CHAPTER II

THE CALIPHATE OF CORDOVA

THE CRESCENT AND THE CROSS--CORDOVA IN THE MIDDLE AGES--THE GLORIES OF

AZ ZAHRA--THE RISE OF ALMANZOR

It was in 712 that Spain, after remaining for nearly three centuries in

the possession of the Visigoths, fell under the yoke of the Saracens.

For some time past, from a palace at Tandjah (Tangiers), a Mussulman

emir had been eyeing the strip of blue water which alone separated him

from that Andalusia which, like the other parts of this world and all of

the next, had been promised to the followers of Muhammad. The invasion

that ensued was singularly pacific. The enthusiasm which distinguished

the youthful period of Muhammadism might account for the conquest which

followed, even if we could not assign additional causes--the factions

into which the Goths had become divided, the resentment of disappointed

pretenders to the throne, the provocations of one Count Julian, whose

daughter, seduced by Roderic, the last of the Gothic kings, caused him,

it is said, to urge the Moors to come over. It is more surprising that a

remnant of this ancient monarchy should not only have preserved its

national liberty and name in the northern mountains, but waged for some

centuries a successful, and generally an offensive, warfare against the

conquerors, till the balance was completely turned in its favor and the

Moors were compelled to maintain almost as obstinate and protracted a

contest for a small portion of the peninsula. But the Arabian monarchs

of Cordova found in their success and imagined security a pretext for

indolence; even in the cultivation of science and contemplation of the

magnificent architecture of their mosques and palaces they forgot their

poor but daring enemies in the Asturias; while, according to the nature

of despotism, the fruits of wisdom or bravery in one generation were

lost in the follies and effeminacy of the next. Their kingdom was

dismembered by successful rebels, who formed the states of Toledo,

Huesca, Saragossa, and others less eminent; and these, in their own

mutual contests, not only relaxed their natural enmity toward the

Christian princes, but sometimes sought their alliance.

Be that as it may, of all who had entered Spain, whether Greek,

Phœnician, Vandal or Goth, the Moors were the most tolerant. The worship

of God was undisturbed. The temples were not only preserved, new ones

were built. In every town they entered, presto! a mosque and a school,

and mosques and schools that were entrancing as song. On the banks of

the Betis, renamed the Great River, Al-Ouad-al-Kebyr (Guadalquivir),

twelve hundred villages bloomed like roses in June. From three hundred

thousand filigreed pulpits the glory of Allah, and of Muhammad his

prophet, was daily proclaimed.

They were superb fellows, these Moors. In earlier ages the restless

Bedouins, their ancestors, were rather fierce, and when the degenerate

Sabaism they professed was put aside for the lessons of Muhammad, they

were not only fierce, they were fanatic as well. A drop of blood shed

for Allah, equaled, they were taught, whole months of fasting and of

prayer. Thereafter, they preached with the scimiter. But in time, that

great emollient, they grew less dogmatic. In the ninth century the court

of Haroûn al Raschid was a free academy in which all the arts were

cultivated and enjoyed. Under the Moors, Cordova surpassed Bagdad.

In the tenth century it was the most beautiful and most civilized city

of Europe. Concerning it Burke, in his “History of Spain”--a work to

which we are much indebted--writes as follows:

There was the Caliph’s Palace of Flowers, his Palace of

Contentment, his Palace of Lovers, and, most beautiful of all, the

Palace of Damascus. Rich and poor met in the Mezquita, the noblest

place of worship then standing in Europe, with its twelve hundred

marble columns, and its twenty brazen doors; the vast interior

resplendent with porphyry and jasper and many-colored precious

stones, the walls glittering with harmonious mosaics, the air

perfumed with incense, the courtyards leafy with groves of orange

trees--showing apples of gold in pictures of silver. Throughout the

city, there were fountains, basins, baths, with cold water brought

from the neighboring mountains, already carried in the leaden pipes

that are the highest triumph of the modern plumber.

But more wonderful even than Cordova itself was the suburb and palace of

Az Zahra. For five-and-twenty years the Caliph Abdur Rahman devoted to

the building of this royal fancy one-third of the revenues of the

State; and the work, on his death, was piously continued by his son,

who devoted the first fifteen years of his reign to its completion. For

forty years ten thousand workmen are said to have toiled day by day, and

the record of the refinement as well as the magnificence of the

structure, as it approached completion, almost passes belief. It is said

that in a moment of exaltation the Caliph gave orders for the removal of

the great mountain at whose foot the fairy city was built, as the dark

shade of the forests that covered its sides overshadowed the gilded

palace of his creation.

Convinced of the impossibility of his enterprise, An Nasir was content

that all the oaks and beech trees that grew on the mountain side should

be rooted up; and that fig trees, and almonds, and pomegranates should

be planted in their place; and thus the very hills and forests of Az

Zahra were decked with blossom and beauty.

Travelers from distant lands, men of all ranks and professions, princes,

embassadors, merchants, pilgrims, theologians and poets, all agreed that

they had never seen in the course of their travels anything that could

be compared with Az Zahra, and that no imagination, however fertile,

could have formed an idea of its beauties. Of this marvelous creation of

Art and Fancy not one stone remains upon another--not a vestige to mark

the spot on which it stood; and it is hard to reconstruct from the dry

records of Arab historians the fairy edifice of which we are told no

words could paint the magnificence. According to these authors the

inclosing wall of the palace was four thousand feet in length from east

to west, and two thousand two hundred feet from north to south. The

greater part of this space was occupied by gardens, with their marble

fountains, kiosks and ornaments of various kinds, not inferior in beauty

to the more strictly architectural parts of the building.

Four thousand three hundred columns of the rarest and most precious

marbles supported the roof of the palace; of these some were brought

from Africa, some from Rome, and many were presented by the Emperor at

Constantinople to Abdur Rahman. The halls were paved with marble,

disposed in a thousand varied patterns. The walls were of the same

material, and ornamented with friezes of the most brilliant colors. The

ceilings, constructed of cedar, were enriched with gilding on an azure

ground, with damasked work and interlacing designs. Everything, in

short, that the wealth and resources of the Caliph could command was

lavished on this favorite retreat, and all that the art of

Constantinople and Bagdad could contribute to aid the taste and

executive skill of the Spanish Arabs was enlisted to make it the most

perfect work of its age. Did this palace of Zahra now remain to us, says

Mr. Fergusson, we could afford to despise the Alhambra and all the other

works of the declining ages of Moorish art.

It was here that Abdur Rahman and Nasir received Sancho the Fat, and

Theuda, queen of Navarre, the envoys from Charles the Simple of France,

and the embassadors from the Emperor Constantine at Constantinople. The

reception of these imperial visitors is said to have been one of the

most magnificent ceremonies of that magnificent court. The orator who

had been at first intrusted with the speech of ceremonial greeting was

actually struck dumb by the grandeur of the scene, and his place was

taken by a less impressionable rhetorician.

Nor was it only material splendor that was to be found at Cordova. At a

time when Christian Europe was steeped in ignorance and barbarism, in

superstition and prejudice, every branch of science was studied under

the favor and protection of the Ommeyad Caliphs. Medicine, surgery,

botany, chemistry, poetry, the arts, philosophy, literature, all

flourished at the court and city of Cordova. Agriculture was cultivated

with a perfection, both theoretical and practical, which is apparent

from the works of contemporary Arab writers. The Silo, so lately

introduced into England as a valuable agricultural novelty, is not only

the invention of the Arabs, but the very name is Arabic, as is that of

the Azequia and of the Noria of modern Spain. Both the second and the

third Abdur Rahman were passionately fond of gardening and

tree-planting; and seeds, roots and cuttings were brought from all parts

of the world and acclimatized in the gardens at Cordova. A pomegranate

of peculiar excellence, the Safari, which was introduced by the second

Abdur Rahman from Damascus, still maintains its superiority, and is

known in Spain to the present day as the Granada Zafari.

Thus, in small things as in great, the Arabs of Cordova stood

immeasurably above every other people or any other government in Europe.

Yet their influence unhappily was but small. They surpassed, but they

did not lead. The very greatness of their superiority rendered their

example fruitless. Medieval chivalry, indeed, was largely the result of

their influence in Spain. But chivalry as an institution had itself

decayed long before a new-born Europe had attained to the material and

moral perfection of the great Emirs of Cordova. Their political

organization was unadapted to the needs or the aspirations of Western

Europe, and contained within itself the elements, not of development,

but of decay. Their civilization perished, and left no heirs behind

it--and its place knows it no more.

The reign of Hakam II., the son and successor of the great Caliph, was

tranquil, prosperous and honorable, the golden age of Arab literature in

Spain. The king was above all things a student, living the life almost

of a recluse in his splendid retreat at Az Zahra, and concerning himself

rather with the collection of books for his celebrated library at

Cordova than with the cares of State and the excitements of war. He sent

agents to every city in the East to buy rare manuscripts and bring them

back to Cordova. When he could not acquire originals he procured copies,

and every book was carefully catalogued and worthily lodged. Hakam not

only built libraries, but, unlike many modern collectors, he is said to

have read and even to have annotated the books that they contained; but

as their number exceeded four hundred thousand, he must have been a

remarkably rapid student.

The peaceful disposition of the new Caliph emboldened his Christian

neighbors and tributaries to disregard the old treaties and to assert

their independence of Cordova. But the armies of Hakam were able to make

his rights respected, and the treaties were reaffirmed and observed.

Many were the embassies that were received at Cordova from rival

Christian chiefs; and Sancho of Leon, Fernan Gonzalez of Castile, Garcia

of Navarre, Rodrigo Velasquez of Galicia, and finally Ordoño the Bad,

Pretender to the crown of Leon, were all represented at the court of Az

Zahra.

The reign of this royal scholar was peaceful and prosperous; but kingly

power tends to decline in libraries, and when Hakam ceased to build and

to annotate, and his kingdom devolved upon his son, the royal authority

passed not into the hands of the young Hisham, who was only nine years

of age at the time of his father’s death, but into those of the Sultana

Sobeyra and of her favorite, Ibn-abu-amir, who is known to later

generations by the proud title of Almanzor.[2]

Ibn-abu-amir began his career as a poor student at the University of

Cordova. Of respectable birth and parentage, filled with noble ambition,

born for empire and command, the youth became a court scribe, and,

attracting the attention of the all-powerful Sobeyra by the charm of his

manner and his nobility of bearing, he soon rose to power and

distinction in the palace; and as Master of the Mint, and afterward as

Commander of the City Guard, he found means to render himself

indispensable, as he had always been agreeable, to the harem. Nor was

the young courtier less acceptable to the Caliph. Intrusted by him on a

critical occasion with the supremely difficult mission of comptrolling

the expenditure of the army in Africa, where the general-in-chief had

proved over-prodigal or over-rapacious, Ibn-abu-amir acquitted himself

with such extraordinary skill and tact that he won the respect and

admiration, not only of the Caliph whose treasury he protected, but of

the general whose extravagance he checked, and even of the common

soldiers of the army, who are not usually drawn to a civilian

superintendent, or to a reforming treasury official from headquarters.

The expenses were curtailed; but the campaign was successful, and the

victorious general and the yet more victorious Cadi shared on equal

terms the honor of a triumphal entry into the capital.

On the death of Hakam, in September, 976, Ibn-abu-amir showed no less

than his usual tact and vigor in suppressing a palace intrigue and

placing the young Hisham on the throne of his father. The Caliph was but

twelve years of age, and his powerful guardian, supported by the harem,

beloved by the people, and feared by the vanquished conspirators, took

upon himself the entire administration of the kingdom, repealed some

obnoxious taxes, reformed the organization of the army, and sought to

confirm and establish his power by a war against his neighbors in the

north. The peace which had so long prevailed between Moor and Christian

was thus rudely broken, and the Moslem once more carried his arms across

the northern frontier. The campaign was eminently successful.

Ibn-abu-amir, who contrived not only to vanquish his enemies but to

please his friends, became at once the master of the palace and of the

army. The inevitable critic was found to say that the victor was a

diplomatist and a lawyer rather than a great general; but he was

certainly a great leader of men, and if he was at any time unskilled in

the conduct of a battle, he owned from the first that higher skill of

knowing whom to trust with command. Nor was he less remarkable for his

true military virtue of constant clemency to the vanquished.

In two years after the death of Hakam, Almanzor had attained the

position of the greatest of the _maires du palais_ of early France, and

he ruled all Muhammadan Spain in the name of young Hisham, whose throne

he forbore to occupy and whose person was safe in his custody. But if

Almanzor was not a dilettante like Abdur Rahman II., nor a collector of

MSS. like Hakam, he was no vulgar fighter like the early kings of Leon

or of Navarre. A library of books accompanied him in all his campaigns;

literature, science, and the arts were munificently patronized at court;

a university or high school was established at Cordova, where the great

mosque was enlarged for the accommodation of an increasing number of

worshipers. Yet in one thing did he show his weakness. He could afford

to have no enemies.

Though the idol of the army, the lover of the queen, the prefect of the

city, the guardian of the person of the Caliph, Almanzor yet found it

necessary to conciliate the theologians; and the theologians were only

conciliated by the delivery of the great library of Hakam into the hands

of the Ulema. The shelves were ransacked for works on astrology and

magic, on natural philosophy, and the forbidden sciences, and after an

inquisition as formal and as thorough and probably no more intelligent

than that which was conducted by the curate and the barber in the house

of Don Quixote, tens of thousands of priceless volumes were publicly

committed to the flames.

Nor did Almanzor neglect the more practical or more direct means of

maintaining his power. The army was filled with bold recruits from

Africa, and renegades from the Christian provinces of the north. The

organization and equipment of the regiments was constantly improved; and

the troops were ever loyal to their civilian benefactor. Ghalib, the

Commander-in-chief, having sought to overthrow the supreme administrator

of the kingdom, was vanquished and slain in battle (981). The Caliph was

practically a prisoner in his own palace, and was encouraged by his

guardian and his friends, both in the harem and in the mosque, to devote

himself entirely to a religious life, and abandon the administration of

his kingdom to the Hájib, who now, feeling himself entirely secure at

home, turned his arms once more against the Christians on the northern

frontiers; and it was on his return to Cordova, after his greeted with

the well-known title of Almanzor.

In 984 he compelled Bermudo II. of Leon to become his tributary. In 985

he turned his attention to Catalonia, and after a brief but brilliant

campaign he made himself master of Barcelona. Two years later (987),

Bermudo having dismissed his Moslem guards and thrown off his allegiance

to Cordova, Almanzor marched into the northwest, and after sacking

Coimbra, overran Leon, entirely destroyed the capital city, and

compelled the Christian king to take refuge in the wild fastnesses of

the Asturias.

Meanwhile, at Cordova, the power of Almanzor became year by year more

complete. Victorious in Africa as well as in Spain, this heaven-born

general was as skillful in the council chamber as be was in the field.

The iron hand was ever clad in a silken glove. His ambition was content

with the substance of power, and with the gradual assumption

[Illustration: SPAIN & PORTUGAL.]

of any external show of supreme authority in the State. In 991 he

abandoned the office and title of Hajib to his son, Abdul Malik. In 992

his seal took the place of that of the monarch on all documents of

State. In 993 he assumed the royal cognomen of Mowayad. Two years later

he arrogated to himself alone the title of Said; and in 996 he ventured

a step further, and assumed the title of Malik Karim, or king.

But in 996 Almanzor was at length confronted by a rival. Sobeyra, the

Navarrese Sultana, once his mistress, was now his deadly enemy, and she

had determined that the queen, and not the minister, should reign

supreme in the palace. Almanzor was to be destroyed. Hakam, a feeble and

effeminate youth, was easily won over by the harem, who urged him to

show the strength that he was so far from possessing, by espousing the

cause of his mother against his guardian. The queen was assured of

victory. The treasury was at the disposal of the conspirators. A

military rival was secretly summoned from Africa. The minister was

banished from the royal presence. The palace was already jubilant.

But the palace reckoned without Almanzor. Making his way into Hakam’s

chamber, more charming, more persuasive, more resolute than ever,

Almanzor prevailed upon the Caliph not only to restore him to his

confidence, but to empower him, by a solemn instrument under the royal

sign-manual, to assume the government of the kingdom. Sobeyra, defeated

but unharmed by her victorious and generous rival, retired to a

cloister; and Almanzor, contemptuously leaving to one of his lieutenants

the task of vanquishing his subsidized rival in Africa, set forth upon

the most memorable of all his many expeditions against Christian Spain

(July 3, 997).

Making his way, at the head of an army, through Lusitania into far away

Galicia, he took Corunna, and destroyed the great Christian church and

city of Santiago de Compostella, the most sacred spot in all Spain, and

sent the famous bells which had called so many Christian pilgrims to

prayer and praise to be converted into lamps to illuminate the Moslem

worshipers in the mosque at Cordova.

Five years later, in 1002, after an uncertain battle, Almanzor died in

harness, if not actually in the ranks, bowed down by mortal disease,

unhurt by the arm of the enemy. The relief of the Christians at his

death was unspeakable; and is well expressed, says Mr. Poole, in the

simple comment of the Monkish annalist, “In 1002 died Almanzor, and was

buried in Hell.”

In force of character, in power of persuasion, in tact, in vigor, in

that capacity for command that is only found in noble natures, Almanzor

has no rival among the Regents of Spain. His rise is a romance; his

power a marvel; his justice a proverb. He was a brilliant financier; a

successful favorite; a liberal patron; a stern disciplinarian; a

heaven-born courtier; an accomplished general; and no one of the great

commanders of Spain, not Gonsalvo de Aguilar himself, was more uniformly

successful in the field than this lawyer’s clerk of Cordova.

Hisham, in confinement at Az Zahra, was still the titular Caliph of the

West, but Almanzor was succeeded as commander-in-chief and virtual ruler

of the country by his favorite son, his companion-in-arms, and the hero

of an African campaign, Abdul Malik Almudaffar, the Hajib of 991. But

the glory of Cordova had departed. Abdul Malik indeed ruled in his

father’s place for six years. But on his death, in 1008, he was

succeeded by his half-brother, Abdur Rahman, who, as the son of a

Christian princess, was mistrusted both by the palace and by the people;

and the country became a prey to anarchy.

Cordova was sacked. The Caliph was imprisoned; rebellions, poisonings,

crucifixions, civil war, bigotry and skepticism, the insolence of

wealth, the insolence of power, a Mahdi and a Wahdi, Christian alliance,

Berber domination, Slav mutineers, African interference, puppet princes,

all these things vexed the Spanish Moslems for thirty disastrous years;

while a number of weak but independent sovereignties arose on the ruins

of the great Caliphate of the West.

The confused annals of the last thirty years of the rule of the

Ommeyades are mere records of blood and of shame, a pitiful story of

departed greatness.

On the death of Hisham II., the Romulus Augustulus of Imperial Cordova,

Moslem Spain was divided into a number of petty kingdoms, Malaga,

Algeciras, Cordova, Seville, Toledo, Badajoz, Saragossa, the Balearic

Islands, Valencia, Murcia, Almeria, and Granada. And each of these

cities and kingdoms made unceasing war one upon another.

From the death of Hisham, if not from the death of Almanzor, the centre

of interest in the history of Spain is shifted from Cordova to Castile.

Spain and Her Colonies, Compiled from the Best Authorities · 第 2 / 13 章