THE BATAVIAN REPUBLIC, 1795-1806
On January 19, 1795, Amsterdam fell into the hands of the advancing
French troops. Daendels had previously caused a proclamation to be
distributed which declared "that the representatives of the French
people wished the Dutch nation to make themselves free; that they do not
desire to oppress them as conquerors, but to ally themselves with them
as with a free people." A complete change of the city government took
place without any disturbance or shedding of blood. At the summons of
the Revolutionary Committee the members of the Town Council left the
Council Hall and were replaced by twenty-one citizens "as provisional
representatives of the people of Amsterdam." Of this body Rutger Jan
Schimmelpenninck, a former advocate of the Council, was appointed
president. The other towns, one after the other, followed in the steps
of the capital. The patrician corporations were abolished and replaced
by provisional municipal assemblies. Everywhere the downfall of the old
_régime_ was greeted with tumultuous joy by those large sections of the
Dutch population which had imbibed revolutionary principles; and the
French troops were welcomed by the "patriots" as brothers and
deliverers. "Trees of Liberty," painted in the national colours, were
erected in the principal squares; and the citizens, wearing "caps of
liberty" danced round them hand in hand with the foreign soldiers.
Feast-making, illuminations and passionate orations, telling that a new
era of "liberty, fraternity and equality" had dawned for the Batavian
people, were the order of the day. The Revolution was not confined to
the town-corporations. At the invitation of the Amsterdam Committee and
under the protection of the French representatives, deputations from
fourteen towns met at the Hague on January 26. Taking possession of the
Assembly Hall of the Estates of Holland and choosing as their president
Pieter Paulus, a man generally respected, this Provisional Assembly
proceeded to issue a series of decrees subverting all the ancient
institutions of the land. The representation by Estates and the
offices of stadholder and of council-pensionary were abolished. The old
colleges such as the Commissioned Councillors, the Admiralties, the
Chamber of Accounts, were changed into Committees for General Welfare,
for War, for Marine, for Finance, etc. The other provinces in turn
followed Holland's example; and the changes in the provincial
administrations were then quickly extended to the States-General. These
retained their name, but were now to be representative of the citizens
of the whole land. The Council of State was transformed into a Committee
for General Affairs; and a Colonial Council replaced the East and West
India Companies and the Society of Surinam. To the Committee for General
Affairs was entrusted the task of drawing up a plan for the summoning of
a National Convention on March 4.
So far all had gone smoothly with the course of the revolutionary
movement, so much so that its leaders seem almost to have forgotten that
the land was in the occupation of a foreign conqueror. The unqualified
recognition of Batavian independence, however, in the proclamation by
Daendels had caused dissatisfaction in Paris. The Committee of Public
Safety had no intention of throwing away the fruits of victory; and two
members of the Convention, Cochon and Ramel, were despatched to Holland
to report upon the condition of affairs. They arrived at the Hague on
February 7. Both reports recommended that a war-indemnity should be
levied on the Republic, but counselled moderation, for, though the
private wealth of the Dutch was potentially large, the State was
practically insolvent. These proposals were too mild to please the
Committee of Public Safety. The new States-General had sent (March 3)
two envoys, Van Blauw and Meyer, to Paris with instructions to propose a
treaty of alliance and of commerce with France, to ask for the
withdrawal of the French troops and that the land should not be flooded
with _assignats_. The independence of the Batavian Republic was taken
for granted. Very different were the conditions laid before them by
Merlin de Douat, Rewbell and Siéyès. A war contribution of 100,000,000
florins was demanded, to be paid in ready money within three months, a
loan of like amount at 3 per cent, and the surrender of all territory
south of the Waal together with Dutch Flanders, Walcheren and South
Beveland. Moreover there was to be no recognition of Batavian
independence until a satisfactory treaty on the above lines was drawn
up.
These hard conditions were on March 23 rejected by the States-General.
Wiser counsels however prevented this point-blank refusal being sent to
Paris, and it was hoped that a policy of delay might secure better
terms. The negotiations went on slowly through March and April; and, as
Blauw and Meyer had no powers as accredited plenipotentiaries, the
Committee determined to send Rewbell and Siéyès to the Hague, armed with
full authority to push matters through.
The envoys reached the Hague on May 8, and found the States-General in a
more yielding mood than might have been expected from their previous
attitude. Rewbell and Siéyès knew how to play upon the fears of the
Provisional Government by representing to them that, if the terms they
offered were rejected, their choice lay between French annexation or an
Orange restoration. Four members were appointed by the States-General
with full powers to negotiate. The conferences began on May 11; and in
five days an agreement was reached. The Batavian Republic, recognised as
a free and independent State, entered into an offensive and defensive
alliance with the French Republic. But the Dutch had to cede Maestricht,
Venloo and Dutch Flanders and to pay an indemnity of 100,000,000
florins. Flushing was to receive a French garrison, and its harbour was
to be used in common by the two powers; 25,000 French troops were to be
quartered in the Republic and were to be fed, clothed and paid. The
Dutch were compelled to permit the free circulation of the worthless
_assignats_ in their country.
One of the first results of this treaty was a breach with Great Britain.
The Dutch coast was blockaded; British fleets stopped all sea-borne
commerce; and the Dutch colonies in the East and West Indies were one
after the other captured. The action of the Prince of Orange made this
an easy task. William placed in the hands of the British commanders
letters addressed to the governors of the Dutch colonies ordering them
"to admit the troops sent out on behalf of his Britannic Majesty and to
offer no resistance to the British warships, but to regard them as
vessels of a friendly Power." The Cape of Good Hope surrendered to
Admiral Rodney; and in quick succession followed Malacca, Ceylon and the
Moluccas. A squadron of nine ships under Rear-Admiral Lucas, sent out to
recover the Cape and the other East Indian possessions, was compelled to
surrender to the English in Saldanha Bay on August 17, 1796, almost
without resistance, owing to the Orange sympathies of the crews. The
West Indian Colonies fared no better. Demerara, Essequibo and Berbice
capitulated in the spring of 1796; Surinam remained in Dutch hands until
1799; Java until 1801. The occupation by the English of this island, the
most important of all the Dutch overseas possessions, made the tale of
their colonial losses complete. The offensive and defensive alliance
with France had thus brought upon the Republic, as a trading and
colonial power, a ruin which the efforts of the provisional government
under French pressure to re-organise and strengthen their naval and
military forces had been unable to prevent. The erstwhile exiles,
Daendels and Dumonceau, who had attained the rank of generals in the
French service, were on their return entrusted with the task of raising
an army of 36,000 men, disciplined and equipped on the French system.
The navy was dealt with by a special Committee, of which Pieter Paulus
was the energetic president. Unfortunately for the Committee, a large
proportion of the officers and crews were strongly Orangist. Most of the
officers resigned, and it was necessary to purge the crews. Their places
had to be supplied by less experienced and trustworthy material; but
Vice-Admiral Jan de Winter did his utmost to create a fleet in fit
condition to join the French and Spanish fleets in convoying an
expeditionary force to make a descent upon the coast of Ireland. In
July, 1797, eighty ships were concentrated at the Texel with troops on
board, ready to join the Franco-Spanish squadrons, which were to sail
from Brest. But the junction was never effected. Week after week the
Dutch admiral was prevented from leaving the Texel by contrary winds.
The idea of an invasion of Ireland was given up, but so great was the
disappointment in Holland and such the pressure exerted on De Winter by
the Commission of Foreign Affairs, that he was obliged against his will
to put to sea on October 7, and attack the English fleet under the
command of Admiral Duncan, who was blockading the Dutch coast. The
number of vessels on the two sides was not unequal, but neither officers
nor crews under De Winter could compare in seamanship and experience
with their opponents. The fleets met off Camperdown and the Dutch fought
with their traditional bravery, but the defeat was complete. Out of
sixteen ships of the line nine were taken, including the flag-ship of De
Winter himself.
Meanwhile there had arisen strong differences of opinion in the Republic
as to the form of government which was to replace the old confederacy of
seven sovereign provinces. No one probably wished to continue a system
which had long proved itself obsolete and unworkable. But particularism
was still strong, especially in the smaller provinces. The country found
itself divided into two sharply opposed parties of Unitarians and
federalists. The Unitarians were the most active, and meetings were held
all over the country by the local Jacobin clubs. Finally it was
determined to hold a central meeting of delegates from all the clubs at
the Hague. The meeting took place on Jan. 26, 1796, and resolutions were
passed in favour of summoning a National Convention to draw up a new
constitution on Unitarian lines. Holland and Utrecht pressed the matter
forward in the States-General, and they had the support of Gelderland
and Overyssel, but Zeeland, Friesland and Groningen refused their
assent. Their action was very largely financial, as provinces whose
indebtedness was small dreaded lest unification should increase their
burden. But even in the recalcitrant provinces there were a large number
of moderate men; and through the intervention of the French ambassador,
Nöel, who gave strong support to the Unitarians, the proposal of Holland
for a National Assembly to meet on March 1 was carried (February 18) by
a unanimous vote. The following Provisional Regulation was then rapidly
drawn up by a special committee. The land was divided into districts
each containing 15,000 inhabitants; these again into fundamental
assemblies (_grondvergaderingen_) of 500 persons; each of these
assemblies chose an "elector" (_kiezer_); and then the group of thirty
electors chose a deputy to represent the district. The National Assembly
was in this way to consist of one hundred and twenty-six members; its
deliberations were to be public, the voting individualistic and the
majority to prevail. A Commission of twenty-one deputies was to be
appointed, who were to frame a draft-Constitution, which after approval
by the Assembly was to be submitted to the whole body of the people for
acceptance or rejection.
The Assembly, having duly met on March 1, 1796, in the Binnenhof at the
Hague, elected Pieter Paulus as their president, but had the misfortune
to lose his experienced direction very speedily. He had for some time
been in bad health, and on March 17 he died. It fell to his lot to
assist at the ceremonial closing of the last meeting of the
States-General, which had governed the Republic of the United
Netherlands for more than two centuries.
The National Assembly reflected the pronounced differences of opinion in
the land. Orangist opinion had no representatives, although possibly
more than half the population had Orange sympathies. All the deputies
had accepted in principle French revolutionary ideas, but there were
three distinct parties, the unitarians, the moderates and the
federalists. The moderates, who were in a majority, occupied, as their
name implied, an intermediate position between the unitarians or
revolutionary party, who wished for a centralised republic after the
French model, and the federalists or conservatives, who aimed at
retaining so far as possible the rights of the several provinces and
towns to manage their own affairs. The leaders of the unitarians were
Vreede, Midderigh, Valckenier and Gogel; of the moderates
Schimmelpenninck, Hahn and Kantelaur; of the federalists, Vitringa, Van
Marle and De Mist. After the death of Pieter Paulus the most influential
man in an Assembly composed of politicians mostly without any
parliamentary experience was the eloquent and astute Schimmelpenninck,
whose opportunist moderation sprang from a natural dislike of extreme
courses.
One of the first cares of the Assembly was the appointment of the
Commission of twenty-one members to draw up a draft Constitution. The
(so-styled) Regulation, representing the views of the moderate majority,
was presented to the Assembly on November 10. The Republic was
henceforth to be a unified state governed by the Sovereign People; but
the old provinces, though now named departments, were to retain large
administrative rights and their separate financial quotas. The draft met
fierce opposition from the unitarians, but after much discussion and
many amendments it was at length accepted by the majority. It had,
however, before becoming law, to be submitted to the people; and the
network of Jacobin clubs throughout the country, under the leadership of
the central club at Amsterdam, carried on a widespread and secret
revolutionary propaganda against the Regulation. They tried to enlist
the open co-operation of the French ambassador, Noël, but he, acting
under the instruction of the cautious Talleyrand, was not disposed to
commit himself.
The unitarian campaign was so successful that the Regulation, on being
submitted to the Fundamental Assemblies, was rejected by 136,716 votes
to 27,955. In these circumstances, as had been previously arranged by
the Provisional Government, it was necessary to summon another National
Assembly to draw up another draft Constitution. It met on September 1,
1797. The moderates, though they lost some seats, were still in a
majority; and the new Commission of Twenty-One had, as before,
federalistic leanings. The Unitarians, therefore, without awaiting their
proposals, under the leadership of the stalwart revolutionary, Vreede,
determined to take strong action. The _coup d'état_ they planned was
helped forward by two events. The first was the revolution in Paris of
September 4, 1797, which led to the replacing of ambassador Noël by the
pronounced Jacobin, Charles Delacroix. The other event was the disaster
which befell the Dutch fleet at Camperdown, the blame for which was laid
upon the Provisional Government.
Vreede and his confederates being assured by Delacroix of the supportof
the new French Directory, and of the co-operation of the French General
Joubert and of Daendels, the commander of the Batavian army, chose for
the execution of their plan the week in which Midderigh, one of the
confederates, took his turn as president of the Assembly. Midderigh, by
virtue of his office, being in command of the Hague civic force, on
January 22, 1798, seized and imprisoned the members of the Committee for
Foreign Affairs and twenty-two members of the Assembly. The "Rump" then
met, protected by a strong body of troops, and declared itself a
Constituent Assembly representing the Batavian people. After the French
model, an Executive Council was nominated, consisting of five members,
Vreede, Fijnje, Fokker, Wildrik and Van Langen, and a new Commission of
Seven to frame a Constitution. The "Regulation" was rejected; and the
Assembly solemnly proclaimed its "unalterable aversion" to the
stadholderate, federalism, aristocracy and governmental
decentralisation.
French influence was henceforth paramount; and the draft of the new
Constitution, in the framing of which Delacroix took a leading part, was
ready on March 6. Eleven days later it was approved by the Assembly. The
Fundamental Assemblies in their turn assented to it by 165,520 votes to
11,597, considerable official pressure being exerted to secure this
result; and the Constitution came thus into legal existence. Its
principal provisions were directed to the complete obliteration of the
old provincial particularism. The land was divided into eight
departments, whose boundaries in no case coincided with those of the
provinces. Holland was split up among five departments; that of the
Amstel, with Amsterdam as its capital, being the only one that did not
contain portions of two or more provinces. Each department was divided
into seven circles; each of these returned one member; and the body of
seven formed the departmental government. The circles in their turn were
divided into communes, each department containing sixty or seventy. All
these local administrations were, however, quite subordinate to the
authority exercised by the central Representative Body. For the purpose
of electing this body the land was divided into ninety-four districts;
each district into forty "Fundamental Assemblies," each of 500 persons.
The forty "electors" chosen by these units in their turn elected the
deputy for the department. The ninety-four deputies formed the
Representative Body, which was divided into two Chambers. The Second
Chamber of thirty members was annually chosen by lot from the
ninety-four, the other sixty-four forming the First Chamber. The framing
and proposing of all laws was the prerogative of the First Chamber. The
Second Chamber accepted or rejected these proposed laws, but for a
second rejection a two-thirds majority was required. The Executive Power
was vested in a Directorate of five persons, one of whom was to retire
every year. To supply his place the Second Chamber chose one out of
three persons selected by the First Chamber. The Directorate had the
assistance of eight agents or ministers: Foreign Affairs, War, Marine,
Finance, Justice, Police, Education, and Economy. Finance was
nationalised, all charges and debts being borne in common. Church and
State were separated, payments to the Reformed ministers from the State
ceasing in three years.
Such was the project, but it was not to be carried into effect without
another _coup d'état_. It was now the duty of the Constituent Assembly
to proceed to the election of a Representative Body. Instead of this, on
May 4, 1798, the Assembly declared itself to be Representative, so that
power remained in the hands of the Executive Council, who were afraid of
an election returning a majority of "moderates." But this autocratic act
aroused considerable discontent amongst all except the extreme Jacobin
faction. The opponents of the Executive Council found a leader in
Daendels, who, strong "unionist" though he was, was dissatisfied with
the arbitrary conduct of this self-constituted government, and more
especially in matters connected with the army. Daendels betook himself
to Paris, where he was favourably received by the Foreign Secretary,
Talleyrand, and with his help was able to persuade the French Directory
that it was not in their interest to support the Jacobin Council in
their illegal retention of office. Daendels accordingly returned to
Holland, where he found the French commander, Joubert, friendly to his
project, and three of the "agents," including Pijman, the Minister of
War, ready to help him. Placed in command of the troops at the Hague,
Daendels (June 12, 1798) arrested the directors and the presidents of
the two Chambers. The Constituent Assembly was dissolved and a new
Representative Body was (July 31) elected. The moderates, as was
expected, were in a considerable majority; and five members of that
party, Van Hasselt, Hoeth, Van Haersolte, Van Hoeft and Ermerius were
appointed Directors.
The country was now at length in the enjoyment of a settled constitution
based upon liberal principles and popular representation. Daendels,
though his influence was great, never attempted to play the part of a
military dictator; and, though party passions were strong, no political
persecutions followed. Nevertheless troubled times awaited the Batavian
Republic, and the Constitution of 1798 was not to have a long life.
The Emperor Paul of Russia had taken up arms with Great Britain and
Austria against revolutionary France, and the hopes of the Orange party
began to rise. The hereditary prince was very active and, though he was
unable to move his brother-in-law, the King of Prussia, to take active
steps in his favour, he succeeded in securing the intervention of an
Anglo-Russian force on his behalf. In August, 1798, a strong English
fleet under Admiral Duncan appeared off Texel and in the name of the
Prince of Orange demanded the surrender of the Batavian fleet which lay
there under Rear-Admiral Story. Story refused. A storm prevented the
English from taking immediate action; but on the 26th a landing of
troops was effected near Callantroog and the Batavian forces abandoned
the Helder. Story had withdrawn his fleet to Vlieter, but Orangist
sympathies were strong among his officers and crews, and he was
compelled to surrender. The ships, hoisting the Orange flag, became
henceforth a squadron attached to the English fleet. Such was the
humiliating end of the Batavian navy. The efforts of the hereditary
prince to stir up an insurrection in Overyssel and Gelderland failed;
and he thereupon joined the Anglo-Russian army, which, about 50,000
strong, was advancing under the command of the Duke of York to invade
Holland. But York was an incompetent commander; there was little harmony
between the British and Russian contingents; and the French and
Batavians under Generals Brune and Daendels inflicted defeats upon them
at Bergen (September 19), and at Castricum (October 6). York thereupon
entered upon negotiations with Brune and was allowed to re-embark his
troops for England, after restoration of the captured guns and
prisoners. The expedition was a miserable fiasco.
At the very time when the evacuation of North Holland by invading armies
was taking place, the Directory in Paris had been overthrown by
Bonaparte (18 Brumaire, or Nov. 20), who now, with the title of First
Consul, ruled France with dictatorial powers. The conduct of the
Batavian government during these transactions had not been above
suspicion; and Bonaparte at once replaced Brune by Augereau, and sent
Sémonville as ambassador in place of Deforgues. He was determined to
compel the Batavian Republic to comply strictly with the terms imposed
by the treaty of 1795, and demanded more troops and more money. In vain
the Executive Council, by the mouth of its ambassador, Schimmelpenninck,
protested its inability to satisfy those demands. Augereau was
inexorable, and there was no alternative but to obey. But the very
feebleness of the central government made Bonaparte resolve on a
revision of the constitution in an anti-democratic direction. Augereau
acted as an intermediary between him and the Executive Council. Three of
the directors favoured his views, the other two opposed them. The
Representative Body, however, rejected all proposals for a revision. On
this the three called in the aid of Augereau, who suspended the
Representative Body and closed the doors of its hall of meeting. The
question was now referred to the Fundamental Assemblies. On October 1,
1801, the voting resulted in 52,279 noes against 16,771 yeas. About
350,000 voters abstained, but these were declared to be "yeas"; and the
new constitution became on October 16 the law of the land.
The Constitution of 1801 placed the executive power in the hands of a
State-Government of twelve persons. The three directors chose seven
others, who in their turn chose five more, amongst these the above-named
three, to whom they owed their existence. With this State-Government was
associated a Legislative Body of 35 members, who met twice in the year
and whose only function was to accept without amendment, or to reject,
the proposals of the Executive Body. The "agents" were abolished and
replaced by small councils, who administered the various departments of
State. Considerable administrative powers were given to the local
governments, and the boundaries of the eight departments, Holland,
Zeeland, Utrecht, Overyssel (in which Drente was included), Gelderland,
Groningen, Friesland, and Brabant, were made to coincide largely with
those of the old provinces. The aim of the new Constitution was
efficiency, the reconciliation of the moderate elements both of the
federalist and unitarian parties, and the restraint alike of
revolutionary and Orangist intrigues.
It began its course in fortunate circumstances. The long-wished-for
peace was concluded at Amiens on March 27, 1802. It was signed by
Schimmelpenninck, as the representative of the Batavian Republic, but he
had not been allowed to have any influence upon the decisions. Great
Britain restored all the captured colonies, except Ceylon; and the house
of Orange was indemnified by the grant of the secularised Bishopric of
Fulda, the abbeys of Korvey and Weingarten, together with the towns of
Dortmund, Isny and Buchhorn. The hereditary prince, as his father
refused to reside in this new domain, undertook the duties of
government. William V preferred to live on his Nassau Estates. He died
at Brunswick in 1806.
The peace was joyfully welcomed in Holland, for it removed the British
blockade and gave a promise of the revival of trade. But all the hopes
of better times were blighted with the fresh outbreak of war in 1803.
All the colonial possessions were again lost; and a new treaty of
alliance, which the State-Government was compelled to conclude
with France, led to heavy demands. The Republic was required to
provide for the quartering and support of 18,000 French troops and
16,000 Batavians under a French general. Further, a fleet of ten ships
of war was to be maintained, and 350 flat-bottomed transports built for
the conveyance of an invading army to England. These demands were
perforce complied with. Nevertheless Napoleon was far from satisfied
with the State-Government, which he regarded as inefficient and
secretly hostile.
In Holland itself it was hated, because of the heavy charges it was
obliged to impose. Bonaparte accordingly determined to replace it and to
concentrate the executive power in a single person. The Legislative Body
was to remain, but the head of the State was to bear the title of
council-pensionary, and was to be elected for a period of five years.
Schimmelpenninck was designated for this post. Referred to a popular
vote, the new Constitution was approved by 14,230 against 136; about
340,000 abstained from voting. On April 29, 1805, Schimmelpenninck
entered into office as council-pensionary. He was invested with
monarchical authority. The executive power, finance, the army and navy,
the naming of ambassadors, the proposing of legislation, were placed in
his hands. He was assisted by a Council of State, nominated by himself,
of five members, and by six Secretaries of State. The Legislative Body
was reduced to nineteen members, appointed by the Departmental
Governments. They met twice in the year and could accept or reject the
proposals of the council-pensionary, but not amend them.
Schimmelpenninck was honest and able, and during the brief period of his
administration did admirable work. With the aid of the accomplished
financier Gogel, who had already done much good service to his country
in difficult circumstances, he, by spreading the burdens of taxation
equally over all parts of the land and by removing restrictive customs
and duties, succeeded in reducing largely the deficits in the annual
balance-sheet. He also was the first to undertake seriously the
improvement of primary education. But it was not Napoleon's intention to
allow the council-pensionary to go on with the good work he had begun.
The weakening of Schimmelpenninck's eyesight, through cataract, gave the
emperor the excuse for putting an end to what he regarded as a
provisional system of government, and for converting Holland into a
dependent kingdom under the rule of his brother Louis. Admiral Verhuell,
sent to Paris at Napoleon's request on a special mission, was bluntly
informed that Holland must choose between the acceptance of Louis as
their king, or annexation. On Verhuell's return with the report of the
emperor's ultimatum, the council-pensionary (April 10, 1806) summoned
the Council of State, the Secretaries and the Legislative Body to meet
together as an Extraordinary Committee and deliberate on what were best
to be done. It was resolved to send a deputation to Paris to try to
obtain from Napoleon the relinquishment, or at least a modification, of
his demand. Their efforts were in vain; Napoleon's attitude was
peremptory. The Hague Committee must within a week petition that Louis
Bonaparte might be their king, or he would take the matter into his own
hands. The Committee, despite the opposition of Schimmelpenninck,
finding resistance hopeless, determined to yield. The deputation at
Paris was instructed accordingly to co-operate with the emperor in the
framing of a new monarchical constitution. It was drawn up and signed on
May 23; and a few days later it was accepted by the Hague Committee.
Schimmelpenninck, however, refused to sign it and resigned his office on
June 4, explaining in a dignified letter his reasons for doing so.
Verhuell, at the head of a deputation (June 5), now went through the
farce of begging the emperor in the name of the Dutch people to allow
his brother, Louis, to be their king. Louis accepted the proffered
sovereignty "since the people desires and Your Majesty commands it." On
June 15 the new king left Paris and a week later arrived at the Hague,
accompanied by his wife, Hortense de Beauharnais, Napoleon's
step-daughter.
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