipelago with this precious commodity.

Lastly, the provisions were divided between the _Dauphin_ and the

_Swallow_. The former taking sufficient for a year, the latter for ten

months.

We will not enlarge upon the different incidents which befell the two

ships in the Straits of Magellan, such as sudden gales, tempests and

snowstorms, irregular and rapid currents, heavy seas and fogs, which

more than once brought the vessels within an inch of destruction. The

_Swallow_ especially, was in such a dilapidated condition, that

Carteret besought Wallis to consider his vessel no longer of any use

in the expedition, and to tell him what course should best be pursued

for the public good.

Wallis replied, "The orders of the Admiralty are concise, and you must

conform to them, and accompany the _Dauphin_ as long as possible. I am

aware that the _Swallow_ is a bad sailer; I will accommodate myself to

her speed, and follow her movements, for it is most important that in

case of accident to one of the ships, the other should be within reach,

to give all the assistance in her power."

Carteret had nothing to urge in reply, but he augured badly for the

result of the expedition.

As the ships approached the opening of the straits on the Pacific side,

the weather became abominable. A thick fog, falls of snow and rain,

currents which sent the vessels on to the breakers, a chopping sea,

contributed to detain the navigators in the straits until the 10th of

April. On that day, the _Dauphin_ and _Swallow_ were separated off

Cape Pilar, and could not find each other, Wallis not having fixed a

rendezvous in case of separation.

Before we follow Wallis on his voyage across the Pacific, we will give

a short account of the wretched natives of Tierra del Fuego, and of

the general appearance of their country. These wretches, who were as

miserable and debased as possible, subsisted upon the raw flesh of

seals and penguins.

"One of our men," says Wallis, "who fished with a line, bestowed a

live fish, which he had just caught, and which was about the size of a

herring, upon one of these Americans. He took it with the eagerness of

a dog snatching a bone. He commenced operations by killing the fish

with a bite near the gills, and proceeded to devour it, beginning at

the head and finishing at the tail, without rejecting the bones, fins,

scales, or entrails. In fact, these people swallowed everything that

was offered to them, cooked or uncooked, fresh or salt, but they

refused all drink but water. Their sole covering was a miserable

seal-skin reaching to the knees. Their weapons were javelins tipped

with a fish-bone. They all suffered from bad eyes, which the English

attributed to their custom of living in smoke to protect themselves

from mosquitos. Lastly, they emitted a most offensive smell, only to

be likened to that of foxes, which doubtless arose from their

excessively filthy habits."

Although certainly not inviting, this picture is graphic, as all

navigators testify. It would appear that progress is not possible to

these savages, so nearly allied to brutes. Civilization is a dead

letter to them, and they still vegetate like their forefathers, with

no wish to improve, and with no ambition to attain a more comfortable

existence. Wallis continues,--

"Thus we quitted this savage and uninhabitable region, where for four

months we had been in constant danger of shipwreck, where in the

height of summer the weather is foggy, cold, and stormy, where almost

all the valleys are without verdure, and the mountains without woods,

in short where the land which one can see rather resembles the ruins

of a world, than the abode of living creatures."

Wallis was scarcely free of the strait, when he set sail westward in

spite of dense fogs, and with high wind and such a heavy sea, that for

weeks together there was not a dry corner in the ship.

The constant exposure to damp engendered cold and severe fevers, to

which scurvy shortly succeeded. Upon reaching 32 degrees south

latitude, and 100 degrees west longitude, the navigator steered due

north.

Upon the 6th of June, two islands were discovered amidst general

rejoicings.

The ships' boats, well armed and equipped, reached the shore under

command of Lieutenant Furneaux. A quantity of cocoa-nuts and

anti-scorbutic plants were obtained, but although the English found

huts and sheds, they did not meet with a single inhabitant. This

island was discovered on the eve of Whitsunday and hence received the

name Whitsunday.

It is situated in 19 degrees 26 minutes south latitude, and 137

degrees 56' minutes west longitude. Like the following islands, it

belongs to the Pomotou group.

Next day, the English endeavoured to make overtures to the inhabitants

of another island, but the natives appeared so ill-disposed and the

coast was so steep, that it was impossible to land. After tacking

about all night, Wallis despatched the boats, with orders not to use

violence to the inhabitants if they could avoid it, or unless

absolutely obliged.

As Lieutenant Furneaux approached the land, he was astonished by the

sight of two large pirogues with double masts, in which the natives

were on the eve of embarking.

As soon as they had done so, the English landed, and searched the

island thoroughly. They discovered several pits full of good water.

The soil was firm, sandy, covered with trees, more especially

cocoanut-trees, palm-trees, and sprinkled with anti-scorbutic plants.

The narrative says,--

"The natives of this island were of moderate stature. Their skin was

brown, and they had long black hair, straggling over the shoulders.

The men were finely formed, and the women were beautiful. Some coarse

material formed their garment, which was tied round the waist, and

appeared to be intended to be raised round the shoulders. In the

afternoon, Wallis sent the lieutenant to procure water and to take

possession of the island in the name of King George III. It was called

Queen Charlotte's Island, in honour of the English queen."

After reconnoitring personally, Wallis determined to remain in this

region for a week, in order to profit by the facilities it afforded

for provisioning.

In their walks the English met with working implements made of shells,

and sharpened stones shaped like axes, scissors, and awls. They also

noticed boats in course of construction, made of boards joined

together. But they were most of all astonished at meeting with tombs

upon which the dead bodies were exposed under a sort of awning, and

where they putrified in the open air.

When they quitted the island, they left hatchets, nails, bottles, and

other things as reparation for any damage they might have committed.

The 17th century teamed with philanthropic aspirations! And from the

accounts of all navigators one is led to believe that the theory so

much advocated was put into practice upon most occasions. Humanity had

made great strides. Difference of colour no longer presented an

insuperable barrier to a man's being treated as a brother, and the

convention which at the close of the century ordered the freedom of

the black, set a seal to the convictions of numbers.

The _Dauphin_ discovered new land, the same day that she left Queen

Charlotte's Island. It lay to the westward, but after cruising along

the coast, the vessel was unable to find anchorage. Lying low, it was

covered with trees, neither cocoa-nuts nor inhabitants were to be

found, and it evidently was merely a rendezvous for the hunters and

fishers of the neighbouring islands. Wallis therefore decided not to

stop. It received the name of Egmont, in honour of Earl Egmont, then

chief Lord of the Admiralty. The following days brought new

discoveries. Gloucester, Cumberland, William, Henry, and Osnaburgh

Islands, were sighted in succession. Lieutenant Furneaux was able to

procure provisions without landing at the last named.

Observing several large pirogues on the beach, he drew the conclusion

that other and perhaps larger islands would be found at no great

distance, where they would probably find abundant provisions, and to

which access might be less difficult. His pre-vision was right. As the

sun rose upon the 19th, the English sailors were astonished at finding

themselves surrounded by pirogues of all sizes, having on board no

less than eight hundred natives. After having consulted together at

some distance, a few of the natives approached, holding in their hands

banana branches. They were on the point of climbing up the vessels,

when an absurd accident interrupted these cordial relations.

[Illustration: The natives waving palm-leaves as a sign of welcome.]

One of them had climbed into the gangway when a goat ran at him.

Turning he perceived the strange animal upon its hind legs preparing

to attack him again. Overcome with terror, he jumped back into the sea,

an example quickly followed by the others. It recalled the incident of

the sheep of Panurge.

Recovering from this alarm, they again climbed into the ship, and

brought all their cunning to bear upon petty thefts. However, only one

officer had his hat stolen. The vessel all the time was following the

coast in search of a fitting harbour, whilst the boats coasted the

shore for soundings.

The English had never found a more picturesque and attractive country

in any of their voyages. On the shore, the huts of the natives were

sheltered by shady woods, in which flourished graceful clusters of

cocoanut-trees. Graduated chains of hills, with wooded summits, and

the silver sheen of rivers glistening amid the verdure as they found

their way to the sea, added to the beauty of the interior.

The boats sent to take soundings were suddenly surrounded at the

entrance of a large bay by a crowd of pirogues. Wallis, to avoid a

collision, gave the order for the discharge from the swivel gun above

the natives' heads, but although the noise terrified them, they still

continued their approach.

The captain accordingly ordered his boats to make for the shore, and

the natives finding themselves disregarded, threw some sharp stones

which wounded a few sailors. But the captains of the boats replied to

this attack by a volley of bullets, which injured one of them, and was

followed by the flight of the rest.

The _Dauphin_ anchored next day at the mouth of a large river in

twenty fathoms of water. The sailors rejoiced universally. The natives

immediately surrounded them with pirogues, bringing pigs, fowls, and

various fruits, which were quickly exchanged for hardware and nails.

One of the boats employed in taking soundings, however, was attacked

by blows from paddles and sticks, and the sailors were forced to use

their weapons. One native was killed, a second severely wounded, and

the rest jumped into the water. Seeing that they were not pursued, and

conscious that they themselves had been the aggressors, they returned

to traffic with the _Dauphin_ as if nothing had happened. Upon

returning on board, the officers reported that the natives had invited

them to land, more especially the women, with unequivocal gestures,

and that moreover, there was excellent anchorage near the shore within

reach of water.

The only inconvenience arose from a considerable swell. The _Dauphin_

accordingly weighed anchor and proceeded into the open sea to run with

the wind, when all at once Wallis perceived a bay seven or eight miles

distant, which he determined to reach. The captain was soon to

experience the truth of the proverb which asserts that one had better

leave well alone.

Although soundings were taken by the boats as they advanced, the

_Dauphin_ struck on a rock and damaged her forepart. The usual

measures in such a case were taken immediately, but outside the chain

of madreporic rocks no depth could be sounded. It was consequently

impossible to cast anchor, or to use the capstan. What course had best

be pursued in this critical situation? The vessel beat violently

against the rocks, and a host of pirogues waited in expectation of a

shipwreck, eager to clutch their prey. Fortunately at the end of an

hour a favourable breeze rising, disengaged the _Dauphin_, and wafted

her into good anchorage. The damage done was not serious, and was as

easily repaired as forgotten.

Wallis, rendered prudent by the constant efforts of the natives,

divided his men into four parties, one of which was always to be armed.

And he ordered guns to be fired. But after one or two rounds the

number of pirogues increased, and no longer laden with poultry, they

appeared to be filled with stones. The crews of the larger vessels

also were augmented.

All at once upon a given signal a storm of pebbles fell upon the ship.

Wallis ordered a general discharge, and had two guns loaded with fine

shot. The natives, after some slight hesitation and disorder, returned

to the attack with great bravery; and the captain, noticing the

constantly increasing numbers of the assailants, was not without

anxiety as to the result, when an unexpected event put an end to the

contest.

Among the pirogues which attacked the _Dauphin_ most energetically,

was one which appeared to contain a chief, as from it the signal of

attack was given. A well-directed shot cut this double pirogue in two.

This was enough to decide the natives upon retreat. They set about it

so precipitately that in less than half an hour not a single boat

remained in sight. The vessel was then towed into port, and so placed

as to protect the disembarkation. Lieutenant Furneaux landed at the

head of a strong detachment of sailors and marines, and planting the

English flag, took possession of the island in the name of the King of

England, in whose honour it was named George the Third. The natives

called it Tahiti.

After prostrating themselves, and offering various marks of repentance,

the natives appeared anxious to commence friendly and honest business

with the English, but fortunately Wallis, who was detained on board by

severe illness, perceived preparations for a simultaneous attack by

land and sea upon the men sent to find water. The shorter the struggle

the less the loss! Acting upon which principle, directly the natives

came within gunshot range, a few discharges dispersed their fleet.

To put a stop to these attempts, it was necessary to make an example.

Wallis decided with regret that it was so. He accordingly sent a

detachment on shore at once with his carpenters, ordering them to

destroy every pirogue which was hauled up on the beach. More than

fifty, many of them sixty feet long, were hacked to pieces. Upon this

the Tahitians decided to give in. They brought pigs, dogs, stuffs, and

fruits to the shore, placed them there, and then withdrew. The English

left in exchange hatchets and toys which were carried off to the

forest with many delighted gestures.

Peace was established, and from the morrow a regular and abundant

traffic commenced, which supplied the ships with the fresh provisions

needed by the crews. There was ground for hope that these amicable

relations would continue during their stay in the island, now that the

natives had once realized the power and effect of the strangers'

weapons. Wallis, therefore, ordered a tent to be prepared near the

water supply, and disembarked all the sufferers from scurvy, whilst

the healthy members of his company were engaged in repairing the

rigging, mending the sails, and calking and repainting the vessel,

putting her, in short, in a condition fitted for the long journey

which was to take her to England.

[Illustration: Polynesia. Grave par E. Morieu.]

At this juncture Wallis's illness assumed an alarming character. The

first lieutenant was in hardly better health. All the responsibility

of the expedition fell upon Furneaux, who was quite equal to the task.

After a rest of fifteen days, during which the peace had not been

disturbed, Wallis found all his invalids restored to health.

Provisions, however, became less plentiful. The natives, spoilt by the

abundance of nails and hatchets, became more exacting.

Upon the 15th of July, a tall woman, apparently some forty-five years

of age, of majestic appearance, and who seemed to be much respected by

the natives, came on board the _Dauphin_. Wallis at once perceived by

the dignity of her deportment, and the freedom of her manner, peculiar

to persons habituated to command, that she was of high station. He

presented her with a blue mantle, a looking-glass, and other gewgaws,

which she received with an expression of profound contentment. Upon

leaving the vessel she invited the captain to land, and to pay her a

visit. Wallis, although still very weak, did not fail to comply with

this request next day. He was conducted to a large hut, which covered

about 327 feet in length, and 42 in width. The roof was constructed of

palm leaves and was supported by fifty-three pillars.

A considerable crowd, collected together by the event, lined the

approach, and received him respectfully. The visit was enlivened by a

comical incident. The surgeon of the vessel, who perspired greatly

from the effects of the walk, to relieve himself took off his wig. A

sudden exclamation from one of the Indians at this sight, drew general

attention to the prodigy, and all fixed their eyes upon it. The whole

assemblage remained perfectly still for some moments, in the silence

of astonishment, which could not have been greater if they had seen

one of our company decapitated.

Next day, a messenger, sent to convey a present to Queen Oberoa, in

acknowledgment of her gracious reception, found her giving a feast to

several hundred persons.

Her servants carried the dishes to her already prepared, the meat in

cocoa-nut shells, and the shell fish in a sort of wooden trough,

similar to those used by our butchers. She herself distributed them

with her own hands to each of her guests, who were sitting and

standing all round the house. When this was over, she seated herself

upon a sort of raised dais, and two women beside her gave her her food.

They offered the viands to her in their fingers; and she had only to

take the trouble to open her mouth.

The consequences of this exchange of civilities were speedily felt.

The market was once more fully supplied with provisions, although no

longer at the same low price as upon the first arrival of the English.

Lieutenant Furneaux reconnoitred the length of the coast westward, to

gain an idea of the island, and to see what it was possible to obtain

from it. The English were everywhere well received. They found a

pleasant country, densely populated, whose inhabitants appeared in no

hurry to sell their commodities. All their working implements were

either of stone or of bone, which led Lieutenant Furneaux to infer

that the Tahitians possess no metals.

As they had no earthenware vessels, they had no idea that water could

be heated. They discovered it one day when the queen dined on board.

One of the principal members of her suite, having seen the surgeon

pour water from the boiler into the teapot, turned the tap and

received the scalding liquor upon his hand. Finding himself burnt, he

uttered most frightful screams, and ran round the cabin making most

extravagant gestures. His companions, unable to imagine what had

happened to him, stared at him with mingled astonishment and fear. The

surgeon hastened to interfere, but for a long time the poor Tahitian

refused to be comforted.

Some days later, Wallis discovered that his sailors stole nails to

give them to the native women. They even went so far as to raise the

planks of the ship to obtain screws, nails, bolts, and all the bits of

iron which united them to the timbers. Wallis treated the offence

rigorously, but nothing availed, and in spite of the precaution he

took, of allowing no one to leave the vessel without being searched,

these robberies constantly occurred.

An expedition, undertaken into the interior, discovered a large valley

watered by a beautiful river. Everywhere the soil was carefully

cultivated, and arrangements had been made for watering the gardens

and the fruit plantations. Farther penetrations into the interior

proved the capacious windings of the river; the valley narrowed, the

hills were succeeded by mountains, at every step the way became more

difficult. A peak, distant about six miles from the place of landing,

was climbed, in the hope of thus discovering the entire island, even

to its smallest recesses. But the view was intercepted by yet higher

mountains. On the side towards the sea, however, nothing interfered

with the magnificent view which stretched before their gaze,

everywhere hills, covered with magnificent woods, upon whose verdant

slopes the huts of the natives stood out clearly, and in the valleys

with their numberless cabins, and gardens surrounded by hedges, the

scenes were still more enchanting. The sugar cane, ginger plant,

tamarind and tree ferns, with cocoanut-trees, furnished the principal

resources of this fertile country.

Wallis, wishing to enrich it still more with the productions of our

own climate, caused peach, cherry, and plum stones to be planted, as

well as lemon, orange and lime pips, and sowed quantities of vegetable

seeds. At the same time he gave the queen a present of a cat about to

kitten, of two cocks, fowls, geese, and other domestic animals, which

he hoped might breed well.

However, time pressed, and Wallis decided to leave. When he announced

his intention to the queen, she threw herself upon a seat and cried

for a long time, with so much grief that it was impossible to comfort

her. She remained upon the vessel up to the last moment, and as it set

sail "embraced us," says Wallis, "in the tenderest way, weeping

plenteously, and our friends the Tahitians bade us farewell, with so

much sorrow, and in so touching a manner, that I felt heavy-hearted,

and my eyes filled with tears." The uncourteous reception of the

English, and the repeated attempts made by the natives to seize the

vessel, would hardly have led to the idea of a painful separation!

However, as the proverb has it, All's well that ends well!

Of Wallis' observations of the manners and customs of the island, we

shall only enumerate the few following, as we shall have occasion to

return to them again in relating the voyages undertaken by

Bougainville and Cook.

Tall, well built, active, slightly dark in complexion, the natives

were clothed in a species of white stuff made from the bark of trees.

Two pieces of stuff completed their costume, one was square and looked

like a blanket. The head was thrust through a hole in the centre, and

it recalled the "zarapo" of the Mexicans, and the "poncho" of the

South American Indian. The second piece was rolled round the body,

without being tightened. Almost all, men and women, tattoo their

bodies with black lines close together, representing different figures.

The operation was thus performed: the pattern was pricked in the skin,

and the holes filled with a sort of paste composed of oil and grease,

which left an indelible mark.

[Illustration: Head-dresses of natives of Tahiti. (Fac-simile of early

engraving.)]

Civilization has little advanced. We have already stated that the

Tahitians did not understand earthenware vessels. Wallis, therefore,

presented the queen with a saucepan, which everybody flocked to

inspect with extreme curiosity.

As to religion, the captain found no trace of that! He only noticed

that upon entering certain places, which he took to be cemeteries,

they maintained a respectful appearance, and wore mourning apparel.

One of the natives, more disposed than his companions to adopt English

manners, was presented with a complete suit of clothes, which became

him very well. Jonathan--so they had named him, was quite proud of his

new outfit. To put the finishing touch to his manners, he desired to

learn the use of a fork. But habit was too strong for him! his hands

always went to his mouth! and the bit of meat at the end of the fork,

found its way to his ear.

It was the 27th of July, when Wallis left the George III. Island.

After coasting Duke of York Island, he discovered several islands or

islets in succession, upon which he did not touch. For example,

Charles Saunders, Lord Howe, Scilly, Boscawen, and Keppel Islands,

where the hostile character of the natives, and the difficulty of

disembarkation prevented his landing.

Winter was now to begin in the southern region. The vessel leaked in

all directions, the stern especially was much strained by the rudder.

Was it wise, under such circumstances, to sail for Cape Horn or the

Straits of Magellan? Would it not be running the risk of certain

shipwreck? Would it not be better to reach Tinian or Batavia, where

repairs were possible, and to return to Europe by the Cape of Good

Hope?

Wallis decided upon the latter course. He steered for the north-west,

and upon the 19th of September, after a voyage which was too fortunate

to supply any incidents, he cast anchor in the Tinian harbour.

The incidents which marked Byron's stay in this place were repeated,

with far too much regularity. Wallis could not rejoice over its

facilities for provisioning, or the temperature of the country, any

more than his predecessors. But the sufferers from scurvy recovered in

a short time, the sails were mended, and the vessel calked and

repaired, and the crew had the unexpected good fortune of catching no

fever.

On the 16th October, 1769, the _Dauphin_ returned to sea, but this

time, she encountered a succession of frightful storms, which tore the

sails, reopened the leakage, broke the rudder, and carried away the

poop with all that was to be found on the forecastle.

However, the Bashees were rounded, and Formosa Strait crossed, Sandy

Isle, Small Key, Long Island, and New Island were recognized, as also,

Condor, Timor, Aros, and Pisang, Pulo-Taya, Pulo-Tote, and Sumatra,

before the arrival at Batavia, which took place upon the 30th of

November.

We have already had occasion to mention the localities which witnessed

the completion of the voyage. It is enough to state that from Batavia,

where the crews took the fever, Wallis proceeded by the Cape, thence

to St. Helena, and finally arrived in the Downs, on the 20th of May,

1768, after six hundred and thirty-seven days' voyage.

It is to be regretted that Hawkesworth has not reproduced the

instructions Wallis received from the Admiralty. Without knowing what

they were, we cannot decide whether this brave sailor carried out the

orders he had received _au pied de la lettre_. We have seen that he

followed with little variation the route traced by his predecessors,

in the Pacific Ocean. In fact, nearly all had approached by the

dangerous archipelago, leaving unexplored that portion of Oceania,

where islands are most numerous, and where Cook was later to make such

important discoveries.

Clever as a navigator, Wallis understood how to obtain from a hasty

and incomplete equipment unexpected resources, which enabled him to

bring an adventurous enterprise to a successful close. He is equally

to be honoured for his humanity and the efforts he made to collect

reliable information of the countries he visited. Had he only been

accompanied by special men of science, there is no doubt that their

scientific harvest would have been abundant.

The fault lay with the Admiralty.

We have related how, on the 10th of April, 1767, as the _Dauphin_ and

the _Swallow_ entered the Pacific, the former, carried away by a

strong breeze, had lost sight of the latter, and had been unable to

follow her. This separation was most unfortunate for Captain Carteret.

He knew better than any of his crew the dilapidated condition of his

vessel and the insufficiency of his provisions. In short, he was well

aware that he could only hope to meet the _Dauphin_ in England, as no

plan of operation had been arranged, and no rendezvous had been

named--a grave omission on Wallis' part, who was aware of the

condition of his consort.

Nevertheless, Carteret allowed none of his apprehensions to come to

the knowledge of the crew. At first the detestable weather experienced

by the _Swallow_ upon the Pacific Ocean (most misleading name),

allowed no time for reflection. The dangers of the passing moment, in

which there was every prospect of their being engulfed, hid from them

the perils of the future.

Carteret steered for the north, by the coast of Chili. Upon

investigating the quantity of soft water which he had on board, he

found it quite insufficient for the voyage he had undertaken. He

determined therefore, before setting sail for the west, to take in

water at Juan Fernandez, or at Mas-a-Fuero.

The weather continued wretched. Upon the evening of the 27th a sudden

squall was followed by a rising wind, which carried the vessel

straight to the Cape. The violence of the storm failed to carry away

the masts or to founder the ship. The tempest continued in all its

fury, and the sails being extremely wet, clung round the masts and

rigging so closely, that it was impossible to work them. Next day a

sudden wave broke the mizen-mast, just where there was a flaw in the

sail, and submerged the vessels for a few moments. The storm only

abated sufficiently to allow the crew of the _Swallow_ time to recover

a little, and to repair the worst damage; then recommenced, and

continued with violent squalls until the 7th of May. The wind then

became favourable, and three days later Juan Fernandez was reached.

Carteret was not aware that the Spaniards had fortified this island.

He was, therefore, extremely surprised at seeing a large number of men

upon the shore, and at perceiving a battery of four pieces on the

beach, and a fort, pierced with twenty embrasures and surmounted by

the Spanish flag, upon a hill.

The rising wind prevented an entrance into Cumberland Bay, and after

cruising about for an entire day, Carteret was obliged to content

himself with reaching Mas-a-Fuero. But he met the same obstacles, and

the surge which broke upon the shore interfered with his operations,

and it was only with the utmost difficulty that he succeeded in

shipping a few casks of water. Some of the crew, who had been forced

by the state of the sea to remain on land, killed guinea fowls enough

to feed the entire crew. These, with the exception of some seals and

plenty of fish, were the sole result of a stay, marked by a succession

of squalls and storms, which constantly placed the ship in danger.

Carteret, who, owing to unfavourable winds, had had several

opportunities of noticing Mas-a-Fuero, corrected many of the errors in

the account of Lord Anson's voyage, and furnished many details of

inestimable use to navigators.

On leaving Mas-a-Fuero, Carteret steered northward in the hope of

meeting the south-eastern trade wind. Carried farther than he had

counted upon, he determined to seek St. Ambrose, and St. Felix Island,

or the island of St. Paul. Now that the Spaniards had taken possession

of and fortified Juan Fernandez, those islands might be of great value

to the English in the event of war.

But Mr. Green's charts and the "Elements of Navigation" by Robertson

did not tally as to their situation. Carteret, having most confidence

in the latter work, sought for them in the north, and failed to find

them. In re-reading the description given by Waser, Davis' surgeon, he

thought these two islands were identical with the land met with by

that filibuster, in his route to the south of the Galapagos Islands,

and that Davis' Land did not exist. This caused a double error, that

of identifying St. Felix Island with Davis' Land, and of denying the

existence of the latter, which is in reality Easter Island.

"At this parallel," says Carteret, that is in 18 degrees west from his

point of departure, "we had fresh breezes, and a strong northerly

current, and other reasons for conjecturing that we were near Davis'

Land, which we were seeking so carefully. But a stiff breeze rising

again, we steered quarter S.W. and reached 28-1/2 degrees southern

latitude, from which it follows that if this land or anything

answering to it exists, I must infallibly have fallen in with it, or

at least have seen it. I afterwards remained in 28 degrees south

latitude, and 40 degrees west of my point of departure, and as far as

I can conjecture 121 degrees west London."

All the navigators combined in insisting upon the existence of a

southern continent. Carteret could not conceive that Davis' Land was

but a small island, a spot lost in the immensity of the ocean. As he

found no continent, he decided upon the non-existence of Davis' Land.

It was precisely in this way that he was misled.