his audience with Ld. Sidmouth he listened to the arguments for the
measure, and even dropped a sort of acquiescence. Erskine held a most
foolish, and even mischievous conversation with him. He told the K.
that had he been in the Irish Parlt., the measures for the Catholics
should not have passed without opposition: on which the K. complimented
him, and said, ‘I believe indeed, my Lord Chancellor, that you are
a good Protestant.’ ‘That, Sir, is my proudest title.’ The King is
certainly tractable, but told Ld. Sidmouth that he should take 24 hours
to consider of his answer to the Minute of the Cabinet. Ld. Grenville
accompanied the Cabinet Minute with a private letter of his own, which
pleased the K. mightily.
[Sidenote: THE CATHOLIC QUESTION]
_Feb. 12th._--King’s answer (exactly copied):--‘The King has maturely
considered what is stated in Ld. Grenville’s letter of the 10th inst.,
and the accompanying Minute of the Cabinet. He is disposed upon
this, as upon all occasions, to do full justice to the motives which
influence any advice which may be submitted to him by Ld. Grenville and
his other confidential servants; and however painful His Majesty has
found it to reconcile to his feelings the removal of objections to any
proposal which may have even the most distant reference to a question
which has already been subject of such frequent and distressing
reflections, he will not, under the circumstances in which it is so
earnestly pressed, and adverting particularly to what took place in
1791, prevent his Ministers from submitting for the consideration
of his Parlt. the propriety of inserting the proposed clause in the
Mutiny Bill. Whilst, however, the King so far reluctantly concedes, he
considers it necessary to declare that he cannot go one step further,
and he trusts that this proof of his forbearance will secure him from
being at a future period distressed by any further proposal connected
with the question. (Signed) G. R.’
Lds. H., Howick, and Hy. Petty had resolved upon going out, if the
Cabinet had not brought forward the clause in question, or if they had
afterwards given it up and without doing anything for the Catholics
opposed their petition in Parlt. But Ld. Howick declared (as however
he frequently does when in a passion) that he would retire from public
life.
A Cabinet last night upon the subject of Buenos Ayres and S. America;
there is much difference of opinion on these questions. Ld. Howick and
Mr. Grenville are averse to the diversion of any part of our force
to such distant objects, and think every part should be employed in
Europe. Ld. Grenville looks to conquest in S. America as useful to our
trade in war, and as objects of barter in making peace. He is therefore
against the adoption of any system which would prevent us from reducing
our conquests at the time of peace. Ld. H. objects to any attack upon
S. America, except for the purpose of revolutionising, but is very
desirous some such system should be adopted. Windham is eager for the
attack anyhow; tho’ he would prefer a systematic plan, yet he will
support any measure of that tendency. It was at length agreed that
two general officers should be sent out to take command of the difft.
bodies of troops re-united before Buenos Ayres, which make an effective
force of 9000 men. General Whitelocke[268] is one, with discretionary
powers to fortify or defend Maldonado, to take or destroy Monte Video,
and to take Buenos Ayres or enter into terms with the inhabitants, as
they shall judge best for the King’s service; but to send back to Spain
all persons who took an active part against the English in the late
transactions. The desire of effacing our recent disgraces there had its
effect in determining this measure.
_19th Feb._--Went to Brighton to see my children, who are living there
for the sake of the good air, or rather to avoid the thick, bad air of
London and its neighbourhood. Mr. Allen only went with us. We stayed
Friday and Saturday; returned to town on Sunday.
The Norfolk Committee unseated Coke and Windham; Serjeant Lens made an
admirable speech.
Petty wrote to me that the Princess had determined to publish, and that
on my return I should find the ‘fire burning and cauldron bubbling’
with all the inflammable ingredients I knew of already.
Dined on Monday with Ld. Granville Leveson to meet Lady Stafford,[269]
whom I had not seen for many years except in a crowd. Seized at night
with a violent headache and cold, and some indications of fever.
Confined from that night until this day, the 2nd March, and not yet
recovered.
[Sidenote: ABOLITION OF SLAVE TRADE]
_2nd March._--The abolition of Slave Trade was carried in the H. of C.
by an immense majority, nearly 18 to 1; the opposition only 16. Mr.
Windham came to town to attend, but was prevented by a hoarseness;
wrote to Ld. Howick to notify he should oppose it in the Committee. Ld.
Castlereagh and Rose[270] absent. The Doctor’s men intended to oppose
some part in the Committee.
Catholics becoming more reasonable in Ireland. The Petition is to be
sent to Mr. Grattan instead of Ld. Howick, and it is to be brought
over by Lord Fingall[271] alone, and not by a Catholic Committee.
This will be advantageous to Ministers, as Ld. F. is open to various
modes of conciliation. Ld. Ponsonby’s[272] private letters to Ld.
Howick throw blame on the Irish Governt. He says, ‘His uncle George,
the Chancellor, is stark mad, and as rank an Orangeman as any in
Ireland’: that Elliot,[273] who knew of the Petition since July,
has been greatly to blame, and has by his cold manner repulsed the
Catholics: that Plunket,[274] the Attorney-General, is a secret enemy
to the Administration: that the Solicitor-General[275] is not good
for much, and Curran is so bad in his office, where he has almost
nothing to do, that he ought to be removed. Secret abuses are every
day discovered by the investigating accountants, but are kept very
secret, especially the two following. Mr. Eden, since his succession to
Ld. Thurlow’s Tellership, it appears, has compelled his deputy, whose
place is 1000_l._ pr. ann. and was always considered as one held for
life, under a threat of dismissal, to give him 400_l._ pr. ann. for his
brother. The deed was Ld. Auckland’s, so the poor fellow is sconced of
his 400_l._ pr. ann., a scandalous transaction, and one that the honest
will suffer by, as Ld. Howick swears the American Commission shall
not be paid as he originally designed, thus Mr. Allen will suffer for
his colleague’s dirtiness.[276] This proceeding will not be revealed,
as Ld. Buckingham was guilty of a similar action in favour of Ld.
Grenville’s family.
[Sidenote: PUBLIC ACCOUNTS INQUIRY]
T. S., one of Pitt’s oldest friends, and a man of a _studiously_ fair
character, frank and honest to bluntness and a variety of other such
descriptive features peculiar to English worth, coarseness, grossness,
rudeness, and all leading to saying he was honest, turns out to be
_franchement_ a rogue; having, it appears, appropriated to his own
private use balances of Governt. money to the amount of 9000_l._ He
is now refunding principal and interest, imploring secrecy. It is not
however determined whether he is to be prosecuted; but until it is
decided, the business is kept secret and is not revealed even to the
Cabinet. These sturdy, plain characters often prove to be the greatest
thieves. These discoveries are owing, I believe, to the Commissioners
of Public Accounts. Mr. Biddulph’s Committee of the H. of Commons[277]
has struck a general alarm into sinecure placemen and peculators, as it
is known to be composed of very active, ardently zealous reformers. Ld.
Ellenboro’, who has several lucrative offices of that sort in his gift,
complains of its taking from the Chief Justice the only recompense for
his services, which consist in having the means to provide for his
children, the salary not being sufficiently great. The Commissioners
have issued precepts for inquiry into the Colonial Establishments, a
measure not very acceptable to Windham, and they are endeavouring to
negotiate with the Bank to manage the National Debt on more reasonable
terms, from which they expect to save from 60,000_l._ to 80,000_l._ pr.
ann.
The affair of the Princess is drawing to a public disclosure of
the whole proceedings. The Prince has been advised by Romilly and
Garrow[278] to make application to the King that the charges against
the Princess may be tried in a Court of Common Law; and, on the
other hand, the Princess has been advised by her law counsellors to
publish her defence, which must lead, of course, to a publication of
the charges and evidence against her. It is said that her defence is
printing, and will be published on Wednesday.[279]
The Opposition are a disjointed, incoherent body, dissatisfied with
their situation, and with one another. Canning has made private
overtures to Ld. Grenville to be taken into office when an opportunity
presents itself, declaring himself greatly discontented with his
present associates. His demands are:--a high appointment for himself,
a place for Sturges, and a peerage for Sr. Hy. Mildmay. Ld. G. seems
not entirely disinclined to listen to such overtures. He is very
much out of humour with Whitbread for his speech on the first day of
the session, which, he scrupled not to say to Ld. Howick, betrayed
sentiments and views utterly inconsistent with those on which Ministers
had conducted the negotiation. But if Whitbread is set aside, and Ld.
Grey die, Petty would be left almost alone in the House of Commons, and
though his success there during the present session has been greater
than the most sanguine of his friends could have hoped for, still he
would require an able seconder, especially if Whitbread went eagerly
into Opposition. These considerations may weigh with Ld. G., and he may
also be desirous of having a speaker of the first rank in the House of
Commons, more connected with _himself_, and less attached to the Whig
party than Petty. Mr. Grenville is unwilling to be an every day speaker
in the House of Commons. C. Williams has no voice; Ld. Temple is not
listened to; but Canning, if brought into office now, would attach
himself to Ld. Grenville as he did to Pitt, and become his peculiar
organ in the H. of C. Ld. Wellesley has probably been the channel of
communication. Whitbread and Ld. Howick are far from being cordial, and
unfortunately the conduct of the former tends to widen every day the
breach between them, and his pretensions are so high, that independent
of the obstacles which he is himself creating, it would be difficult
for Ministry to satisfy him: nothing will content him, but to be
considered as on a par with Lauderdale for pretensions.
[Sidenote: EXPEDITION TO CONSTANTINOPLE]
There is every reason to fear that we shall be forced into war with
Turkey by the violence of Russia, though the Turks have made every
possible concession.[280] It is feared that we have already taken
possession of the Turkish fleet, and bombarded Constantinople.
Arbuthnot has orders to give the Turks the alternative of dismissing
Sebastiani, or having a war with England. Windham and T. Grenville
have, between them, given orders without the knowledge of their
colleagues, in the event of a war with Turkey, for 5000 men to be
taken from the army of Sicily, and employed in taking and garrisoning
Alexandria. Craufurd has been overtaken, and stopped from going to
Valparaiso.
Monroe has had a conversation with Ld. H. about Spanish America; he
wishes nothing to be attempted without a concert with the United
States, the country to be declared independent, and free ports to be
opened to both the invading powers. His accounts from Armstrong[281]
represent that there are great differences among the French generals,
and that this alone has prevented Bonaparte’s return to Paris where his
presence was also required.
_March 8th._--The Princess has not published her defence, but it is
said she has got it printed at a private press belonging to Perceval,
and she threatens to publish it next Friday, if not previously received
at Court on Thursday. It is said that her coarseness of language
disgusts even her partisans.
[Sidenote: CABINET CHANGES]
The overtures of Canning are taken into consideration, and have been
the subject of conversation between Lds. Grenville, Howick, and
Holland. There is an idea that Lauderdale, Whitbread, and Canning may
be introduced into the Cabinet. Canning now requires Charles Long,[282]
Huskisson, and old G. Rose[283] to have places. Some of these and
Ld. Camden are only named _pro forma_, and would be sacrificed if
he could be taken in. How room can be made does not very readily
appear. When the Doctor was told of Canning’s proposals, he said,
that in the present stage of the business, he was not called upon to
interfere, but that if it was proposed to bring Canning into office,
his line was taken.[284] There is no reason whatever for any change
at present, except the alleged necessity of dismissing Windham on
account of his great mismanagement in his office and his conduct as
War Secretary, and the reduction of strength in the H. of Commons,
especially should Windham go with Opposition. But the real cause is
said to be Lord Grenville’s restlessness of disposition, which makes
him dissatisfied at the end of six months with every arrangement he
forms. Ld. H. is averse to these changes on the score of unfairness
to Addington, who must be made the sacrifice, especially as they
conducted themselves (_apparently_, a cautious saving always necessary,
however, for the Doctor’s conduct) well in the late discussions with
the King, and because he is naturally averse to the return of so many
of the Pitt-ites to power; and also that Canning’s introduction to
the Cabinet is the elevation of a rival to Petty. The latter opinion,
however, is more my own, and has inspired me with great distrust to
the proceedings. Petty, who at my earnest desire has been apprised of
the affair, as the injunction was that it was not to transpire, is, of
course, against it. Therefore if Ld. Howick (over whom Ld. Grenville
has acquired great influence) is of the same mind, there will be little
or no difficulty in counteracting it. Whitbread’s impatience for
office, and Ld. Howick’s extreme desire to have no political difference
with him, makes him lend a readier ear to such a plan than he would
otherwise do.
There is an expedition to be undertaken, which on acct. of Erskine’s
extraordinary imprudence in talking, is to be kept a secret from the
Cabinet, and only known to a few. Bad accounts from Drummond[285] of
the Court of Sicily; strong measures are to be resorted to without
delay to bring them to a more reasonable line of conduct. All Frenchmen
in the service of Sicily to be dismissed; none but Sicilians to be
employed in the service of the State; nominations of all officers in
the army to be left to the British Commander-in-Chief; grievances to
be redressed by the convocation of the Sicilian Parlt. If these terms
are not complied with, we are to declare we cannot defend the island,
and if refused, force employed to effectuate them. General Fox, Sr.
John Moore, and Drummond are to be associated in a joint Commission
for this important object.[286] Sr. Sidney Smith, who has been gained
over by the Queen and is completely subservient to her, is ordered on a
different service. The fury and violence of the Queen’s character have
not abated by age, and her _other_ passions have as little diminished.
Ld. Ellenboro’ said, in the discussion of this business, that our
Sicilian Alliance seemed to him to cost £600,000 pr. ann., for no other
purpose than to maintain a ---- house at Palermo.
Overtures for negotiations between France and Russia. Our Governt. have
expressed through Ld. Douglas[287] our readiness to become parties to a
negotiation for peace, and have expressed our wish that if a Congress
is to be held for that purpose, it should be appointed at Copenhagen;
but it has been distinctly explained to Russia, that the French
Colonies shall not be restored in return for the restitution of the
conquests made from Prussia.
[Sidenote: THE CATHOLIC QUESTION]
There are hopes that the Irish Catholics may be induced to postpone
their Petition till another session. Ld. Ponsonby’s letters are
favourable to this expectation, and Mr. Butler has expressed the same
hopes to Ld. Holland.
_14th March._--Before it is decided whether Ministers are to go out,
or accommodate their present differences with the K., I shall try and
collect as well as I can, all the important particulars which have
led things to the present vexatious state. It was the intention of Ld.
Grenville, not only to extend the provisions of the Irish Act of 1793
to the whole British Army, but also to open Staff appointments to the
Catholics, but this dispatch to the King was expressed with some degree
of ambiguity, so that it might be construed to mean that he intended
only to extend the provisions of the Irish Act to this country. It
was so understood by the King, Lds. Sidmouth, and Howick; and when
transmitted to Ireland and read by Mr. Elliot to the Catholics, it
appeared so ambiguous, that when they demanded an explanation of this
point, Mr. E. wrote to Ld. Spencer for instructions how to answer them.
This letter was sent to Lord Grenville, and answered by him without any
consultation with his colleagues. In his answer he expressed surprise
that Mr. Elliot should have had any difficulty upon the subject, and
authorised him to inform the Catholics that it was the intention of
Governt. to remove all disabilities whatever in the army attaching to
members of their Church.
When Ld. Sidmouth understood the misconception under which he had
laboured with regard to the meaning of the proposed clause, he appeared
to be extremely distressed, and expressed himself very doubtful
whether he should not enter into an explanation with the King, in
order to explain his own conduct in the whole affair. But at length he
determined that, if no communication was made on the subject by the
Cabinet, he should take no notice whatever of it; as it was uncertain
in what light the dispatch might have been viewed by the King, and
whether he had understood by it that the new clauses were to be exactly
the same as those of the Irish Act in 1793, or to apply also to the
Staff appointments. It was judged proper by the Cabinet to say nothing
of this difficulty and contrariety of opinions to the King, but to
send to him the proposed clauses, which it was found afterwards more
convenient to be made into a separate Bill, and to leave him to object
to them if they were different from what he was prepared for.
This having been done, and Ld. Howick having waited upon him on
Wednesday, 4th March, he remarked that the clauses went further than
the Irish Mutiny Bill, and when Ld. Howick explained to him how far
they were to be carried, he started, and exclaimed, ‘I’m sorry for
it, I can’t approve of it’; and in the course of their conversation
on the subject, in which Ld. Howick urged all the arguments for the
measure, he appeared not to be more reconciled, but as Ld. Howick
understood, he still gave his consent that the Bill in its present
form should be brought into Parlt. On coming out of the closet, Lord
Howick communicated his conversation to Ld. Grenville and Ld. Sidmouth,
the former of whom remarked, that since Lord Howick had had this
conversation with the King, he should not speak on the subject to His
Majesty, as he knew it to be so disagreeable to him. Ld. Sidmouth, it
appears, did hold some conversation on the subject to the King, in
which he repeated Ld. Howick’s conversation in a sense which induced
the K. to believe that the additional clauses would not be brought
into Parliament till some further communications were held with him.
Ld. Howick, having a different impression of his conversation, brought
the proposed Bill into the House, which was read the first time, and
ordered to be printed.
[Sidenote: THE CATHOLIC QUESTION]
On Monday, the 9th, or Tuesday, the 10th, Ld. Grenville received a
mysterious letter from Ld. Sidmouth regretting that he must differ
from his colleagues on so important a point as the Catholic Bill, and
requesting to have a conversation with him on the subject. From this
conversation it appeared that he was determined to oppose the Bill in
the House of Lords, and that his friends should take the same line in
the H. of Commons. As it appeared from this and other circumstances
that the King and his friends were resolved to oppose the Bill, it
became a question what course it was proper for Ministers to pursue.
It was proposed by some to bring the Bill through the Commons, so as
to pledge that House on the subject, and if any placemen voted against
it, to turn them out instantly, or propose doing so to the King; and if
this measure should not be assented to by him, not to insist upon it
immediately, nor yet quite give it up, but bring the Bill into the H.
of Lords, and on its rejection in that House, to resign, and commence
an active and vigorous Opposition. But to this course of proceeding
it was objected by Ld. Grenville that it would lead to a protracted
contest between the King and the Ministry, which, in the present state
of affairs, could not but be prejudicial to the country; and the
question was therefore proposed whether they should resign, or yield
the question in dispute.
This was argued at his house on Wednesday, 11th, in the evening, at
a meeting consisting of Ld. Grenville, Mr. Grenville, Lds. Howick,
Holland, Henry Petty. Both the Grenvilles said they were ready to go
out if their colleagues thought they could not retreat with honour,
but they showed themselves very unwilling to that measure. Petty said
the same, with the same reluctant offer. The great argument for not
breaking with the King on this point was that this case would appear
a bad one to the public, as it might be plausibly argued that they
had deceived the King and committed his Governt. to more than he had
authorised them to grant. Lds. Howick and Holland, who were the most
averse to concession, were induced at length to give up, seeing that
their colleagues, though they offered to resign upon this point, did it
reluctantly and with a grudge; and being also satisfied that the whole
transaction with the King might be represented in the light that was
argued by the others.
[Sidenote: THE CATHOLIC QUESTION]