CHAPTER IX. THE NEIGHBORING HOUSE.

Having got a glimpse, and a slight glimpse only, of the ancient house in

Japan, it may be of interest to consider briefly the character of the

house in neighboring islands forming part of the Japanese Empire, and also

of the house in that country which comes nearest to Japan (Korea), and

from which country in the past there have been many both peaceful and

compulsory invasions,—compulsory in the fact that when Hideyoshi returned

from Korea, nearly three hundred years ago, after his great invasion of

that country, he brought back with him to Japan colonies of potters and

other artisans.

The Ainos of Yezo naturally claim our attention first, because it is

believed that they were the aboriginal people of Japan proper, and were

afterwards displaced by the Japanese,—a displacement similar to that of

our North American savages by the English colonists. Whether the Ainos are

autochthonous or not, will not be discussed here. That they are a savage

race, without written language,—a race which formerly occupied the

northern part of the main island of Japan, and were gradually forced back

to Yezo, where they still live in scattered communities,—are facts which

are unquestionable. How far the Aino house to‐day represents the ancient

Aino house, and how many features of the Japanese house are engrafted upon

it, are points difficult to determine.

The Ainos that I saw in the Ishikari valley, on the west coast of Yezo,

and from Shiraoi south on the east coast, all spoke Japanese, ate out of

lacquer bowls, used chop‐sticks, smoked small pipes, drank _sake,_ and

within their huts possessed lacquer boxes and other conveniences in which

to stow away their clothing, which had probably been given them in past

times by the Japanese, and which were heirlooms. On the other hand, they

retained their own language, their long, narrow dug‐out; used the small

bow, the poisoned arrow, and had an arrow‐release of their own; adhered to

their ancestral forms of worship and their peculiar methods of design, and

were quite as persistent in clinging to many of their customs as are our

own Western tribes of Indians. That they are susceptible to change is seen

in the presence of a young Aino at the normal school in Tokio, from whom I

derived some interesting facts concerning archery.

[Fig. 306.—Aino house, Yezo.]

Fig. 306.—Aino house, Yezo.

Briefly, the Aino house, as I saw it, consists of a rude frame‐work of

timber supporting a thatched roof; the walls being made up of reeds and

rush interwoven with stiffer cross‐pieces. Within, there is a single room

the dimensions of the house. In most houses there is an L, in which is the

doorway, which may in some cases be covered with a rude porch. The

thatched roof is well made and quite picturesque, differing somewhat in

form from any thatched roof among the Japanese,—though in Yamato, as

already mentioned, I saw features in the slope of the roof quite similar

to those shown in some of the Aino roofs.

[Fig. 307.—Aino house, Yezo.]

Fig. 307.—Aino house, Yezo.

Entering the house by the low door, one comes into a room so dark that it

is with difficulty one can see anything. The inmates light rolls of birch‐

bark that one may be enabled to see the interior; but every appearance of

neatness and picturesqueness which the hut presented from without vanishes

when one gets inside. Beneath one’s feet is a hard, damp, earth floor;

directly above are the blackened and soot‐covered rafters. Poles supported

horizontally from these rafters are equally greasy and blackened, and

pervading the darkness is a dirty and strong fishy odor. In the middle of

the floor, and occupying considerable space, is a square area,—the

fireplace. On its two sides mats are spread. A pot hangs over the smoke,

for there appears to be but little fire; and at one side is a large bowl

containing the remains of the last meal, consisting apparently of fish‐

bones,—large sickly‐looking bones, the sight of which instantly vitiates

one’s appetite. The smoke, rebuffed at the only opening save the door,—a

small square opening close under the low eaves,—struggles to escape

through a small opening in the angle of the roof. On one side of the room

is a slightly raised floor of boards, upon which are mats, lacquer‐boxes,

bundles of nets, and a miscellaneous assortment of objects. Hanging from

the rafters and poles are bows, quivers of arrows, Japanese daggers

mounted on curious wooden tablets inlaid with lead, slices of fish and

skates’ heads in various stages, not of decomposition, as the odors would

seem to imply, but of smoke preservation. Dirt everywhere, and fleas. And

in the midst of the darkness, smoke, and squalor are the inmates,—quiet,

demure, and gentle to the last degree. Figs. 306 and 307 give an idea of

the appearance of two Aino houses of the better kind, but perhaps cannot

be taken as a type of the Aino house farther north on the island.

Let us now glance at the house of the natives of the Hachijô Islanders, as

described by Mr. Dickins and Mr. Satow.(37) From their communication the

following account is taken:—

“As may readily be supposed, there are no shops or inns on the island, but

fair accommodation for travellers can be obtained at the farmers’ houses.

These are for the most part substantially‐built cottages of two or three

rooms, with a spacious kitchen, constructed with the timber of _Quercus

cuspidata,_ and with plank walls, where on the mainland it is usual to

have plastered wattles. The roof is invariably of thatch, with a very high

pitch,—necessitated, we were told, by the extreme dampness of the climate,

which renders it desirable to allow as little rain as possible to soak

into the straw. Many of the more prosperous farmers have a second

building, devoted to the rearing of silkworms, which takes its name

_(kaiko‐ya)_ from the purpose to which it is destined. There are also

sheds for cattle, usually consisting of a thatched roof resting on walls

formed of rough stone‐work. Lastly, each enclosure possesses a wooden

godown, raised some four feet from the ground on stout wooden posts,

crowned with broad caps, to prevent the mice from gaining an entrance. The

style resembles that of the storehouses constructed by the Ainos and

Loochooans.”

“The house and vegetable‐garden belonging to it are usually surrounded by

a stone wall, or rather bank of stones and earth, often six feet high,

designed to protect the buildings from the violent gales which at certain

seasons sweep over the island, and which, as we learned, frequently do

serious injury to the rice‐fields by the quantity of salt spray which they

carry a long distance inland from the shore.”

From this general description of the house which incidentally accompanies

a very interesting sketch of the physical peculiarities of the island, its

geology, botany, and the customs and dialect of the people, we get no idea

of the special features the house,—as to the fireplace or bed‐place;

whether there be _shōji_ or ordinary windows, matted floor, or any of

those details which would render a comparison with the Japanese house of

value.

As Mr. Satow found in the language of the Hachijô Islander a number of

words which appeared to be survivals of archaic Japanese, and also among

their customs the curious one, which existed up to within very recent

times, of erecting parturition houses,—a feature which is alluded to in

the very earliest records of Japan,—a minute description of the Hachijô

house with sketches might possibly lead to some facts of interest.

The Loochoo, or Riukiu Islands, now known as Okinawa Shima, lie nearly

midway between the southern part of Japan and the Island of Formosa. The

people of this group differ but little from the Japanese,—their language,

according to Mr. Satow and Mr. Brunton, having in it words that appear

obsolete in Japan. In many customs there is a curious admixture of Chinese

and Japanese ways; and Mr. Brunton sees in the Loochooan bridge and other

structures certain resemblances to Chinese methods.

The following extract regarding the house of the Loochooans is taken from

an account of a visit to these islands, by Ernest Satow, Esq., published

in the first volume of the “Transactions of the Asiatic Society of

Japan:”—

“The houses of the Loochooans are built in Japanese fashion, with

the floor raised three or four feet from the ground, and have

mostly only one story, on account of the violent winds which

prevail. They are roofed with tiles of a Chinese fashion, very

strong and thick. The buildings in which they store their rice are

built of wood and thatched with straw. They are supported on

wooden posts about five feet high, and resemble the granaries of

the Ainos, though constructed with much greater care.”

Another extract is here given in regard to the house of the Loochooans, by

R. H. Brunton, Esq., published in the “Transactions of the Asiatic Society

of Japan(38) ”:—

The streets in the towns present a most desolate appearance. On

each side of these is a blank stone wall of about ten or twelve

feet high, with openings in them here and there sufficiently wide

to admit of access to the houses which are behind. Every house is

surrounded by a wall, and from the street they convey the

impression of being prisons rather than ordinary dwellings…

“The houses of the well‐to‐do classes are situated in a yard which

is surrounded by a wall ten or twelve feet high, as has been

already mentioned. They are similar to the ordinary Japanese

houses, with raised floors laid with mats and sliding screens of

paper. They are built of wood, and present no peculiar differences

from the Japanese style of construction. The roofs are laid with

tiles, which however are quite different in shape from the

Japanese tiles. Over the joint between two concave tiles a convex

one is laid, and these are all semi‐circular in cross sections.

The tiles are made at Nafa, and are red in color; they appeared of

good quality. The houses of the poorer classes are of very

primitive character. The roof is covered with a thick thatch, and

is supported by four corner uprights about five feet high. The

walls consist of sheets of a species of netting made of small

bamboo, which contain between them a thickness of about six inches

of straw. This encloses the whole sides of the house,—a width of

about two feet being left in one side as an entrance. There is no

flooring in the houses of any description, and there is generally

laid over the mud inside a mat, on which the inmates lie or sit.”

Considering the presence for so many centuries of strong Chinese influence

which Mr. Brunton sees in the Loochooans, it is rather surprising to find

so many features of the Japanese house present in their dwellings. Indeed,

Mr. Brunton goes so far as to say that the Loochooan house presents no

peculiar differences from the Japanese style of construction; and as he

has paid special attention to the constructive features of Japanese

buildings, we must believe that had differences existed they would have

been noted by him.

It seems to me that the wide distribution of certain identical features in

Japanese house‐structure, from the extreme north of Japan to the Loochoo

Islands, is something remarkable. Here is a people who for centuries lived

almost independent provincial lives, the northern and southern provinces

speaking different dialects, even the character of the people varying, and

yet from Awomori in the north to the southernmost parts of Satsuma, and

even farther south to the Loochoos, the use of _fusuma, shōji,_ mats, and

thin wood‐ceilings seems well‐nigh universal. The store‐houses standing on

four posts are referred to in the description of the Hachijô Islanders as

well as in that of the Loochooans as resembling those constructed by the

Ainos; yet these resemblances must not be taken as indicating a community

of origin, but simply as the result of necessity. For travellers in

Kamtchatka, and farther west, speak of the same kind of store‐houses; and

farther south they may be seen in Singapore and Java,—in fact, in every

country town in New England; and indeed all over the United States the

same kind of storehouse is seen. Probably all over the world a store‐house

on four legs, even to the inverted box or pan on each leg, may be found.

Through the courtesy of Percival Lowell, Esq., I am enabled to see

advanced sheets of his work on Korea, entitled “The Land of the Morning

Calm;” and from this valuable work the author has permitted me to gather

many interesting facts concerning the Korean dwellings. The houses are of

one story; a flight of two or three steps leads to a narrow piazza, or

very wide sill, which encircles the entire building. The apartment within

is only limited by the size of the building; in other words, there is only

one room under the roof. The better class of dwellings, however, consist

of groups of these buildings. The house is of wood, and rests upon a stone

foundation. This foundation consists of a series of connecting chambers,

or flues; and at one side is a large fireplace, or oven, in which the fire

is built. The products of combustion circulate through this labyrinth of

chambers, and find egress, not by a chimney, but by an outlet on the

opposite side. In this way the room above is warmed. There are three

different types of this oven‐like foundation. In the best type a single

slab of stone is supported by a number of stout stone pillars; upon this

stone floor is spread a layer of earth, and upon this earth is spread oil‐

paper like a carpet. In another arrangement, ridges of earth and small

stones run lengthwise from front to back; on top of this the same

arrangement is made of stone, earth, and oil‐paper. In the third type,

representing a still poorer class, the oven and flues are hollowed out of

the earth alone. Mr. Lowell remarks that the idea is a good one, if it

were only accompanied by proper ventilation. Unfortunately, he says, the

room above is no better than a box, in which the occupant is slowly

roasted. Another disadvantage is experienced in the impossibility of

warming a room at once. He says: “The room does not even begin to get warm

until you have passed through an agonizing interval of expectancy. Then

it takes what seems forever to reach a comfortable temperature, passes

this brief second of happiness before you have had time to realize that it

has attained it, and continues mounting to unknown degrees in a truly

alarming manner, beyond the possibility of control.” This curious and

ingenious method of warming houses is said to have been introduced from

China some one hundred and fifty years ago.

A house of the highest order is simply a frame‐work,—a roof supported on

eight or more posts according to the size of the building; and this with a

foundation represents the only fixed structure. In summer it presents a

skeleton‐like appearance; in winter, however, it appears solid and

compact, as a series of folding‐doors,—a pair between each two

posts,—closes it completely. These are prettily latticed, open outward,

and are fastened from within by a hook and knob. By a curious arrangement

these doors can be removed from their hinges, the upper parts only

remaining attached, and fastened up by hooks to the ceiling. This kind of

a house and room is used as a banqueting hall and a room for general

entertainment. It may be compared to our drawing‐room.

Dwelling‐rooms are constructed on quite a different plan. Instead of

continuous doors, the sides are composed of permanent walls and doors. The

wall is of wood, except that in the poorer house it consists of mud. Says

Mr. Lowell: “In these buildings we have an elaborate system of three‐fold

aperture closers,—a species of three skins, only that they are for

consecutive, not simultaneous, use. The outer is the folding‐door above

mentioned; the other two are a couple of pairs of sliding panels,—the

survivors in Korea of the once common sliding screens, such as are used

to‐day in Japan. One of the pairs is covered with dark green paper, and is

for night use; the other is of the natural yellowish color of the oil‐

paper, and is used by day. When not wanted, they slide back into grooves

inside the wall, whence they are pulled out again by ribbons fastened near

the middle of the outer edge. All screens of this sort, whether in houses

or palanquins, are provided, unlike the Japanese, with these conveniences

for tying the two halves of each pair together, and thus enabling easier

adjustment.” The house‐lining within is oil‐paper. “Paper covers the

ceiling, lines the wall, spreads the floor. As you sit in your room your

eye falls upon nothing but paper; and the very light that enables you to

see anything at all sifts in through the same material.”

It will be seen by these brief extracts how dissimilar the Korean house is

to that of the Japanese. And this dissimilarity is fully sustained by an

examination of the photographs which Mr. Lowell made in Korea, and which

show among other things low stone‐walled houses with square openings for

windows, closed by frames covered with paper, the frames hung from above

and opening outside, and the roof tiled; also curious thatched roofs, in

which the slopes are uneven and rounding, and their ridges curiously

knotted or braided, differing in every respect from the many forms of

thatched roof in Japan.

The Chinese house, as I saw it in Shanghai and its suburbs, and at Canton

as well as up the river, shows differences from the Japanese house quite

as striking as those of the Korean house. Here one sees, in the cities at

least, solid brick‐walled houses, with kitchen range built into the wall,

and chimney equally permanent; tiled‐roof, with tiled ridges; enclosed

court‐yard; floors of stone, upon which the shoes are worn from the

street; doorways, with doors on hinges; window openings closed by

swinging frames fitted with the translucent shells of Placuna, or white

paper, the latter usually in a dilapidated condition; and for furniture

they have tables, chairs, bedsteads, drawers, babies’ chairs, cradles,

foot‐stools, and thel like. The farm‐houses of China in those regions that

I visited were equally unlike similar houses in Japan.

From this superficial glance at the character of the house in the outlying

Islands of the Japanese Empire, as well as at the houses of the

neighboring countries, Korea and China, I think it will be conceded that

the Japanese house is typically a product of the people, with just those

features from abroad incorporated in it that one might look for,

considering the proximity to Japan of China and Korea. When we remember

that these three great civilizations of the Mongoloid race approximate

within the radius of a few hundred miles, and that they have been in more

or less intimate contact since early historic times, we cannot wonder that

the germs of Japanese art and letters should have been adopted from the

continent. In precisely the same way our ancestors, the English, drew from

their continent the material for their language, art, music, architecture,

and many other important factors in their civilization; and if history

speaks truly, their refinement even in language and etiquette was

imported. But while Japan, like England, has modified and developed the

germs ingrafted from a greater and older civilization, it has ever

preserved the elasticity of youth, and seized upon the good things of our

civilization,—such as steam, electricity, and modern methods of study and

research,—and utilized them promptly. Far different is it from the mother

country, where the improvements and methods of other nations get but tardy

recognition.

It seems to give certain English writers peculiar delight to stigmatize

the Japanese as a nation of imitators and copyists. From the contemptuous

manner in which disparagements of this nature are flung into the faces of

the Japanese who are engaged in their heroic work of establishing sound

methods of government and education, one would think that in England had

originated the characters by which the English people write, the paper

upon which they print, the figures by which they reckon, the compass by

which they navigate, the gunpowder by which they subjugate, the religion

with which they worship. Indeed, when one looks over the long list of

countries upon which England has drawn for the arts of music, painting,

sculpture, architecture, printing, engraving, and a host of other things,

it certainly comes with an ill‐grace from natives of that country to taunt

the Japanese with being imitators.

It would be obviously absurd to suggest as a model for our own houses such

a structure as a Japanese house. Leaving out the fact that it is not

adapted to the rigor of our climate or to the habits of our people, its

fragile and delicate fittings if adopted by us, would be reduced to a mass

of kindlings in a week, by the rude knocks it would receive; and as for

exposing on our public thoroughfares the delicate labyrinth of carvings

often seen on panel and post in Japan, the wide‐spread vandalism of our

country would render futile all such attempts to civilize and refine.

Fortunately, in that land which we had in our former ignorance and

prejudice regarded as uncivilized, the malevolent form of the _genus homo_

called “vandal” is unknown.

Believing that the Japanese show infinitely greater refinement in their

methods of house‐adornment than we do, and convinced that their tastes are

normally artistic, I have endeavored to emphasize my convictions by

holding up in contrast our usual methods of house‐furnishing and outside

embellishments. By so doing I do not mean to imply that we do not have in

America interiors that show the most perfect refinement and taste; or that

in Japan, on the other hand, interiors may not be found in which good

taste is wanting.

I do not expect to do much good in thus pointing out what I believe to be

better methods, resting on more refined standards. There are some, I am

sure, who will approve; but the throng—who are won by tawdry glint and

tinsel; who make possible, by admiration and purchase, the horrors of much

that is made for house‐furnishing and adornment—will, with characteristic

obtuseness, call all else but themselves and their own ways heathen and

barbarous.

GLOSSARY.

In the following list of Japanese words used in this work an opportunity

is given to correct a number of mistakes which crept into, or rather

walked boldly into, the text. The author lays no claim to a knowledge of

the Japanese language beyond what any foreigner might naturally acquire in

being thrown among the people for some time. As far as possible he has

followed Hepburn’s Japanese Dictionary for orthography and definition, and

Brunton’s Map of Japan for geographical names. Brunton’s map, as well as

that published by Rein, spells Settsu with one _t._ For the sake of

uniformity I have followed this spelling in the text, though it is

contrary to the best authorities. It may be added that Oshiu and Totomi

should be printed with a long accent over each _o._

The words Samurai, Daimio, Kioto, Tokio, and several others, are now so

commonly seen in the periodical literature of our country that this form

of spelling for these words has been retained. For rules concerning the

pronunciation of Japanese words the reader is referred to the Introduction

in Hepburn’s Dictionary.

‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐‐

Agari‐ba The floor for standing

upon in coming out of the

bath.

Age‐yen A platform that can be

raised or lowered.

Amado Rain‐door. The outside

sliding doors by which

the house is closed at

night.

Andon A lamp.

Asagao A colloquial name for a

porcelain urinal, from

its resemblance to the

flower of the morning‐

glory.

Benjo Privy. Place for

business.

Biwa A lute with four strings.

Biyo‐bu A folding screen.

Cha‐dokoro Tea‐place.

Cha‐ire Tea‐jar; literally, “tea‐

put in.”

Cha‐no‐yu A tea‐party.

Chigai‐dana A shelf, one half of

which is on a different

plane from the other.

Chōdzu‐ba Privy; literally, “hand

water‐place.”

Chōdzu‐bachi A convenience near the

privy for washing the

hands.

Chu‐nuri Middle layer of plaster.

Dai‐jū‐no A pan for holding burning

charcoal, used in

replenishing the hibachi.

Daiku A carpenter.

Daimio A feudal lord.

Dodai The foundation‐sill of a

house.

Dodai‐ishi Foundation stone.

Do‐ma Earth‐space. A small

unfloored court at the

entrance the house.

Fukuro‐dana. Cupboard; literally,

“pouch‐shelf.”

Fumi‐ishi Stepping‐stone.

Furo A small culinary furnace,

also a bath‐tub.

Furosaki biyō‐bu. A two‐fold screen placed

in front of the furo.

Fusuma A sliding screen between

rooms.

Fū‐tai The bands which hang down

in front of a kake‐mono;

literally, “wind‐band.”

Futon A quilted bed‐cover.

Ge‐dan Lower step.

Genka The porch at the entrance

of a house.

Geta Wooden clogs.

Goyemon buro A form of bath‐tub.

Habakari Privy.

Hagi A kind of rush.

Hashira A post.

Hashira kakushi A long narrow picture to

hang on post in room;

literally, “post‐hide.”

Hibachi A brazier for holding hot

coals for warming the

apartments.

Hibashi Metal tongs.

Hikite A recessed catch in a

screen for sliding it

back and forth.

Hi‐no‐ki A species of pine.

Hisashi A small roof projecting

over a door or window.

Hon‐gawara True tile.

Ichi‐yo‐dana A kind of shelf.

Iri‐kawa. The space between the

verandah and room.

Ishi‐dōrō. A stone lantern.

Ji‐bukuro. Cupboard.

Jin‐dai‐sugi “Cedar of God’s age.”

Jinrikisha A two‐wheeled vehicle

drawn by a man.

Ji‐zai A hook used for hanging

pots over the fire.

Jō‐dan Upper step. Raised floor

in house.

Kago Sedan chair.

Kaikōsha Name of a private school

of architecture.

Kake‐mono Hanging picture.

Kaki Fence.

Kamado Kitchen range.

Kami‐dana A shelf in the house for

Shin‐tō shrine.

Kami‐no‐ma Higher room.

Kamoi Lintel.

Kara‐kami Sliding screen between

rooms.

Kawarake Unglazed earthen ware.

Kaya A kind of grass used for

thatch.

Kaya Mosquito netting.

Kazari‐kugi Ornamental headed nails.

Kaze‐obi The bands which hang down

in front of the kake‐

mono; literally, “wind‐

band.”

Keshō‐no‐ma Toilet‐room.

Keyaki A kind of hard wood.

Kō‐ka Privy; literally, “back

frame.”

Koshi‐bari A kind of paper used for

a dado.

Kuguri‐do A small, low door in a

gate.

Kura A fire‐proof store‐house.

Kuro‐moji‐gaki A kind of ornamental

fence.

Ma‐bashira Middle post.

Mado Window.

Ma‐gaki A fence made of bamboo.

Magari‐gane A carpenter’s iron

square.

Maki‐mono Pictures that are kept

rolled up, not hung.

Maki‐mono‐dana Shelf for make‐mono.

Makura Pillow.

Miki‐dokkuri Bottle for offering wine

to gods.

Mochi A kind of bread made of

glutinous rice.

Mon Badge, or crest.

Mune Ridge of roof.

Naka‐tsubo Middle space.

Nan‐do. Store‐room. Pantry.

Neda‐maruta Cross‐beams to support

floor.

Nedzumi‐bashira Cross‐beam at end of

building; literally,

“rat‐post.”

Nikai‐bari Horizontal beam to

support second‐story

floor.

Noren Curtain. Hanging screen.

Nuki A stick passed through

mortised holes to bind

together upright posts.

Nuri‐yen A verandah unprotected by

amado.

Ochi‐yen A low platform.

Oshi‐ire Closet; literally, “push,

put in.”

Otoshi‐kake Hanging partition.

Ramma Open ornamental work over

the screens which form

the partitions in the

house.

Ro Hearth, or fire‐place, in

the floor.

Ro‐ka Corridor. Covered way.

Sake Fermented liquor brewed

from rice.

Samisen A guitar with three

strings.

Samisen‐tsugi A peculiar splice for

joining timber.

Samurai Military class privileged

to wear two swords.

Sashi‐mono‐ya Cabinet‐maker.

Setsu‐in Privy; literally, “snow‐

hide.”

Shaku A wooden tablet formerly

carried by nobles when in

presence of the Emperor.

Shaku A measure of ten inches.

Japanese foot.

Shichirin A brazier for cooking

purposes.

Shikii The lower grooved beam in

which the door or screens

slide.

Shin‐tō The primitive religion of

Japan.

Shita‐nuri The first layer of

plaster.

Shō‐ji The outside door‐sash

covered with thin paper.

Sode‐gaki A small ornamental fence

adjoining a house.

Sudare A shade made of split

bamboo or reeds.

Sugi Cedar.

Sumi‐sashi A marking‐brush made of

wood.

Sumi‐tsubo An ink‐pot used by

carpenters in lieu of the

chalk‐line.

Sun One tenth of a Japanese

foot.

Sunoko A platform made of

bamboo.

Tabako‐bon A box or tray in which

fire and smoking

utensils are kept.

Tamari‐no‐ma Anteroom.

Tansu Bureau.

Taruki A rafter of the roof.

Tatami A floor‐mat.

Ten‐jō Ceiling.

Te‐shoku Hand‐lamp.

To‐bukuro A closet in which outside

doors are stowed away.

Tokkuri A bottle.

Toko The floor of the

tokonoma.

Toko‐bashira The post dividing the two

bays or recesses in the

guestroom.

Tokonoma A bay, or recess, where a

picture is hung.

Tori‐i A portal, or structure of

stone or wood, erected in

front of a Shin‐tō

temple.

Tsubo An area of six feet

square.

Tsugi‐no‐ma Second room.

Tsui‐tate A screen of one leaf set

in a frame.

Tsume‐sho. A servant’s waiting‐room.

Usukasumi‐dana A name for shelf;

literally, “thin mist‐

shelf,”

Uwa‐nuri The last layer of

plaster.

FOOTNOTES

1 Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. v., part i. p.

207.

2 It may be well to state here that most of the good and reliable

contributions upon Japan are to be found in the Transactions of the

English and German Asiatic Societies published in Yokohama; also in

the pages of the Japan “Mail,” in the now extinct Tokio “Times,” and

in a most excellent but now defunct magazine called the

“Chrysanthemum,” whose circulation becoming vitiated by the

theological sap in its tissues, finally broke down altogether from

the dead weight of its dogmatic leaves.

Among the many valuable papers published in these Transactions of

the Asiatic Society of Japan, is one by Thomas R. H. McClatchie,

Esq., on “The Feudal Mansions of Yedo,” vol. vii. part iii. p. 157,

which gives many important facts concerning a class of buildings

that is rapidly disappearing, and to which only the slightest

allusion has been made in the present work. The reader is also

referred to a Paper in the same publication by George Cawley, Esq.,

entitled “Some Remarks on Constructions in Brick and Wood, and

their Relative Suitability for Japan,” vol. vi. part ii. p. 291; and

also to a Paper by R. H. Brunton, Esq., on “Constructive Art in

Japan,” vol. ii. p. 64; vol. iii. part ii. p. 20.

Professor Huxley has said in one of his lectures, that if all the

books in the world were destroyed, with the exception of the

Philosophical Transactions, “it is safe to say that the foundations

of Physical Science would remain unshaken, and that the vast

intellectual progress of the last two centuries would be largely

though incompletely recorded.” In a similar way it might almost be

said of the Japan “Mail,” that if all the books which have been

written by foreigners upon Japan were destroyed, and files of the

Japan “Mail” alone preserved, we should possess about all of value

that has been recorded by foreigners concerning that country. This

journal not only includes the scholarly productions of its editor,

Capt. F. Brinkley, as well as an immense mass of material from its

correspondents, but has also published the Transactions of the

Asiatic Society of Japan in advance ot the Society’s own

publications.

3 Still another English writer says: “It is unpleasant to live within

ugly walls; it is still more unpleasant to live within unstable

walls: but to be obliged to live in a tenement which is both

unstable and ugly is disagreeable in a tenfold degree.” He thinks it

is quite time to evoke legislation to remedy these evils, and says:

“An Englishman’s house was formerly said to be his castle; but in

the hands of the speculating builder and advertising tradesman, we

may be grateful that it does not oftener become his tomb.”

4 _Fig. 12_ represents the frame‐work of an ordinary two‐storied

house. It is copied from a Japanese carpenter’s drawing, kindly

furnished the writer by Mr. Fukuzawa, of Tokio, proper corrections

in perspective having been made. The various parts have been

lettered, and the dimensions given in Japanese feet and inches. The

Japanese foot is, within the fraction of an inch, the same as ours,

and is divided into ten parts, called _sun._ The wood employed in

the frame is usually cedar or pine. The corner posts, as well as the

other large upright posts, called _hashira (H),_ are square, and

five _sun_ in thickness; these are tenoned into the plate upon which

they rest. This plate is called _do‐dai (D);_ it is made of cedar,

and sometimes of chestnut. The _do‐dai_ is six _sun_ square, and

rests directly on a number of stones, which are called _do‐dai‐ishi

(D,1)._ Between the _hashira_ come smaller uprights, called _ma‐

bashira (M)_ (_hashira_ changed to _bashira_ for euphony); these

are two _sun_ square. Through these pass the cross‐pieces called

_nuki;_ these are four _sun_ wide and one _sun_ thick. To these are

attached the bamboo slats as substitutes for laths. The horizontal

beam to support the second‐story floor is called the _nikaibari__

(Ni);_ this is of pine, with a vertical thickness of one foot two

_sun,_ and a width of six tenths of a _sun._ The rafters of the

roof, called _yane‐shita (Ya),_ in this frame are nine feet long,

three _sun_ wide, and eight tenths of a _sun_ in thickness. Cross‐

beams _(T),_ from the upper plate from which spring posts to support

the ridge‐pole, are called _taruki._ The first floor is sustained by

posts that rest on stones embedded in the ground, as well as by a

beam called _yuka‐shita (Yu);_ this is secured to the upright beams

at the height of one and one‐half or two feet above the _do‐dai._

The upper floor‐joists are of pine, two inches square; the flooring

boards are six tenths of a _sun_ in thickness, and one foot wide.

The lower floor‐joists, called _neda‐maruta (Ne),_ are rough round

sticks, three _sun_ in diameter, hewn on opposite sides. On top of

these rest pine boards six tenths of a _sun_ in thickness.

5 The accompanying sketches will illustrate the various stages in the

construction of the ceiling.

6 General Francis A. Walker, in his Lowell Lectures on the United

States Census for 1880, shows that carpenters constitute the largest

single body of artisans working for the supply of local wants. He

shows that the increase of this body from decade to decade is far

behind what it should be if it increased in the ratio of the

population; and though this fact might excite surprise, he shows

that it is due to the enormous increase in machine‐made material,

such as doors, sashes, blinds, etc.; in other words, to the making

of those parts which in former times trained a man in delicate work

and accurate joinery.

7 There is no question but that in England apprentices serve their

time at trades more faithfully than with us; nevertheless, the

complaints that go up in the English press in regard to poor and

slovenly work show the existence of a similar class of impostors,

who defraud the public by claiming to be what they are not. The

erratic Charles Reade, in a series of letters addressed to the “Pall

Mall Gazette,” on builders’ blunders, inveighs against the British

workmen as follows: “When last seen, I was standing on the first

floor of the thing they call a house, with a blunder under my

feet,—unvarnished, unjoined boards; and a blunder over my head,—the

oppressive, glaring plaster‐ceiling, full of the inevitable cracks,

and foul with the smoke of only three months’ gas.”

In regard to sash windows, he says: “This room is lighted by what

may be defined ‘the unscientific window.’ Here, in this single

structure, you may see most of the intellectual vices that mark the

unscientific mind. The scientific way is always the simple way; so

here you have complication on complication,—one half the window is

to go up, the other half is to come down. The maker of it goes out

of his way to struggle with Nature’s laws; he grapples insanely with

gravitation, and therefore he must use cords and weights and

pulleys, and build boxes to hide them in. He is a great hider. His

wooden frames move up and down wooden grooves, open to atmospheric

influence. What is the consequence? The atmosphere becomes humid;

the wooden frame sticks in the wooden box, and the unscientific

window is jammed. What, ho! Send for the Curse of Families, the

British workman! On one of the cords breaking (they are always

breaking), send for the Curse of Families to patch the blunder of

the unscientific builder.”

8 A Government bureau called the _Kaitakushi,_ now fortunately

extinct, established in Yezo, the seat of its labors, one or two

saw‐mills; but whether they are still at work I do not know.

9 A structure of stone or wood, not unlike the naked frame‐work of a

gate, erected in front of shrines and temples.

10 This sketch was made from a photograph taken for this work, at the

suggestion of Dr. W. S. Bigelow, by Percival Lowell, Esq.

11 We have characterized as a ridge‐roof that portion which has

truncate ends,—in other words, the form of a gable,—and which

receives special methods of treatment. The line of demarcation

between the long reach of thatch of the roof proper and the ridge‐

roof is very distinct.

12 An odor which at home we recognize as “Japanesy,” arising from the

wood‐boxes in which Japanese articles are packed.

13 In the plan (_fig. 97_) _P_ is an eight‐mat room; _D_ and _L_ are

six‐mat rooms; _S_ is a four and one‐half mat room; _S, H,_ and

_St._ are three‐mat rooms; _S B,_ and F are two‐mat rooms.

14 The following is a brief explanation of the names of the rooms given

in plan _fig. 99_: _Agari‐ba_ (_Agari,_ “to go up; ” _ba,_ “place”),

Platform, or place to stand on in coming out of the Bath. _Cha‐

dokoro,_ Tea‐place; _Ge‐dan,_ Lower Step; _ō‐dan,_ Upper Step; _Iri‐

kawa,_ Space between verandah and room; _Kami‐no‐ma,_ Upper place or

room; _Tsugi‐no‐ma,_ Next place or room; _Kesho‐no‐ma,_ Dressing‐

room _(Kesho,_—“adorning the face with powder”). _Nan‐do,_ Store‐

room; _Naka‐tsubo,_ Middle space, _Oshi‐ire,_ Closet (literally,

“push,” “put in”); _Ro‐ka,_ Corridor, Covered way; _Tamari,_ Ante‐

chamber; _Tsume‐sho,_ Waiting‐room for servants; _Yu‐dono,_ Bath‐

room; _Yen‐zashiki,_ End parlor; _Watari,—_“to cross over;”

_Sunoko,_ Bamboo shelf or platform.

15 See chapter viii. for further considerations regarding the matter.

16 A correspondent in the “Pall Mall Gazette,” in protesting against

the attempt to impose European clothing on those people who are

accustomed to go without any, says: “In many parts of India there is

a profound suspicion of the irreligiousness of clothing. The fakir

is distressed even by the regulation rag upon which the Government

modestly insists, and a fully dressed fakir would be scouted. The

late Brahmo minister, Chesub Chunder Sen, expressed the belief that

India would never accept a Christ in hat and boots. The missionary

should remember that clothes‐morality is climatic, and that if a

certain degree of covering of the body has gradually become in the

Northwest associated with morality and piety, the traditions of

tropical countries may have equally connected elaborate dress rather

with the sensualities of Solomon in his glory than with the purity

of the lily as clothed by Nature.”

17 Rein says: “The cleanliness of the Japanese is one of his most

commendable qualities. It is apparent in his body, in his house, in

his workshop, and no less in the great carefulness and exemplary

exactness with which he looks after his fields.”

18 From the name _tokonoma,_ which means “bed‐place,” literally “bed of

floor,” it is supposed that in ancient times the bed was made or

placed in this recess.

19 In this connection it may be interesting to mention the various

names applied to the privy by the Japanese, with a free translation

of the same as given me by Mr. A. S. Mihara: _Setsu‐in,_ “snow‐

hide;” _Chodsu‐ba,_“place to wash hands” (the _chōdzu‐bachi,_ a

convenience for washing the hands, being always near the privy);

_Benjo_ and _Yo‐ba,_“place for business;” _Ko‐ka,_“ back‐frame.”

_Habakari_ is a very common name for this place; the word _Yen‐

riyo,_ though not applied to this place, has the same meaning, it

implies reserve.

These words with their meanings certainly indicate a great degree of

refinement an delicacy in the terms applied to the privy.

20 The ordinary form of verandah is called _yen,_ or _yen‐gawa._ In

Kishiu it is called simply _yen,_ while in Tokio it is called _yen‐

gawa._ A low platform is called an _ochi‐yen;_ a platform that can

be raised or lowered is called an _age‐yen._ When the platform has

no groove for the rain‐doors on the outer edge, it is called a

_nuri‐yen,—nuri_ meaning wet, the rain in this case beating in and

wetting the verandah. A little platform made of bamboo, which may be

used as a shelf for plants, is called _sunoko._

21 A gate‐like structure seen in front of all shrines and temples.

22 This legend is from a work entitled “Chikusan Teizoden.”

23 Professor Atkinson, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. vi.

part i.; Dr. Geerts, ibid., vol. vii. part iii.

Dr. O. Korschelt has made an extremely valuable contribution to the

Asiatic Society of Japan, on the water‐supply of Tokio. Aided by

Japanese students, he has made many analyses of well‐waters and

waters from the city supply, and shows that, contrary to the

conclusions of Professor Atkinson, the high‐ground wells are on the

whole much purer than those on lower ground. Dr. Korschelt also

calls attention to the great number of artesian wells sunk in Tokio,

by means of bamboo tubes driven into the ground. The ordinary form

of well is carried down thirty or forty feet in the usual way, and

then at the bottom bamboo tubes are driven to great depths, ranging

from one hundred to two hundred feet and more. He speaks of a number

of these wells in Tokio and the suburbs as overflowing. There is one

well not far from the Tokio Daigaku which overflows; and a very

remarkable sight it is to see the water pouring over a high well‐

curb and flooding the ground in the vicinity. He shows that pure

water may be reached in most parts of Tokio by means of artesian

wells; and to this source the city must ultimately look for its

water‐supply.

For further particulars concerning this subject, the reader is

referred to Dr. Korschelt’s valuable paper in the Transactions of

the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. xii. part iii., p. 143.

24 The pier‐glaas is happily unknown in Japan; a small disk of polished

metal represents the mirror, and is wisely kept in a box till

needed!

25 Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. i. p. 20.

26 Owing to the sensible civil service of England, scholars and

diplomates are appointed to these duties in the East; and as a

natural result all the honors,—political, commercial, and

literary,—have, with few exceptions, been won by Englishmen.

27 Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. ix. part ii. p.

191.

28 Ibid., vol. x. Supplement.

29 Ibid., vol. iii. part ii. p. 131.

30 In Anam I noticed that the bed‐rooms were indicated by hanging cloth

partition as well as by those made of matting.

31 Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. vi. part i. p.

109.

32 Satow gives quite a different rendering of this passage.

33 Translations of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. ii. p. 119.

34 Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. iii. part ii.

35 In Mr. Aston’s translation this word is printed “heart,” but

evidently this must be a misprint.

36 It is lamentable to reflect how many monstrous designs have been

perpetrated under the general name of Gothic, which are neither in

spirit nor letter realized the character of Mediaeval art. In London

these extraordinary ebullitions of uneducated taste generally appear

in the form of meeting‐houses, music‐halls, and similar places of

popular resort. Showy in their general effect, and usually

overloaded with meretricious ornament, they are likely enough to

impose upon an uninformed judgment, which is incapable of

discriminating between what Mr. Ruskin has called the “Lamp of

Sacrifice,”—one of the glories of ancient art,—and the lust of

profusion which is the bane of modern design.—_Eastlake’s Hints on

Household Taste,_ p. 21.

37 Notes of a visit to Hachijô, in 1878. By F. V. Dickins and Ernest

Satow. Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. vi. part

iii. p. 435.

38 Vol. iv. p. 68.

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