CHAPTER XIX.

We have noticed a change in the Church of England, from prevalent

Calvinism, during the reign of Elizabeth, for prevalent Arminianism,

during the latter part of the reign of James I. A corresponding change

occurred in the history of several eminent Divines of the seventeenth

century: Bishop Andrewes, Dean Jackson, Bishop Davenant, Archbishop

Ussher, John Hales, of Eton, and Dr. Sanderson, are conspicuous

examples. Another instance, more remarkable in some respects, is

found in the life of John Goodwin--now less known to fame than the

celebrated Churchmen just mentioned, and yet a man who, in his own

day, attracted not less attention than did they; and whose works for

vigour, ingenuity, argument, and eloquence deserve to rank high amongst

theological productions, in an age when theology bore its richest

fruit. The names now grouped together belong to men who, from first

to last, retained more or less of Anglican predilections, and after

the commencement of the Stuart period, Anglicanism and anti-Calvinism

appear in close alliance; but John Goodwin, unlike the other converts,

began his career under the influence of that description of religious

feeling which forms so important an element in Puritanism, and he

retained that feeling to the end of life. Although he became an

Arminian, and renounced opinions identified with doctrinal Puritanism,

his Arminianism did not destroy the unction and ardour which were

characteristic of his earlier creed. His Arminianism presents some

striking differences from that of both the Anglican and Latitudinarian

schools; it is animated by an evangelical spirit, and it is wrought

out, in connection with evangelical principles, akin to those which

appear prominently in the Arminianism of our Wesleyan brethren. Like

them, this eminent predecessor of theirs maintained strenuously the

doctrine of human depravity, of justification by faith, of the work of

the Holy Spirit, of the new birth, and of sanctification.

[Sidenote: JOHN GOODWIN.]

Before John Goodwin abandoned Calvinism he repudiated the doctrine

of the imputed righteousness of Christ as held by the Calvinists of

his own day. Yet he concedes almost all for which modern Calvinists

would contend, when he remarks that a believer may “be said to be

clothed with the righteousness of Christ, and yet the righteousness of

Christ itself may not be his clothing, but only that which procured

his clothing to him. So Calvin calls the clothing of righteousness,

wherewith a believer is clad in his justification, _Justitiam morte,

et resurrectione Christi, acquisitam_--a righteousness procured by

the death and resurrection of Christ.”[529]

Goodwin, in his _Redemption Redeemed_, earnestly insists upon

the broad view of the effect of the Atonement,--“that there is a

possibility, yea a fair and gracious possibility, for all men without

exception, considered as men, without and before their voluntary

obduration by actual sinning to obtain actual salvation by His death;

so that, in case any man perisheth, his destruction is altogether

from himself, there being as much, and as much intended, in the death

of Christ to and towards the procuring of his salvation, as there is

for procuring the salvation of any of those who come to be actually

saved.”[530]

The great moot point between the old-fashioned Calvinists and their

opponents is treated by this intensely-evangelical Arminian in such a

way in his concessions, that he approaches rather closely to modern

Calvinism, without conceding the whole for which the advocates of the

latter system would stipulate.[531]

[Sidenote: JOHN GOODWIN.]

John Goodwin’s object was, whilst magnifying the grace of God, to

preserve what is demanded by the personality, the free agency, and

the responsibility of man. He so clearly explains his opinion and so

carefully fences it round, he so distinctly asserts the Divine origin

of salvation in every individual, and so vigilantly repels every idea

of indigenous rectitude in human nature, suffering from the fall, that

no one can charge his creed with any Pelagian or even semi-Pelagian

taint. So far as that point is concerned, Goodwin’s opinion might

have received the approval of Augustine, and it ought to have passed

muster with the second Councils of Milevis and Orange. Whether the

keen Catholic theologians of the fourth and fifth centuries, in their

jealousy for orthodox opinion, would have endorsed the following

sentence is another question: “That the act of believing whensoever it

is performed, is at so low a rate of efficiency from a man’s self, that

suppose the act could be divided into a thousand parts, nine hundred,

ninety, and nine of them are to be ascribed unto the free grace of God,

and only one unto man. Yea, this one is no otherwise to be ascribed to

man, than as supported, strengthened, and assisted by the free grace of

God.”

Goodwin was a person who thought for himself, and looked at a subject

on more sides than one, and was as zealous to maintain the freeness

of Divine grace as any Divine could be; consequently, we find him

expressing himself, so as to appear, in the eyes of opponents,

logically inconsistent, although he had a way of his own by which to

defend himself against the imputation. Although he distinctly denies

the Calvinistic doctrine of predestination, yet he maintains, when

stating his own opinion on the subject, that predestination does not

depend on the foresight of faith, or righteousness. “For though it

be supposed,” he says, “that God decreeth to elect, and accordingly

actually electeth all that believe and none other; yet this, at no hand

proveth, either that His purpose, or the execution hereof, proceed in

their origination, from the faith of such persons foreseen, no nor from

the foresight of their faith: though this be more tolerable than the

other. There is nothing in the nature of faith, nor in God’s foresight

of faith, in what persons soever, that hath in it any generative virtue

of any such purpose in God.”

There were other Puritans who adopted Arminian views. John Horne, Vicar

of Allhallows, Lynn--a learned man of most exemplary and primitive

piety who was ejected in 1662--previously published a book entitled,

“The open door for Man’s approach to God; or, a vindication of the

Record of God concerning the extent of the death of Christ.”[532]

Tobias Conyers, Minister of St. Ethelbert’s, London, also one of the

ejected clergy, accused of being “schismatical and heretical,”--but

who seems to have been a man of high character, and of a catholic

spirit,--published, in 1657, a translation of a work by Arminius, under

the title of “The Just Man’s Defence, or the Royal Conquest.”[533]

Of George Lawson, Rector of More, in Shropshire, who animadverted

upon Baxter’s _Aphorisms of Justification_, Baxter himself

remarks,--after eulogizing him as almost the ablest man whom he knew

in England,--“He was himself near the Arminians, differing from them

only in the point of perseverance as to the confirmed, and some little

matters more.” He published (1659) an excellent sum of divinity, called

_Theopolitica_.[534]

[Sidenote: JOHN GOODWIN.]

The position of these Divines, especially of John Goodwin, amongst the

religious thinkers of that age, is remarkable and significant, and

deserves much more attention than it has ever received. The common

notion is that the Puritan movement, in its theological character, was

essentially Calvinistic, that Calvinism constituted its life and soul;

and, moreover, that evangelical opinions in general,--understanding

by them those views of the Gospel which rest on a keen appreciation

of its precious and saving character,--necessarily involve ideas

of Divine predestination, akin to those which were entertained by

the great Genevan Reformer. Both the disciples and the opponents of

that illustrious man have, in many cases, adopted or countenanced

this conception. But the writers we have just described show us that

it is a mistake. Here were men Puritan in spirit, Puritan in their

characteristic religiousness, Puritan in their habits and modes of

life, who, so far from being imbued with the distinctive sentiments of

John Calvin on the subject of the Divine purposes and decrees, utterly

repudiated them, and spent an immense amount of time and thought

upon their confutation. They believed in justification by faith, in

conversion to God, in the gracious work of the Holy Spirit upon the

human soul, and in the riches of Divine mercy manifested throughout the

salvation of men, as firmly and deeply as did any of those who most

fervently proclaimed the doctrines of election, effectual calling, and

perseverance. Neither their philosophy, nor their logic, nor their

religion, led them to identify the one class of ideas with the other.

And, if the discussion were proper in a work like this, it would

not be difficult to show, that the motive power in Puritanism--that

which made it such a well-spring of life and energy to multitudes of

Englishmen--consisted not in high notions of predestination, where such

notions were entertained, but in those articles of evangelical belief

which can unite devout Calvinists and devout Arminians in the bonds

of a common experience, and in the inheritance of the same hope. And,

if anything further were needful to prove that the Puritan spirit can

exist and thrive apart from Calvinistic theology, it is sufficient to

point to the Wesleyans of the present day, than whom none are more

decided in their opposition to predestinarianism, none are more zealous

in preaching salvation by grace, and none are more inspired with the

life and glow of a warm-hearted piety.

Anti-Calvinistic zeal, however, often took an anti-Puritanical form,

and by assaults which were made upon predestinarian principles, the

interests of evangelical religion were very seriously compromised.

[Sidenote: “FUR PRÆDESTINATUS.”]

A Latin tract, entitled _Fur Prædestinatus_, made some noise at

the time of its publication, and has received the commendation of

literary and theological critics. The _Fur Prædestinatus_ was

printed in London in 1651. D’Oyley, simply on the ground of general

rumour, ascribes the tract to Sancroft, and prints it in his life.

Hallam accepts the rumour, adding, “It is much the best proof of

ability that the worthy Archbishop ever gave.” Birch says, in his

_Memoirs of Tillotson_, that Sancroft joined with Mr. George

Davenport, and another of his friends, in composing this satire upon

Calvinism. But Jackson, in his _Life of John Goodwin_, affirms

that the tract was in existence many years before Sancroft was capable

of such a production. He adds, it was circulated in Holland, at the

early part of the seventeenth century, and was thought to have been

written by Henry Slatius. It is a dialogue between a condemned thief

and a Calvinistic minister, in which it is attempted to be shown,

that not only the doctrine of predestination but also the doctrine of

justification by faith is marked by an immoral tendency, and several

quotations from Luther and Zwingle, as well as from Calvin, Beza,

and others, are pressed into the service. It exhibits, no doubt,

some cleverness, and from the narrow view of the Atonement which

is introduced, as held by some distinguished evangelical Divines,

consequences are drawn which it would be difficult logically to repel.

Yet most persons will acknowledge, that conducting controversy,

dialogue fashion, is more easy for an author than it is satisfactory

to a reader; and that, in this controversy especially, allusions to

all sorts of authors can with ease be unfairly brought together, so as

to impart a specious appearance to allegations which on a thorough

scrutiny are found to be perfectly untrue. Certainly, Luther and Calvin

never dreamt of entertaining such views as are put into the lips of the

criminal and of his spiritual adviser--and they would have crushed,

with a force of logic too much for a stronger man than the writer now

under review, whoever he might be, the sophisms which are employed in

the _Fur Prædestinatus_, to the discredit of that which Reformers

held to be the scriptural doctrines of Divine grace.

Two eminent Puritans remain for consideration, and they may be regarded

as maintaining an intermediate position between High Calvinists and

Evangelical Arminians.

Ecclesiastical History of England, Volume 4—The Church of the Restoration [part 2] · 第 19 / 25 章