MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

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AN

HUMBLE ADDRESS

AND

EARNEST APPEAL

TO

THOSE RESPECTABLE PERSONAGES

IN GREAT-BRITAIN AND IRELAND,

WHO,

BY THEIR GREAT AND PERMANENT INTEREST

IN LANDED PROPERTY,

THEIR LIBERAL EDUCATION, ELEVATED RANK,

AND ENLARGED VIEWS,

ARE THE ABLEST TO JUDGE, AND THE FITTEST TO DECIDE,

WHETHER A

CONNECTION WITH, OR A SEPARATION FROM

THE

CONTINENTAL COLONIES OF AMERICA,

BE MOST FOR THE NATIONAL ADVANTAGE, AND THE

LASTING BENEFIT OF THESE KINGDOMS.

_Suis et ipsa Roma viribus ruit._ HOR.

BY JOSIAH TUCKER, D. D.

DEAN OF GLOCESTER.

GLOCESTER:

PRINTED BY R. RAIKES;

AND SOLD BY

T. CADELL, IN THE STRAND, LONDON.

M.DCC.LXXV.

AN HUMBLE ADDRESS, &c.

MY LORDS AND GENTLEMEN,

Though the Author of the ensuing Tract may be below your Notice, as an

Individual, yet the Subject he treats upon, highly deserves your most

serious Attention. In the present unhappy Disputes between the

Parent-State and the Colonies, he undertakes to point out, what Measures

the Landed-Interest of _Great-Britain_ and _Ireland_ ought to pursue in

future, for the Sake of themselves and their Posterity. And if what he has

to offer, should, after a due Examination, be found to be reasonable,

solid, and satisfactory, he relies so much on your own good Sense and

Judgment, as to believe, that you will not reject his Plan, merely because

it originated from an inferior Hand. This is all the Favour he asks, or

expects from you.

Upon this Subject, he waves the Consideration of every Thing, which might

have a Tendency to keep the present Question out of Sight. _Great-Britain_

and her Colonies are now at open War. THIS IS THE FACT. But if it should

be asked, How these Things came to pass? From what Causes did they spring?

Which are the real, and which are the apparent Motives in this

Controversy? Moreover, who were originally and principally to blame? And

what Methods ought to have been taken at first, in order to have prevented

Matters from coming to their present Height?--The Author having already

given his Sentiments on each of these Heads in his 3d, 4th, and 5th

preceding Tracts, and also in his Letter to Mr. BURKE, will not here

repeat the same Things.--The grand Object now before him is simply this;

_Great Britain and her Colonies are at open War_: And the proper and

important Question arising from such a Fact is the following, _What is to

be done at the present Crisis?_

Three Schemes have been proposed;--the Parliamentary,--Mr. BURKE's,--and

my own.

The Parliamentary Scheme is,--To maintain _vi et armis_ the Supremacy of

the Mother-Country over her Colonies, in as full and ample a Manner, as

over any Part of the _British_ Dominions.

Mr. BURKE's is, [tho' not in express _Words_] To resign or relinquish the

Power of the _British_ Parliament over the Colonies, and to erect each

Provincial Assembly into an independent _American_ Parliament;--subject

nevertheless to the King of _Great-Britain_, with his usual

Prerogatives:--For which Favour of acknowledging the same Sovereign, the

Colonists are to be complimented with the most precious Rights,

Privileges, and Advantages of _British_ Subjects:--I say, _complimented_,

and complimented even _gratuitously_:--For as to their contributing any

Proportion, either of Men or Money, towards the public Expence, and in

Return for those Favours--All this is to be entirely left to their own

innate Goodness and Generosity, to do just as they please.

My Scheme [which Mr. BURKE, in his last Speech of _March_ 22, 1775, is

pleased to term a _childish_ one] is,--To separate totally from the

Colonies, and to reject them from being Fellow-Members, and joint

Partakers with us in the Privileges and Advantages of the _British_

Empire; because they refuse to submit to the Authority and Jurisdiction of

the _British_ Legislature:--Offering at the same Time to enter into

Alliances of Friendship, and Treaties of Commerce with them, as with any

other sovereign, independent States.

Now, in order to determine, which of these Schemes is the most

eligible;--it would be right to consider, which is the easiest and most

practicable,--which is least expensive,--which is likeliest to prevent

similar Disturbances and Disputes for the future,--and which will least

endanger the _English_ Constitution and our domestic Tranquility. For all

these Circumstances ought to be taken into the Account, before a due

Judgment can be formed.

In regard to the first, I wish for the present to be silent about

it;--partly out of Respect to that august Body, which has given a Sanction

to it;--partly because it is now upon Trial, whether it can be executed or

not;--and partly likewise because this must fall of Course, if either Mr.

BURKE's, or mine, should be judged to have the Preference. For these

Reasons, I say, I wish to keep a respectful Silence on this Head.

But in respect to Mr. BURKE, I need not stand on so much Ceremony. For

tho' he is confessedly a great _Rhetorician_, and can with his magic Voice

raise a mighty Tempest of metaphorical Lightenings and Thunders;--yet,

Heaven be praised, there is the Period of all his Powers: And his _verba

ardentia_, his _flaming Words_, are found to end at last (like many other

Explosions) in Noise and Smoke. Nor doth it, I humbly apprehend, at all

follow, that the Orator is endowed with a greater Portion of political

Discernment than other Men, or with more disinterested Sincerity, and real

Love of his Country, in making a just and honest Application of that

Discernment;--merely because he has more Words at Command, and can muster

up a greater Army of bright Similes, and florid Expressions.

But be that as it may:--I now consider myself as standing at the Bar of

the public Tribunal: And therefore before the Jury is struck, and the

Trial begins, I humbly beg Leave to claim, and to exercise one of the

distinguishing Privileges of _Englishmen_ in such Cases, viz. To except

against all such Persons in the Pannel, who appear to be under a wrong

Biass, and an undue Influence respecting the Nature of this Dispute.

And 1st. I except against _Courtiers and Placemen_, considered _as such_.

This is not uttered out of a Spirit of Resentment, Pique, or

Disappointment, according to the Mode of modern Times. For, I thank God, I

have no Cause to complain of any Disappointment; having since my

Advancement to the Deanery of _Glocester_ in the Year 1758, neither

directly nor indirectly made the least, or the most distant Application

for any other or higher Station. This Renunciation of aspiring Views is a

Circumstance, which I am persuaded Mr. BURKE knew perfectly well, by

various Means, and from different Persons, especially from a noble Lord,

formerly high in Office, and a great _Favourite_ at Court, but now his

Coadjutor, and a flaming Patriot. And yet the Orator has been pleased to

characterize me by Name in his Speech of the 19th of _April_, 1774, with

out any Provocation, as one of those _Court-Vermin_ (such was his polite

Phrase) who would do any thing for the Sake of a Bishopric.--Moreover I do

not make this Exception against Courtiers from any bad Opinion I have

conceived of the present Set of Ministers; for I think it may be fairly

allowed, without paying them any Compliment, that they are to the full as

_able_, and as _honest_ as the best of those who are endeavouring to

supplant them. But nevertheless, as they are subject to many unhappy

Biasses, which may draw their Judgments aside without sinister Intentions,

they ought to be excepted against in the present Dispute. In fact, while

the great Continent of _North America_ shall continue to be united to this

Island under any mode whatever, Persons in Administration will necessarily

have a Multitude of Places and Sine-cures to dispose of, many lucrative

Contracts to bestow; and, to speak in coarse tho' very expressive

_English_, many JOBS of various Kinds, wherewith to gratify their Friends,

and Dependents. Not to mention, that if ever a total Separation (such as

proposed by my Plan) should ensue, the Ministry for the Time being, would

run a great Risque of falling a Sacrifice to the blind Zeal of popular

Discontents, and the knavish Intrigues of Party-Factions. Therefore for

all these Reasons, I must insist, that Courtiers and Placemen ought to be

excepted against, as being not sufficiently unbiassed, or disinterested to

determine impartially on the present Subject.

2dly. I particularly except against the whole Band of Mock-Patriots. And

my Reason is, because this Race of Men will of Course, prefer that Scheme,

whatever it be, which can furnish them with the most lasting Fund for

Opposition and Complaint. Now it is evident, that our Conjunction with

_North-America_, upon any Terms, and under any, or every Modification,

will not fail of becoming an inexhaustible Source of Altercation and

Reproach, let whatever Measures be pursued. For Example: Had the Ministry

proposed at first that very Scheme, which Mr. BURKE has now thought proper

to recommend, the Heads of the Faction, and even Mr. BURKE himself (if he

had not been a Pensioner to _North-America_) would most probably have

proposed just the Reverse; that is, they and he would have insisted on the

Necessity of _obliging_ the Colonies to contribute a Share,

_proportionable to their Interests, and to the growing Benefits they

receive_, towards the Maintenance, the Grandeur, and the Glory of that

Empire, from which their own Preservation and Prosperity are derived. And

then the popular Cry would have been, that a wicked and a profligate

Administration were going to sacrifice the Honour and Dignity of the

_British_ Crown, and the dear-bought Rights and Privileges of the

_British_ Nation to _American_ Gold, and _American_ Ingratitude.--Then we

should have been told (and every Town and Country News-Paper would have

echoed and re-echoed the Tale) that _America_ was the Property of

_Great-Britain_ by every possible and legal Claim;--by Right of

Discovery,--Right of Occupancy,--Right of Possession,--uninterrupted

Prescription,--Communication of Benefits,--Participation of Posts of

Honour, and Places of Profit,--general Protection,--never-ceasing Defence,

&c. &c. And then we should have been told with peculiar Emphasis, that

this new-fangled, ministerial Scheme of erecting so many new Parliaments,

all co-ordinate with each other, under one general Monarch, was not only a

notorious Breach of the _English_ Constitution, and utterly repugnant to

the Law of the Land,--but was also a deep-laid, diabolical Contrivance to

subjugate these petty Parliaments, one after another, and all in their

Turns, to the irresistible Power of one grand Despot:--In short, then it

would have been said (and with great Appearance of Truth) that _divide, et

impera_ was the ministerial Maxim;--and that, what was done, or going to

be done in _America_, was only the Omen and Prelude to the like fatal

Establishments here in _Britain_. For the next Step would be (and upon a

Pretence full as good, and altogether as constitutional) to break to

Pieces the united Force of the _British_ Parliament, by erecting one

diminutive Assembly of States at _Edinburgh_, another at _York_, a third

at _London_, and a fourth at _Bath_, or _Exeter_, or somewhere in the

West: And then, partly by flattering and cajoling,--partly by Bribes or

Bullying,--by exciting their Hopes, or their Fears at one Time,--and their

Jealousies at another,--and by playing off each of these puny Assemblies

against its Rival, the Minister would necessarily become omnipotent;--and

then farewell to the Liberties of _Old England_.

3dly. I object also against all those of whatever Denomination, from the

roaring Patriot in the Senate, to the miserable Scribbler in the Garret,

who are the Pensioners of _France_, or _Spain_, or of any other rival

Power:--I say, I object against their being Judges in this Dispute,

because the very Intent of their receiving Pay is to promote Discord, and

to cherish Faction;--and because they cannot earn their Wages with more

Facility, or with surer Success to their Employers, than by patronizing

such Schemes, as will necessarily keep up the Disputes between

_Great-Britain_ and her Colonies.

But here the Smartness of Debate (to use one of Mr. BURKE's very smart

Expressions) will be apt to say, "Who are those Persons against whom your

Insinuations are levelled? Name them, if you are able: And as you ought to

be furnished with the most positive Proofs, before you are entitled to

throw out such Invectives, give them to the Public, in order that we may

hold these Traitors to their Country in just Abhorrence."

To all which strong Words I would beg Leave to suggest the following

Answers.

1. I think it may be allowed, without injuring the Cause of Truth, or even

Charity, that a Man may be fully convinced of a bad Design, or a wicked

Scheme being in Agitation, without being able to prove, who are the

Persons concerned in it. It is not usual for the Guilty to call upon the

Innocent to step forwards and be their Accusers: Nor can it be expected,

that the Names of the Conspirators should be the first Thing in any

Conspiracy which is to be brought to Light. Indeed, generally speaking,

this is the last Part of any Plot, or of any bad Design, which can be

fully known, or legally ascertained. And therefore, if either the

Experience of former Times, or the Nature of the Case, can afford probable

Reasons, and circumstantial Evidence in Support of this Assertion, _That

there are Numbers of Pensioners to Foreign Powers now among us_--surely

we have obtained all the Proofs that are necessary at present towards

establishing a general Belief of the Fact, (which is the only Point here

contended for;) and we must leave to Time, that great Discoverer of

political Machinations, to unravel the rest.

Wherefore, 2dly. Let it be observed, that the History of this very Country

furnishes us with striking Examples in Confirmation of the above

Assertion. Particularly during the memorable Reigns of CHARLES the Second,

and WILLIAM the Third, that is, just before, and just after the

Revolution, there were many venal _Englishmen_, both in the Senate and out

of it, the Pensioners of _France_; who, to be sure, meant nothing by what

they said or did on these Occasions, and for such Pay, but the Good of

their dear bleeding Country; who therefore stormed and thundered,

speechified and harangued, printed and published out of pure,

disinterested Zeal for the Welfare of poor, old _England_!

Hence therefore I infer, 3dly, That the like may happen again, or rather

has happened already, unless it can be shewn, either, that _France_ and

_Spain_ want no such Agents at present; or if they did, that they cannot

now, as heretofore, find them here in _Britain_. In regard to the first of

these Positions, whosoever will give himself the Trouble, to examine

coolly and impartially into the slender Reasons alledged on our Parts, for

beginning two of the most bloody and destructive Wars, that ever were

known, will find sufficient Cause to believe, that those Powers will

always think it to be more for their Interests, to cut out Work at Home

for these restless and turbulent Islanders (as they are pleased to call

us) than to let us be at Peace among ourselves, lest that Circumstance

should give us an Opportunity of picking Quarrels with our Neighbours. And

most certain it is, that both the former _Spanish_ (or the _No-Search_)

War, and the latter _French_ (or the _Acadia_ and _Ohio_) War, were begun

and carried on principally with a View to promote the immediate Interests

of the Northern Colonies; the former to protect their Smugglers, when

hovering about the Coasts, and when actually trading in the prohibited

Ports of the _Spanish West-Indies_; and the latter, (a War, alas! begun,

without so much as a Declaration of War!) to do, I know not what! unless

it was to enable the grateful Colonies to rebel against the Mother

Country, perhaps a Generation or two sooner, than otherwise they would

have done. But be that as it may, one Thing is certain, and beyond

Dispute, that the more we are embroiled among ourselves, the less Cause

will the other Powers of _Europe_ have to fear our giving them any

Disturbance: And that 20,000l. or 30,000l. a Year spent in Bribes and

Pensions, properly disposed, to raise an Opposition against Government,

and to enflame the Populace against their Rulers, will do more effectual

Service to the Courts of _France_ and _Spain_, than thirty Times these

Sums laid out in manning Fleets, or equipping Squadrons or preparing and

embarking Troops for an Invasion.

If therefore these Points are so self-evident, as not to be denied, the

only Question now remaining is this, Can it be supposed, or is it

credible, that a popular _British_ Senator, a _British_ Pamphleteer, or a

_British_ News-writer, in an Age so pure and uncorrupt as ours, would

accept of a Bribe, or a Pension on such dishonourable Conditions? And are

not all these illustrious Personages either of such well known independent

Fortunes, or of such spotless Characters, and approved Virtue, as to be

superior to any Temptation of this Sort? Now here I say nothing, but chuse

to be silent; and earnestly entreat every Reader to judge for himself.

Indeed there was a Time, when a Text of sacred Scripture might have been

urged, as carrying some Weight in deciding the present Question: "Beware

of false Prophets, who come to you in Sheep's Cloathing, but inwardly they

are ravening Wolves. Ye shall know them by their Fruits. Do Men gather

Grapes of Thorns, or Figs of Thistles? Even so every good Tree bringeth

forth good Fruit; but a corrupt Tree bringeth forth evil Fruit. A good

Tree cannot bring forth evil Fruit, neither can a corrupt Tree bring forth

good Fruit.--WHEREFORE BY THEIR FRUITS YE SHALL KNOW THEM." I say, there

was a Time, when the Authority of such a Caution would have been regarded

as more decisive than the Productions of our modern licentious Presses.

But as we now live in very extraordinary Times, full of new Lights, and

new Discoveries, I forbear, lest our Patriots should accuse me of Bigotry,

Priestcraft, or Superstition[1].

4thly. I expressly except against all Persons of _Republican_ Principles

for very obvious Reasons; for tho' they dignify themselves by the Name of

WHIGS, yet as they are not the genuine, _constitutional Whigs_ of this

Kingdom, but an unnatural Superfoetation, and the avowed Enemies of the

_British_ Constitution, they ought not to be allowed to sit in Judgment in

a _British_ Cause. They are, it is well known, the professed Advocates for

continuing and cementing the Union between _Great-Britain_ and her

Colonies; and yet they wish, above all Things, to see these Colonies

totally exempt from, and independent of, the Power and Jurisdiction of the

_British_ Legislature. Now, how are we to reconcile these glaring

Contradictions? And what is the Reason for professing such a preposterous

Zeal for _America_, in Preference both to the Interests and Honour of

their native Country? The Reason is this:--They think, that by cherishing

and protecting a republican Government in the Colonies, they are paving

the Way for introducing a similar Establishment into _Great-Britain_.

Therefore _Republicism_ is the Bond of Union between these unnatural

_Englishmen_ and their Fellow-Labourers of _America_: _Republicism_, I

say, [pardon the Use of a new Word, where the Language doth not afford a

better] is made the _common Cause_ for uniting Persons of the most

discordant Interests and different Inclinations in other Respects.

And I will add, as an Illustration of this Matter, and to shew how far

certain Persons will go to obtain their Ends, that the Republicans in the

Reigns of CHARLES II. JAMES II. and WILLIAM III. joined the

Constitutionalists in bringing about the Revolution, chiefly with the

Hopes, that a Prince who owed his Election to the Voice of the People,

might the easier be dethroned by the same People, whenever they could get

them into the Mood to do it, whether with, or without a Cause. For the

very Sound of Monarchy, however limited, or however well administered, is

grating to their Ears. They cannot bear to think, that one Man, or one

Family should be so much exalted above _themselves_, in Contradiction to

their darling Maxim of a NATURAL EQUALITY. And this Scheme for laying the

Foundation of a _new_ and _equal_ Republic is what the Republicans really

intend by using the Phrase _Revolution Principles_ at this Day. In short,

we have now the most authentic Proofs, that their Predecessors of old

tried all Means in their Power, and even applied to the Court of _France_

first to prevent, and then to defeat the Revolution, and to set up a

Republican Form in its stead; alledging that it was more for the Interest

of that Court to have a Republican Government take Place in _England_,

somewhat after the Example of that of _Holland_, than any Kind of

Monarchical Constitution, because this, at one Time or other, might

become a troublesome Neighbour, and a dangerous Rival; whereas nothing of

that Kind was to be feared from a mere simple _Democracy_. Moreover in

some Years afterwards, when the Crown was settled on the House of

_Hanover_, we know it well, (for it is no Secret) that the Republicans

both then, and since, had no other Merit towards that House,

notwithstanding all their Boastings, than that of reserving its Princes,

like the Prisoners in CACUS's Den, _to be devoured the last_. A mighty

Favour truly! For which our Ears are perpetually dinned with a Repetition

of the Services of these Men towards the ungrateful House of _Hanover_!

And now, my Lords and Gentlemen, having excepted against Courtiers and

Placemen as _such_,--against pretended Patriots _on every

Account_,--against the Pensioners of foreign Powers,--and against _rank

Republicans_;--my humble Request is, that the Cause between Mr. BURKE and

me may be tried by the LANDED INTEREST ONLY. _They_ are certainly the

properest and most unexceptionable Judges; for they have _the most at

Stake_; and their Interest, and the Interest of the Public, must

necessarily coincide. They can gain nothing either by War, or Peace, by a

Submission to, or a Separation from, the Revolters in _North America_, but

what must tend to the general, as well as to their own particular

Advantage. Whereas almost every other Rank of Men may find their Account,

in countenancing and supporting such Measures, as may greatly enrich

themselves, tho' at the Expence of depopulating and impoverishing their

native Country.

Nor, my Lords and Gentlemen, is this Cause beneath your solemn Notice and

Regard. In the former _Spanish_ [or no-search] War, you spent above _Sixty

Millions_ Sterling, including the extraordinary Sums raised, and the fresh

Debts contracted:--And in the last _French_, _Ohio_, or _Acadia_ War, you

spent above NINETY MILLIONS STERLING, if computed after the same Manner,

viz. Additional Sums annually raised, and new Debts contracted. And all,

alas! for what!!!![2]

But without any Retrospect to Things past, let us look towards what is to

come.

The first Thing to be considered in the Dispute between Mr. BURKE and me,

is, which of Our Schemes _is the easiest to be executed, and the most

practicable_? He proposes that all Concessions should be made on our Parts

in Favour of the Colonies; but that none, or next to none, should be made

by them in Favour of _Great Britain_. Now this Proposal can never

terminate the Dispute between us and them, but on one or other of the

following Suppositions.

First, that the Parliament and People of _Great-Britain_ are now

convinced, that they have acted injuriously, illegally, and

unconstitutionally in pretending to make any Laws, whether good or bad, to

bind the _Americans_: Because they (the _Americans_) have their own

Legislatures, which are totally independent of ours: And therefore we take

Shame to ourselves by revoking these pretended, usurping Laws. For in

short, the first Step in Politics, as well as in Morals, towards sincere

Repentance, is _Restitution_. Or, secondly, though we should not give up

the Point of _Right_, of making Laws, and cry _peccavimus_,--yet we take

for granted, that no improper Use will be made of the great and manifold

Concessions, contained in Mr. BURKE's Scheme; because we have to deal with

a People, who, (we know by long Experience) may be trusted with every

Thing, as being the _Quintessence of Honour and Honesty_, both in public

and private Life, and particularly the _fair unsullied Monuments of

national Gratitude_.

Or if this likewise should prove to be a Pill too large, and too nauseous

for _Englishmen_ to swallow;--then, thirdly, we are to suppose, in order

to end all Controversy, that the Trade with these _North-Americans_ is so

essential to our Interests, as a commercial Nation, that we must keep them

in good Humour at any Rate, and at any Expence;--least they should deprive

us of their Custom, to the utter Ruin of our Manufactures, Shipping,

Navigation, &c. &c. &c.

Or lastly, we must suppose, that old _England_ is in Fact grown so

exceedingly weak and impotent, and _America_ so very strong and powerful,

that it is in vain to resist any Encroachments, which the Colonies may

make on the Mother-Country:--For in such Circumstances, it is more prudent

to submit to the present Evils, great as they are, than to provoke our

Conquerors to inflict still greater.

I say, one or other of these four Suppositions must necessarily be made,

before Mr. BURKE's Plan can terminate in real Peace, and restore that

Harmony, of which he makes such continual Boastings. Let him therefore, at

his own Leisure, take his Choice of either of the four, or even adopt them

all, if he pleases, and make the most of them.

In the mean while, deign, my Lords and Gentlemen, to cast your Eyes on my

Plan (_childish_ as it is represented by him to be) of a _total

Separation_. And first of all, is it practicable in itself? And could it

be executed with Ease, if heartily set about?--Suppose therefore, that you

were to recall your Fleets and Armies, and publish to the _Americans_ the

following Manifesto, couched under the Form of an Act of Parliament.

"Whereas many of the _British_ Provinces, Colonies, and Plantations in

_North-America_, after having made, from Time to Time, various Attempts to

throw off, or subvert the legislative Authority and Jurisdiction of

_Great-Britain_, have at length proceeded to the greatest and most daring

Outrages for accomplishing the same, by entering into illegal Combinations

and traiterous Conspiracies, and even by breaking out into open and

undisguised Rebellion: And whereas the Inhabitants in general of the said

Provinces, Colonies, and Plantations shew not the least Signs of Sorrow

and Contrition for their past Offences, nor any Desire to implore the

Clemency of the Parent-State, which hath in all Instances cherished,

supported, and protected them at an immense Expence both of Blood, and

Treasure; but on the contrary, continue to encrease their hostile

Preparations for opposing, by Violence and Force of Arms, the Execution of

the Laws made by the supreme Legislature of Parliament for the due

Governance, and constitutional Dependence of such subordinate States and

Provinces;

"Be it therefore enacted by the Kings most excellent Majesty, by and with

the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and of the

Commons of _Great-Britain_ in Parliament assembled;--that every such

Province, Colony, and Plantation which either now is, or at the ___ Day of

_____ next ensuing shall be found to be in Arms and Rebellion against the

Laws and Authority of the supreme Legislature of _Great-Britain_, shall,

from and after the Time above mentioned, be totally cut off, severed, and

separated from the British Empire; and that all its Inhabitants shall be

declared, and are hereby declared to have lost and forfeited all

Privileges and Advantages, Benefits and Protection both by Sea and Land,

belonging, or supposed to belong to the Subjects of _Great-Britain_; and

that they shall be deemed, taken, and reputed, in all Courts of Law, and

in all Respects whatever, to be as much Aliens and Foreigners, and subject

to the same Incapacities, as if they had been Aliens born.

"Provided nevertheless, and to the Intent, that as far as the Nature of

the Case will admit, the _Innocent_ may not be involved in the Punishment

intended only for the _Guilty_; be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid,

that it shall and may be lawful for his Majesty, and for his Heirs and

Successors, at any Time, to grant a Pardon to a whole State, Province, or

Colony, now in Rebellion, under the Great Seal of the Realm; or to one or

more Inhabitant or Inhabitants thereof under the Seal Manual, and to

_restore_ such Colony, or such Person or Persons to their former Rights

and Privileges, as _British_ Subjects, when it shall appear to his Majesty

in Council, that such a Province, or Colony, or such a Petitioner or

Petitioners is, are, or shall be deserving of his Royal Clemency and

Favour."

Suppose, I say, such a Manifesto, or one to this Effect, and couched under

the Form of an Act of Parliament, to be proclaimed to the World concerning

the Rebellion now existing in _America_: And then I ask, what possible

Difficulty could attend the Execution of it? Or who would even attempt to

prevent it? The only People or Nation, who would wish to obstruct the

Execution of such a Law, are the _Americans_ themselves; for they have no

Manner of Objection against participating in all Kinds of _Benefits_ to be

derived from an _Union_ with us; tho' they raise such terrible Outcries

against sharing in any of our _Burthens_: And yet their Efforts and

Opposition would all be in vain; because, tho' you should even allow, that

they are able to maintain their Independence in _America_, that

Circumstance would not render them the Conquerors of _Great-Britain_, much

less of the rest of the World; who must of Course remain independent of

them.

Therefore, so far at least my System must have the Preference to Mr.

BURKE's.

2dly. The next Question is, _Which System, can be carried into Execution

with the least Expence?_ And surely as we have hitherto been engaged in

nothing but Profusion and Extravagance, it is now high Time to adopt, if

we can, some useful Scheme of Frugality and OEconomy in regard to

_America_.

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen, here again permit me to ask, What Expences

can possibly attend the Execution of my Scheme?--The Thing itself is no

sooner said, than done. And all the Charges attending it are summed up in

the triffling Articles of Pen, Ink, Paper, and Printing. Whereas Mr.

BURKE's System, even according to his own Account, will entail upon you

Expences always encreasing, nay, next to infinite. You must, for Example,

win over the Heads and Leaders of the new _American_ Parliaments by means

of "Great Honours and great Emoluments," [A pretty Periphrasis this to

describe the Art of _Bribing_!] in order to cooperate with the Plans of

the _British_ Parliament, and to bear a Share of the general Burthens of

the _British_ Empire.

You must also guard their Coasts at all Times, and protect them from all

Invaders: And when they chuse to amuse themselves by going _on smuggling_,

_trucking_, _huckstering_, and _buccaneering_ Parties on the _Spanish_

Main, then you must more particularly stand up in their Defence, and

insist on their Vessels not being searched by the _Spanish_ Guarda-costas.

And if the _Spaniards_ should think this an hard Measure, and appeal to

the Practice and Example of _Englishmen_ themselves, who never fail to

search the Ships of all Nations, if found hovering on their Coasts, you

must positively and vehemently say, that the _Case is widely

different_:--Then you have a sufficient Plea for declaring War against

them;--then, my Lords and Gentlemen, resolve (as your Predecessors did

before) never to make Peace 'till the Right of Searching is given

up;--then spend another _sixty_ or _ninety_ Millions in this new

Quarrel;--and at last make Peace, (as they did) without ever mentioning

the Right of not being searched; for which alone they pretended to go to

War.

But this is not all:--For when the Back-Settlers in _America_ shall have

"topped the _Apalachian_ Mountains in sufficient Numbers to constitute

Hords of _English_ Tartars, pouring down an irresistible Cavalry on the

unfortified Frontiers;"--who is to _resist_ these _Irresistibles_?--Not

the Colonists or Provincials; for they, poor People, tho' now 150,000

strong, [see General LEE's Letter] to fight against their Protectors and

Defenders, will nevertheless be so frightened at the Sight of this

_Apalachian_ Tartar Cavalry, that they will again cry out for Help to the

Mother-Country;--again, I say, as they did before, when only an handful of

[3] _French_ and _Indians_ appeared against them. And indeed, if the

Mother-Country will act the Part of _Don Quixote_ to that Degree, as to

expend her best Blood and Treasure in their Cause, why should they incur

any Dangers in their own dear Persons? Why be at the Pains and Charges of

defending themselves, when they can so easily get the _British_ Nation to

fight, and bleed, and do every Thing for them? Besides Mr. BURKE has

already declared in express Terms, [Page 98, 2d. Edit.] that AMERICA MUST

NOT BE EXHAUSTED. Exhaust, therefore, yourselves, my Lords and Gentlemen!

as much as you please, or as much as you can; but don't expect Assistance

from _America_, even in her own Defence, whilst she can get such

Knight-Errants as the _English_ to fight her Battles; and whilst she can

raise Patriots and Pamphleteers, News-Writers and Republicans, without

Number, to yell the _American_ War Hoop, and to denounce BLACK and BITTER

Days against those, who should even hesitate to obey her Commands.

But the third Question is, Which Scheme is _best calculated to prevent the

like Disturbances for the future_?

And here I would humbly beg Leave to observe, that if my Scheme had

nothing else to recommend it to your Notice, it most infallibly cuts off

all the present Causes of Dispute and Contention between the two

Countries; so that they never can revive again. Whereas Mr. BURKE's is,

at best, but a temporary Cessation from Hostilities; a mere Truce, 'till

both Parties can be recruited, and better provided to begin the War again.

Nay, his would be found in the Event,--not only to be no Manner of Cure or

Palliation of the present Evils, but even greatly to foment them, and also

to engender many new ones.

For Example:--Granting, that Peace was made on the very Terms, which Mr.

BURKE requires:--Granting, that we repealed every Act of Parliament to

which the _Americans_ have thought proper to object:--Granting also, that

we renounce for ever any Claim of Right to levy Taxes:--And granting, in

short, that the _American_ Assemblies became so many distinct Parliaments,

supreme within themselves, and independent of all others:--Still, whilst

these _American Independents_ are to be protected by the _British_ Flag;

whilst they are to enjoy all the Rights and Privileges of natural-born

_British_ Subjects, both at Home, and Abroad, and in every Part of the

Globe,--Questions _will_, and _must_, and _ought_ to arise, on what Terms

are these independent _Americans_ to be thus protected? And what

Compensation is to be made to the Mother-Country, for communicating to

them her most valuable Rights and Privileges? Are they really to enjoy all

Posts of Honour and Preferment, and all Places of Trust and Profit, and

to be entitled to every Sort of Advantage, [4] Safeguard, and Protection,

equally with the Natives of _Great-Britain_; and yet to make no Recompence

or Acknowledgement for all these Favours?--The Answer of every staunch

_American_, and of Mr. BURKE their Advocate General, must be as follows,

(for on their Principles they can return no other) That each independent

_American_ Parliament will be ready to _give_ and to _grant_ to _Great

Britain_, by Way of Recompense or Gratification, the whole Sum

of--_whatever they shall think proper, and no more_[5]. And that in

respect to the Regulations of _American_ Commerce, they will consent, that

you shall put whatever nominal Restraints you please upon it, provided

you will not enforce such Restraints by any Forfeitures or Penalties,

which shall imply _the most distant Idea of Taxation_;--and provided also

that, if Offences should be supposed to be committed, they, (the

_Americans_) and no others shall be allowed to be Judges both of the

Nature, and of the Degree of each Offence; and that the Cause shall be

tried no where else, but in their own _American_ Courts, and by their own

_American_ Juries.

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen, suffer me I beseech you, to appeal to your

own good Sense and Understandings on this Head.--Ask yourselves this plain

Question, Is such a Plan of Reconciliation as Mr. BURKE proposes, a likely

Method of terminating the present Disputes between the Mother-Country and

her Colonies? Nay ask farther;--Hath it so much as a Tendency to cool and

moderate them? Or rather doth it not seem much better contrived to

enflame, than to extinguish; to kindle new Fires, than to quench old ones?

Besides, when each of these _American_ Assemblies shall be erected into a

distinct Parliament, supreme within itself, and independent of the

rest,--Is it possible to suppose, that no _new_ Disputes, or _new_

Differences will arise between such co-ordinate States and rival

Powers;--_neighbouring_, _jealous_, and _contending_ Powers, I say, whose

respective Limits are in many Instances as yet undefined, if really

definable! And is it at all consistent with any Degree of common Sense, or

daily Experience, to suppose that such Combustibles as these will not

speedily catch Fire?--Especially, if we take into the Account, the

discordant Tempers of the Inhabitants of these respective Provinces, their

inbred Hatreds and Antipathies against each other, their different Modes

of Life, the Differences of Climate, Religion, Manners, Habits of

Thinking, &c. &c.

Now, when Tumults and Disorders shall arise from any of these various

Causes,--What is to be done? And to whom, or to what common Head, or

general Umpire is the appellant Province to carry her Complaint?--The

Parliament of _Great-Britain_, it seems, must no longer interfere; for

that is no longer the supreme Head of the Empire, to which all the Parts

used to be subordinate, and professed to be obedient; therefore, being

destitute of any authoritative or constitutional Right to _compel_

Submission, all it can do, is to offer its good Services by Way of

Mediation; and that is, generally speaking, just nothing at all.

Is then the KING (abstracted from the Parliament) to be appealed to in

this arduous Affair? And is he alone (in his mere _personal Capacity_) to

command the Peace to be preserved between State and State, or Province and

Province.----[6]Is he, I say (abstracted from being a King of

_Great-Britain_) to summon all the Parties before himself and his Privy

Council, in order to hear their respective Allegations, and finally to

determine, and settle the Differences between them? Be it so: Then if he

only is to decide, _as in an Affair relating to his own private Patrimony,

in which we have no more Concern than we have with Hanover_,--it

necessarily follows, that he must be invested with sufficient Power

(independent of, and without the Consent of Parliament) to enforce these

Decisions; for a Decree without a Power to enforce it, and to compel

Obedience, is altogether nugatory and vain.

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen, this brings us to the last Point of

Comparison between Mr. BURKE's, _and my System_, viz. Which will least

endanger, or rather, which is best adapted to preserve our present happy

Constitution?

Mr. BURKE's you see (if consistent with itself) must invest the Prince

with an amazing Degree of Power!--Even with such a Degree, as shall be

sufficient to controul the refractory States of _America_, from one End of

the Continent to the other. Nay, what is still more, this _supreme_,

_controuling_ Power must be the only CENTER OF UNION throughout the

Empire. Nothing besides is so much as proposed; and indeed nothing besides

(when the parliamentary Connection is dissolved) can be sufficient to

_tie_ all the Parts together;--Parts so widely distant, so totally

disjointed from each other, as the _British_ Isles and the _American_

Continent.

Now here again permit me to ask, Is not this a very alarming Circumstance

even in Contemplation? And is all our boasted Zeal for Liberty to end at

last only in that _Union_ and _Connection_ which can be procured to the

several detached Parts of the Empire by Means of a Court, and of a

standing Army?--A large standing Army to be kept up independently of the

_British_ Parliament!--And that too for the express Purpose of enforcing

the Decrees and Arbitrations of the Court!

But this is not all; for even a standing Army would not be so formidable

(because it would soon moulder away) were no Means to be found out for its

Support and Maintenance: And this Scheme of many independent Parliaments

points to the very Means of obtaining the necessary Supplies; for, as an

ingenious Foreigner has very judiciously observed[7], "A Sovereign who

depends, with regard to Supplies, on several Assemblies, in Fact depends

upon none. An Agent for the _American_ Colonies, [I suppose the Author

meant Dr. FRANKLIN] in his Examination before the House of Commons,

(_Anno_ 1766, P. 122) has even suggested in three Words the whole

Substance of what I have endeavoured to prove on that Subject; when he

said, _The Granting Aids to the Crown is the only Means the Americans

have of_ RECOMMENDING THEMSELVES TO THEIR SOVEREIGN. Nothing therefore

could be more fatal to _English_ Liberty (and to _American_ Liberty in the

Issue) than the Adoption of the Idea, cherished by the _Americans_, of

having distinct independent Assemblies of their own, who should treat

immediately with the King, and grant him Subsidies, to the utter

Annihilation of the Power of those antient, and hitherto successful

Assertors of general Liberty, the _British_ Parliament."

To these Reflections in this and in other Parts of his Book, the judicious

Author adds many striking Examples, particularly the present State of the

Want of Liberty in _France_ and _Spain_, by way of confirming and

corroborating his Argument. But in my humble Opinion there is still a more

forcible Example to be drawn from the Case of the hereditary Dominions of

the House of _Austria_. For it is well known, that the Princes of that

House rule in as absolute a Manner over every Part of their vast

Possessions as the Sovereigns either of _France_ or _Spain_; and yet there

are States (answering to our Parliaments) in almost every Country

belonging to the _Austrian_ Dominions; nay, these States are frequently

summoned to meet together; which is not the Case with the _general

national Assemblies of France_, or with the _Cortes_ of _Spain_. How then

comes it to pass,--that such Meetings produce little or no Effects in

regard to the obtaining of a _reasonable_ Degree of Liberty for the

Subject, which every Subject, if in his right Senses, wishes to obtain?

The Reason is obvious:--There are a Multitude of little States or

Parliaments within the Territories of the House of _Austria_;--the States

of _Austria_ (not to mention the several still lesser States in the

_Netherlands_) the States of _Bohemia_, States of _Hungary_, of

_Transilvania_, _Stiria_, _Carinthia_, _Carniola_, &c. &c. But all these

petty States, or Parliaments being totally independent of, and

consequently _Competitors_ with, and _Rivals_ to each other, never can act

in Concert, or pursue one general Plan, or attend to one _common

Interest_:--So that the Power of the Prince, which would have been too

weak to have contended with them all, if all had been UNITED (like the

Parliament of _Great-Britain_) in _one compact, and general

Body_,--becomes an _Over-match_ for any one of them singly and disjointed

from the rest:--And this is the true Reason, why the House of _Austria_

governs all her Provinces with so high an Hand at this Day. In short,

_Divide et impera_, explains the whole Mystery of this Affair:--And

_Great-Britain_ may here see her own Picture, drawn to the Life, if ever

she should consent to the Erection of Parliaments in _North-America_, to

be _co-ordinate_ with her own; and at the same Time should allow these

_North-Americans_ to be _Co-partners_ with herself in one common Empire.

But why do I labour to prove this Point? Mr. BURKE himself is as

conscious, as I can be, of the dreadful Effects, which must necessarily

attend the Execution of his Scheme. Hear him therefore in his own

Words:--[8]"We know that the Emulations of such Parties [to be created by

the independent Parliaments of _North-America_] their Contradictions,

their reciprocal Necessities, their Hopes and their Fears, _must_ send

them all in their Turns to him who holds the BALANCE of the State. The

Parties are the Gamesters, but Government keeps the Table, and is sure to

be the Winner in the End. When this Game is played, I really think, it is

more to be feared, that the [_American_] People will be exhausted, than

that Government will not be supplied."

Now, my Lords and Gentlemen! be pleased to compare these _Fears_ of Mr.

BURKE, "that the _Americans_ will be too _lavish_ in their Grants,--with

the _Hopes_ entertained by the Agent (just quoted from Monsieur De LOLME)

that the _Americans_ by Means of _liberal Grants_ may recommend themselves

to the good Graces of their Prince;"--and then you will have full

Possession of all Dr. FRANKLIN's favourite Speculation for removing the

Seat of Empire from hence to _North-America_, and for abandoning the

_British_ Isles to the Care of Deputies, Vice Roys, and Lord Lieutenants.

Many of you, I make no Doubt, have heard him declare, that the great

Continent of _British America_ (which, according to his Computation, will

contain nearly ONE HUNDRED MILLIONS of Inhabitants in little more than a

Century) ought to become the Seat of general Empire. And it might be

easily gathered from the whole Turn of his Conversation, that he thought

it no very difficult Matter in the Course of Things to bring this

important Point to bear;--that is, to induce some future Sovereign of this

Country to make the wished for Exchange;--partly by the Obstacles which

might be thrown in his Way, were he to persist in remaining here

[Obstacles, of which we have an _egregious Specimen_ already] and partly

by the alluring Temptations which might be offered him to quit this petty

Spot, and reside in _America_.--I say, many of you must have heard Dr.

FRANKLIN haranguing after this Sort; or have seen Letters from him to the

same Effect:--For that this was his darling Scheme, even before he came to

reside in _England_, I have been well assured; as well as his favourite

Topic ever afterwards. Therefore I will add, that by the Help of this

Comment, we can explain many Passages in the Declarations of the grand

_American_ Congress, which otherwise must appear to be either nauseous

Compliments, or gross Contradictions:--The Passages I refer to, are the

Protestations so often and so solemnly repeated, that they [the

_Americans_] have no Intention of separating from this Country; and that

they have the purest Loyalty to the King, and the strongest Attachment to

the illustrious House of _Hanover_. This Key therefore unlocks the whole

Mystery of their (otherwise unaccountable) Proceedings. And as POPE said

on another Occasion:

'Tis in the _ruling Passion_: There alone,

The Wild are constant, and the _Cunning_ known.

This Clue, once found, unravels all the rest.

The Prospect clears, and CLODIO stands confest.

In the mean Time, because his Majesty is graciously disposed to join with

_Great-Britain_ against _America_ in this Contest for Empire, (for in Fact

_that is_ the _real_ Dispute, whatever may be the _Pretence_) not only

many among the _Americans_, which is natural enough, but (Shame to tell!)

even among _Englishmen_ themselves, vent the bitterest Reproaches against

him for being the best Friend and Protector of the Mother-Country. Surely

Posterity will stand amazed at such a Procedure! The like Scenes of

Infatuation and Ingratitude (not to mention Disloyalty and Rebellion)

never yet disgraced the Annals of the World! And it seems to be reserved

as a Mark of Infamy peculiar to the present Age, and to our modern Race of

Patriots, that while the Prince on the Throne is incessantly endeavouring

to keep his People free, and to secure their Freedom more and more by all

proper and constitutional Measures, such Numbers should be found amongst

his Subjects, who are equally industrious to thwart his truly patriotic

Designs, and to rush headlong into Slavery.

But as Providence very often brings the greatest Good out of the worst of

Evils, let us not despair, but that these very Attempts, wicked and

unnatural as they are, may be the Means of uniting all honest, and

well-intentioned Men the firmer together, in order to support, and even to

strengthen the present Constitution. For Example, the two great Islands of

_Britain_ and _Ireland_, which are only separated by a narrow Sea, ought

not to be separated at all by different Governments, Laws, or Parliaments.

No good Reason upon Earth can be given for such a Separation: And it has

long been the ardent Wish of every true Patriot in both Nations, to see

them united. Indeed, the best that can be said for the Continuance of the

present absurd System is, that the City of _Dublin_ would be a Sufferer by

the Removal of the Court and Parliament:--I say, this is the very

Argument, which can be urged: And yet this has no Foundation at all, but

in the Prejudices of the Populace, who are almost perpetually mistaking

their own Interests. Even the City of _Dublin_ would be a very great

Gainer by such a Removal: For it would acquire _Industry_ in Exchange for

_Idleness_; and then the Hands of its Tradesmen, by being the Hands of the

Diligent, would enrich each other by reciprocal Employment;--the Hands, I

say, of those very Tradesmen, who in their present State, are almost as

poor, as the poorest in the Kingdom.--That this is the natural and

necessary Course of Things, and not an idle Theory, or visionary

Speculation, I appeal to Fact and daily Experience;--and I appeal, not

only to the Case of _Edinburgh_, which is now three Times, at least, as

rich and flourishing, as when it was the Residence of a Court, and of a

Parliament; but I appeal also to almost every Town in _Ireland_: _Cork_

and _Belfast_ for Example, have neither Courts, nor Parliaments; and yet

their Merchants, Manufacturers, and Traders are much richer in Proportion

to their Numbers, than those of _Dublin_: And what is still more

extraordinary, those little Towns, which once thought themselves happy in

procuring Barracks to be erected among them, in order to obtain, as they

fondly imagined, _the Benefit of a great Flow of Money_, are now perfectly

convinced, that Towns without Barracks, or Towns from which Barracks have

been removed, are in a much more flourishing Condition, then those which

have them.--Of so mischievous a Tendency is the Circulation of Money, when

it becomes the Means of introducing Idleness, and of preventing Industry.

For, reason as long as you will on the Subject, the actual State of Things

will ever prove itself to be this, that Idleness is the Parent of Poverty,

and Industry the only Source of real Riches.

But, my Lords and Gentlemen, this is not all; and my Scheme of an Union

with _Ireland_ is calculated not only to introduce Wealth, and to prevent

Idleness in the single City of _Dublin_; but also to diffuse

constitutional Strength and Firmness, and to create a Stability and

Compactness throughout the whole Empire: Whereas Mr. BURKE's has as

necessary a Tendency to weaken and disjoint every Part of it, and to sow

Jealousies and Dissentions both at Home and Abroad, in the Mother-Country,

and in the Colonies:--The unavoidable Consequence of which would be at the

last, arbitrary and despotic Power. In one Word, the true Motto for my

Scheme is, _Vis unita fortior_; and for his, _Divide et impera_. Judge

therefore, as Men who are more deeply concerned in preserving and

improving the present Constitution, than any Class of Men

whatever;--judge, I say, whether Mr. BURKE's Scheme or mine, in regard to

_America_, ought to have the Preference. You have every Means of

Information now at your Command: Your Birth, your Rank, and Education,

lift you up much above the Prejudices of the Vulgar; whilst your

patrimonial Estates and ample Fortunes screen you from a Multitude of

those Temptations, to which other Men are grievously exposed. And yet, my

Lords and Gentlemen, let me tell you, that if you will not exert

yourselves on this trying Occasion, in some Degree proportionate to the

Importance of the Cause now before you, perhaps it may never be in your

Power to exert yourselves hereafter, when you would wish most ardently to

do it. Remember, therefore, I beseech you, the Words, the _emphatic_, and

perhaps even the _prophetic_, Words of a celebrated Partizan, whose Name I

need not mention:--"Why, Gentlemen, will not you, who are _Men of great

Landed Estates_, take an active Part in the present Disputes? Your

Neutrality, I do assure you, will not protect you. For if you will still

remain inactive at such a Crisis, what has happened before will happen

again; and the *****'s and the *****'s who have but little to lose, but

may have much to get in Times of general Confusion, will certainly become

the great Men of this Nation."

_Fas est et ab hoste doceri._

Indeed the Estates of the Church, we all know, will fall the first

Sacrifice, should the Republican Party now prevail. But nevertheless, if

you, my Lords and Gentlemen, should be so weak as to imagine, that Matters

will stop there; and that your own large Possessions, your splendid

Titles, your hereditary Honours, and ample Privileges will escape unhurt,

amidst that general _Wreck_ of private Property, and _Crush_ of

Subordination, which will necessarily ensue; you will be woefully

mistaken:--And I must beg Leave to say, that you will have profited but

very little, by what has been so well written in the Annals of this very

Country, for your Instruction and Admonition. For depend upon it, the Use

of _Committee-Men_, and the Business of _Sequestrators_ are not yet

forgot; depend upon it, I say, that Ways and Means are still to be found

out, for the lowest of the People to get at the Possession of the greatest

of your Estates, as well in these, as in former Times. Their Appetites are

equally keen:--And if these hungry Patriots should succeed, after such an

Example is set before your Eyes, who are you to blame but yourselves?--In

one Word, you know, or ought to know, that even the tender Mercies of a

Republic are cruel. Or, if you are not yet convinced of the Truth of this

Assertion, look abroad into the World; nay, look into what is now doing by

the Republican Congresses in _America_; and then see how you would approve

such Men as these for YOUR MASTERS.

HERE THEREFORE I willingly close the whole Dispute between Mr. BURKE and

me: And I most chearfully submit the Decision of this important Question

to those (but to _those only_) who are the best qualified, the most able,

and the most concerned to decide impartially. What therefore is to follow

in this Treatise, is to be considered rather _ex abundanti_, than as

strictly necessary for the Support of my Argument, and the Confutation of

my Opponent. Yet, seeing that the following Points may serve to elucidate

some of the former, and seeing that so much has been said, and such

confident Boastings have been uttered, concerning the Advantages, and even

the Immensity of the Colony-Trade; I will enter the more particularly into

these Matters.

And first of all, and previous to any Enquiry into the Fact, I enter a

solemn Protest against the disingenuous Artifice, so often practiced by

the Partizans of _America_, viz. That OF BEGGING THE QUESTION. They beg

the Question, when they take for granted, that if _America_ were separated

from _Great-Britain_, all commercial Intercourse would cease between the

two Countries. For this is the very Point, which they ought to have

proved, instead of taking it for granted. And prove it they never can,

'till they shall have first demonstrated, that the _Americans_ will no

longer adhere to their own Interest, when they shall be disunited from

us. A difficult Task this! In regard to which, they will find all the

World to be Unbelievers. Indeed I have already so effectually silenced

this Plea in my Fourth Tract from Page 203 to Page 220, [2d Edit. printed

for RIVINGTON, &c.] that I hope I may be excused from repeating the same

Things. And as the Arguments there urged have never been attempted to be

answered, notwithstanding so much Good-Will to do it, and that my

Opponents most certainly would do it, if they could, the natural

Conclusion is, _that they are_ UNANSWERABLE.

Therefore I now enter upon the Subject itself; and as the Trade to

_Holland_ and _Germany_ (and _more particularly to_ Hanover) hath been

frequently represented as being very inconsiderable, and of small

Importance; I have for this very Reason, selected this Trade from others,

to make it the Subject of our Comparison with the Trade to all the

revolted Provinces of _North-America_.

An Account of the Value of the Exports from _England_ to _Germany_ and

_Holland_; and also to those _North-American_ Provinces, which are now

under the Dominion of the Congress, for nine Years successively, viz. from

_Christmas_ 1763 to _Christmas_ 1772, distinguishing each Country, and

each Year.

From Christmas 1763 |

to Christmas 1764. | 1765. |

-------------------------+-------------------+

_Value of Exports._ |_Value of Exports._|

-------------------------+-------------------+

L. s. d. | L. s. d. |

Germany 2,264,315 3 9 | 1,869,465 18 8 |

Holland 2,040,467 9 9 | 2,026,772 16 11 |

The REVOLTED PROVINCES of _North-America_.

Carolina 305,808 1 6 | 334,709 12 8 |

New-England's four Provinces 459,765 0 11 | 451,299 14 7 |

New-York 515,416 12 1 | 382,349 11 1 |

Pensilvania 435,191 14 0 | 363,368 17 5 |

Virginia and Maryland 515,192 10 6 | 383,224 13 0 |

| 1766. | 1767. | 1768. |

+-------------------+-------------------+-------------------+

|_Value of Exports._|_Value of Exports._|_Value of Exports._|

+-------------------+-------------------+-------------------+

| L. s. d. | L. s. d. | L. s. d. |

| 1,811,268 2 3 | 1,506,293 10 11 | 1,499,732 0 4 |

| 1,602,924 6 7 | 1,539,705 18 0 | 1,744,974 5 8 |

| 296,732 1 4 | 244,093 6 0 | 289,868 12 3 |

| 409,642 7 6 | 406,081 9 2 | 419,797 9 4 |

| 330,829 15 8 | 417,957 15 5 | 482,930 14 4 |

| 327,314 5 3 | 371,830 8 10 | 432,107 17 4 |

| 372,548 16 1 | 437,628 2 6 | 475,954 6 2 |

| 1769. | 1770. | 1771. |

+-------------------+-------------------+-------------------+

|_Value of Exports._|_Value of Exports._|_Value of Exports._|

+-------------------+-------------------+-------------------+

| L. s. d. | L. s. d. | L. s. d. |

| 1,338,866 9 8 | 1,272,569 0 4 | 1,316,492 1 4 |

| 1,658,551 13 1 | 1,766,333 10 2 | 1,685,397 16 0 |

| 306,600 5 6 | 146,273 17 0 | 409,169 9 4 |

| 207,993 14 3 | 394,451 7 5 | 1,420,119 1 1 |

| 74,918 7 10 | 475,991 12 0 | 653,621 7 6 |

| 199,909 17 11 | 134,881 15 5 | 728,744 19 10 |

| 488,362 15 1 | 717,782 17 3 | 920,326 3 8 |

| 1772. | Totals.

+-------------------+-------------------

|_Value of Exports._|_Value of Exports._

+-------------------+-------------------

| L. s. d.

| 1,354,181 6 6 | 14,233,183 13 9

| 1,997,815 1 4 | 16,060,942 17 6

------------------

Total of both Countries 30,294,126 11 3

------------------

| 449,610 2 2 | 2,782,865 7 7

| 824,830 8 9 | 4,993,980 13 0

| 343,970 19 9 | 3,677,986 15 8

| 507,909 14 0 | 3,501,259 10 0

| 793,910 13 2 | 5,104,930 17 5

-------------------

Totals of the revolted Provinces 20,061,023 3 8

-------------------

Superiority of the Value of the Exports

to _Holland_ and _Germany_ over the

Exports to the revolted Provinces of

_America_ L. 10,233,103 7 7

[_To face Page 49._]

An Humble Address and Earnest Appeal to Those Respectable Personages in Great-Britain and Ireland, Who, by Their Great and Permanent Interest in Landed Property, Their Liberal Education, Elevated Rank, and Enlarged Views, Are the Ablest to Judge, and the Fittest to Decide, Whether a Connection with, Or a Separation from the Continental Colonies of America, Be Most for the National Advantage, and the Lasting Benefit of These Kingdoms · 第 1 / 10 题