THE LATER REIGN OF WILLIAM III, AND THE REGENCY OF
QUEEN EMMA, 1872-1898
The death of Thorbecke was the signal for a growing cleavage between the
old _doctrinaire_ school of liberals, who adhered to the principles of
1848, and the advanced liberalism of many of the younger progressive
type. To Gerrit de Vries was entrusted the duty of forming a ministry,
and he had the assistance of the former first minister, F. van de Putte.
His position was weakened by the opposition of the Catholic party, who
became alienated from the liberals, partly on the religious education
question, but more especially because their former allies refused to
protest against the Italian occupation of Rome. The election of 1873 did
not improve matters, for it left the divided liberals to face an
opposition of equal strength, whenever the conservatives,
anti-revolutionaries and Catholics acted together. This same year saw
the first phase of the war with the piratical state of Achin. An
expedition of 3600 men under General Köhler was sent out against the
defiant sultan in April, 1873, but suffered disaster, the General
himself dying of disease. A second stronger expedition under General van
Swieten was then dispatched, which was successful; and the sultan was
deposed in January, 1874. This involved heavy charges on the treasury;
and the ministry, after suffering two reverses in the Second Chamber,
resigned (June, 1874), being succeeded by a Heemskerk coalition
ministry.
Heemskerk in his former premiership had shown himself to be a clever
tactician, and for three years he managed to maintain himself in office
against the combined opposition of the advanced liberals, the
anti-revolutionaries and the Catholics. Groen van Prinsterer died in
May, 1876; and with his death the hitherto aristocratic and exclusive
party, which he had so long led, became transformed. Under its new
leader, Abraham Kuyper, it became democratised, and, by combining its
support of the religious principle in education with that of progressive
reform, was able to exercise a far wider influence in the political
sphere. Kuyper, for many years a Calvinist pastor, undertook in 1872 the
editorship of the anti-revolutionary paper, _De Standdard_. In 1874 he
was elected member for Gouda, but resigned in order to give his whole
time to journalism in the interest of the political principles to which
he now devoted his great abilities.
The Heemskerk ministry had the support of no party, but by the
opportunist skill of its chief it continued in office for three years;
no party was prepared to take its place, and "the government of the king
must be carried on." The measures that were passed in this time were
useful rather than important. An attempt to deal with primary
instruction led to the downfall of the ministry. The elections of 1877
strengthened the liberals; and, an amendment to the speech from the
throne being carried, Heemskerk resigned. His place was taken by Joannes
Kappeyne, leader of the progressive liberals. A new department of State
was now created, that of Waterways and Commerce, whose duties in a
country like Holland, covered with a net-work of dykes and canals, was
of great importance. A measure which denied State support to the
"private" schools was bitterly resisted by the anti-revolutionaries and
the Catholics, whose union in defence of religious education was from
this time forward to become closer. The outlay in connection with the
costly Achin war, which had broken out afresh, led to a considerable
deficit in the budget. In consequence of this a proposal for the
construction of some new canals was rejected by a majority of one. The
financial difficulties, which had necessitated the imposing of unpopular
taxes, had once more led to divisions in the liberal ranks; and
Kappeyne, finding that the king would not support his proposals for a
revision of the Fundamental Law, saw no course open to him but
resignation.
In these circumstances the king decided to ask an anti-revolutionary,
Count van Lynden van Sandenburg, to form a "Ministry of Affairs,"
composed of moderate men of various parties. Van Lynden had a difficult
task, but with the strong support of the king his policy of conciliation
carried him safely through four disquieting and anxious years. The
revolt of the Boers in the Transvaal against British rule caused great
excitement in Holland, and aroused much sympathy. Van Lynden was careful
to avoid any steps which might give umbrage to England, and he was
successful in his efforts. The Achin trouble was, however, still a
cause of much embarrassment. Worst of all was the series of bereavements
which at this time befell the House of Orange-Nassau. In 1877 Queen
Sophie died, affectionately remembered for her interest in art and
science, and her exemplary life. The king's brother, Henry, for thirty
years Stadholder of Luxemburg, died childless early in 1879; and shortly
afterwards in June the Prince of Orange, who had never married, passed
away suddenly at Paris. The two sons of William III's uncle Frederick
predeceased their father, whose death took place in 1881. Alexander, the
younger son of the king, was sickly and feeble-minded; and with his
decease in 1884, the male line of the House of Orange-Nassau became
extinct. Foreseeing such a possibility in January, 1879, the already
aged king took in second wedlock the youthful Princess Emma of
Waldeck-Pyrmont. Great was the joy of the Dutch people, when, on August
31, 1880, she gave birth to a princess, Wilhelmina, who became from this
time forth the hope of a dynasty, whose history for three centuries had
been bound up with that of the nation.
The Van Lynden administration, having steered its way through many
parliamentary crises for four years, was at last beaten upon a proposal
to enlarge the franchise, and resigned (February 26, 1883). To Heemskerk
was confided the formation of a coalition ministry of a neutral
character; and this experienced statesman became for the third time
first minister of the crown. The dissensions in the liberal party
converted the Second Chamber into a meeting-place of hostile factions;
and Heemskerk was better fitted than any other politician to be the head
of a government which, having no majority to support it, had to rely
upon tactful management and expediency. The rise of a socialist party
under the enthusiastic leadership of a former Lutheran pastor, Domela
Nieuwenhuis, added to the perplexities of the position. It soon became
evident that a revision of the Fundamental Law and an extension of the
franchise, which the king no longer opposed, was inevitable. Meanwhile
the death of Prince Alexander and the king's growing infirmities made it
necessary to provide, by a bill passed on August 2,1884, that Queen Emma
should become regent during her daughter's minority.
Everything conspired to beset the path of the Heemskerk ministry with
hindrances to administrative or legislative action. The bad state of the
finances (chiefly owing to the calls for the Achin war) the subdivision
of all parties into groups, the socialist agitation and the weak
health of the king, created something like a parliamentary deadlock. A
revision of the constitution became more and more pressing as the only
remedy, though no party was keenly in its favour. Certain proposals for
revision were made by the government (March, 1885), but the
anti-revolutionaries, the Catholics and the conservatives were united in
opposition, unless concessions were made in the matter of religious
education. Such concessions as were finally offered were rejected
(April, 1886), and Heemskerk offered his resignation. Baron Mackay
(anti-revolutionary) declining office, a dissolution followed. The
result of the elections, however, was inconclusive, the liberals of all
shades having a bare majority of four; but there was no change of
ministry. A more conciliatory spirit fortunately prevailed under stress
of circumstances in the new Chamber; and at last, after many debates,
the law revising the constitution was passed through both Chambers, and
approved by the king (November 30, 1887). It was a compromise measure,
and no violent changes were made. The First Chamber was to consist of 50
members, appointed by the Provincial Councils; the Second Chamber of 100
members, chosen by an electorate of male persons of not less than 25
years of age with a residential qualification and possessing "signs of
fitness and social well-being"--a vague phrase requiring future
definition. The number of electors was increased from (in round numbers)
100,000 to 350,000, but universal male suffrage, the demand of the
socialists and more advanced liberals, was not conceded.
The elections of 1888 were fought on the question of religious education
in the primary schools. The two "Christian" parties, the Calvinist
anti-revolutionaries under the leadership of Dr Kuyper, and the
Catholics, who had found a leader of eloquence and power in Dr
Schaepman, a Catholic priest, coalesced in a common programme for a
revision of Kappeyne's Education Act of 1878. The coalition obtained a
majority, 27 anti-revolutionaries and 25 Catholics being returned as
against 46 liberals of various groups. For the first time a socialist,
Domela Nieuwenhuis, was elected. The conservative party was reduced to
one member. In the First Chamber the liberals still commanded a
majority. In April, 1888, Baron Mackay, an anti-revolutionary of
moderate views, became first minister. The coalition made the revision
of the Education Act of 1878 their first business; and they obtained the
support of some liberals who were anxious to see the school question
out of the way. The so-called "Mackay Law" was passed in 1889. It
provided that "private" schools should receive State support on
condition that they conformed to the official regulations; that the
number of scholars should be not less than twenty-five; and that they
should be under the management of some body, religious or otherwise,
recognised by the State. This settlement was a compromise, but it
offered the solution of an acute controversy and was found to work
satisfactorily.
The death of King William on November 23, 1890, was much mourned by his
people. He was a man of strong and somewhat narrow views, but during his
reign of 41 years his sincere love for his country was never in doubt,
nor did he lose popularity by his anti-liberal attitude on many
occasions, for it was known to arise from honest conviction; and it was
amidst general regret that the last male representative of the House of
Orange-Nassau was laid in his grave.
A proposal by the Catholic minister Borgesius for the introduction of
universal personal military service was displeasing however to many of
his own party, and it was defeated with the help of Catholic dissidents.
An election followed, and the liberals regained a majority. A new
government was formed of a moderate progressive character, the premier
being Cornelis van Tienhoven. It was a ministry of talents, Tak van
Poortvliet (interior) and N.G. Pierson (finance) being men of marked
ability. Pierson had more success than any of his predecessors in
bringing to an end the recurring deficits in the annual balance sheet.
He imposed an income tax on all incomes above 650 florins derived from
salaries or commerce. All other sources of income were capitalised
(funds, investments, farming, etc.); and a tax was placed on all capital
above 13,000 florins. Various duties and customs were lowered, to the
advantage of trade. There was, however, a growing demand for a still
further extension of the franchise, and for an official interpretation
of that puzzling qualification of the Revision of 1889--"signs of
fitness and social well-being." Tak van Poortvliet brought in a measure
which would practically have introduced universal male suffrage, for he
interpreted the words as including all who could write and did not
receive doles from charity. This proposal, brought forward in 1893,
again split up the liberal party. The moderates under the leadership of
Samuel van Houten vigorously opposed such an increase of the electorate;
and they had the support of the more conservative anti-revolutionaries
and a large part of the Catholics. The more democratic followers of
Kuyper and Schaepman and the progressive radicals ranged themselves on
the side of Tak van Poortvliet. All parties were thus broken up into
hostile groups. The election of 1894 was contested no longer on party
lines, but between Takkians and anti-Takkians. The result was adverse to
Tak, his following only mustering 46 votes against 54 for their
opponents.
A new administration therefore came into office (May, 1894) under the
presidency of Jonkheer Johan Roëll with Van Houten as minister of the
interior. On Van Houten's shoulders fell the task of preparing a new
electoral law. His proposals were finally approved in 1896. Before this
took place the minister of finance, Spenger van Eyk, had succeeded in
relieving the treasury by the conversion of the public debt from a 3-1/2
to a 3 per cent, security. The Van Houten reform of the franchise was
very complicated, as there were six different categories of persons
entitled to exercise the suffrage: (1) payers of at least one guilder in
direct taxation; (2) householders or lodgers paying a certain minimum
rent and having a residential qualification; (3) proprietors or hirers
of vessels of 24 tons at least; (4) earners of a certain specified wage
or salary; (5) investors of 100 guilders in the public funds or of 50
guilders in a savings bank; (6) persons holding certain educational
diplomas. This very wide and comprehensive franchise raised the number
of electors to about 700,000.
The election of 1897, after first promising a victory to the more
conservative groups, ended by giving a small majority to the liberals,
the progressive section winning a number of seats, and the socialists
increasing their representation in the Chamber. A liberal-concentration
cabinet took the place of the Roell-Van Houten ministry, its leading
members being Pierson (finance) and Goeman-Borgesius (interior). For a
right understanding of the parliamentary situation at this time and
during the years that follow, a brief account of the groups and sections
of groups into which political parties in Holland were divided, must
here interrupt the narrative of events.
It has already been told that the deaths of Thorbecke and Groen
van Prinsterer led to a breaking up of the old parties and the
formation of new groups. The Education Act of 1878 brought about an
alliance of the two parties, who made the question of religious
education in the primary schools the first article of their political
programme--the anti-revolutionaries led by the ex-Calvinist pastor
Dr Abraham Kuyper and the Catholics by Dr Schaepman, a Catholic
priest. Kuyper and Schaepman were alike able journalists, and used
the press with conspicuous success for the propagation of their
views, both being advocates of social reform on democratic lines. The
anti-revolutionaries, however, did not, as a body, follow the lead of
Kuyper. An aristocratic section, whose principles were those of Groen
van Prinsterer, "orthodox" and "conservative," under the appellation of
"Historical Christians," were opposed to the democratic ideas of Kuyper,
and were by tradition anti-Catholic. Their leader was Jonkheer Savornin
Lohman. For some years there was a separate Frisian group of "Historical
Christians," but these finally amalgamated with the larger body. The
liberals meanwhile had split up into three groups: (1) the Old
Independent _(vrij)_ Liberals; (2) the Liberal Progressive Union
_(Unie van vooruitstrevende Liberalen)_; (3) Liberal-Democrats
_(vrijzinnig-democratischen Bond)_. The socialist party was a
development of the _Algemeene Nederlandsche Werklieden Verbond_ founded
in 1871. Ten years later, by the activities of the fiery agitator,
Domela Nieuwenhuis, the Social-Democratic Bond was formed; and the
socialists became a political party. The loss of Nieuwenhuis' seat in
1891 had the effect of making him abandon constitutional methods for a
revolutionary and anti-religious crusade. The result of this was a split
in the socialist party and the formation, under the leadership of
Troelstra, Van Kol and Van der Goes, of the "Social-Democratic Workmen's
Party," which aimed at promoting the welfare of the proletariat on
socialistic lines, but by parliamentary means. The followers of Domela
Nieuwenhuis, whose openly avowed principles were "the destruction of
actual social conditions by all means legal and illegal," were after
1894 known as "the Socialist Bond." This anarchical party, who took as
their motto "neither God nor master," rapidly decreased in number; their
leader, discouraged by his lack of success in 1898, withdrew finally
from the political arena; and the Socialist Bond was dissolved. This
gave an accession of strength to the "Social-Democratic Workmen's
Party," which has since the beginning of the present century gradually
acquired an increasing hold upon the electorate.
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