PRECAUTIONS AGAINST TORIES—SECRET COMMITTEES—DECLARATION OF LORD
HOWE—HIS LETTER TO THE COLONIAL GOVERNORS—HIS LETTER TO WASHINGTON
REJECTED—INTERVIEW BETWEEN THE BRITISH ADJUTANT-GENERAL AND COLONEL
REED—RECEPTION OF THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL BY WASHINGTON—THE PHŒNIX AND ROSE
IN THE TAPPAN SEA AND HAVERSTRAW BAY—ARMING OF THE RIVER YEOMANRY—GEORGE
CLINTON AT THE GATES OF THE HIGHLANDS.
Lord Howe was indeed come, and affairs now appeared to be approaching a
crisis. In consequence of the recent conspiracy, the Convention of New
York, seated at White Plains in Westchester County, had a secret
committee stationed in New York for the purpose of taking cognizance of
traitorous machinations. To this committee Washington addressed a letter
the day after his lordship’s arrival, suggesting the policy of removing
from the city and its environs, “all persons of known disaffection and
enmity to the cause of America;” especially those confined in jail for
treasonable offences; who might become extremely dangerous in case of an
attack and alarm. He took this step with great reluctance; but felt
compelled to it by circumstances. The late conspiracy had shown him that
treason might be lurking in his camp. And he was well aware that the
city and the neighboring country, especially Westchester County, and
Queens and Suffolk counties on Long Island, abounded with “tories,”
ready to rally under the royal standard whenever backed by a commanding
force.
In consequence of his suggestion, thirteen persons in confinement for
traitorous offences, were removed to the jail of Litchfield in
Connecticut. Among the number was the late mayor; but as his offence was
not of so deep a dye as those whereof the rest stood charged, it was
recommended by the president of the Convention that he should be treated
with indulgence.
The proceedings of Lord Howe soon showed the policy of these
precautions. His lordship had prepared a declaration, addressed to the
people at large, informing them of the powers vested in his brother and
himself as commissioners for restoring peace; and inviting communities
as well as individuals, who, in the tumult and disasters of the times,
had deviated from their allegiance to the crown, to merit and receive
pardon by a prompt return to their duty. It was added, that proper
consideration would be had of the services of all who should contribute
to the restoration of public tranquillity.
His lordship really desired peace. According to a contemporary, he came
to America “as a mediator, not as a destroyer,”[78] and had founded
great hopes in the efficacy of this document in rallying back the people
to their allegiance; it was a sore matter of regret to him, therefore,
to find that, in consequence of his tardy arrival, his invitation to
loyalty had been forestalled by the Declaration of Independence.
Still it might have an effect in bringing adherents to the royal
standard; he sent a flag on shore, therefore, bearing a circular letter,
written in his civil and military capacity, to the colonial governor,
requesting him to publish his address to the people as widely as
possible.
We have heretofore shown the tenacity with which Washington, in his
correspondence with Generals Gage and Howe, exacted the consideration
and deference due to him as commander-in-chief of the American armies;
he did this not from official pride and punctilio, but as the guardian
of American rights and dignities. A further step of the kind was yet to
be taken. The British officers, considering the Americans in arms rebels
without valid commissions, were in the habit of denying them all
military title. Washington’s general officers had urged him not to
submit to this tacit indignity, but to reject all letters directed to
him without a specification of his official rank.
An occasion now presented itself for the adjustment of this matter.
Within a day or two an officer of the British navy, Lieutenant Brown,
came with a flag from Lord Howe, seeking a conference with Washington.
Colonel Reed, the adjutant-general, embarked in a barge, and met him
half way between Governor’s and Staten Islands. The lieutenant informed
him that he was the bearer of a letter from Lord Howe to _Mr._
Washington. Colonel Reed replied, that he knew no such person in the
American army. The lieutenant produced and offered the letter. It was
addressed to George Washington, Esquire. He was informed that it could
not be received with such a direction. The lieutenant expressed much
concern. The letter, he said, was of a civil, rather than a military
nature—Lord Howe regretted he had not arrived sooner—he had great
powers—it was much to be wished the letter could be received.
While the lieutenant was embarrassed and agitated, Reed maintained his
coolness, politely declining to receive the letter, as inconsistent with
his duty. They parted; but after the lieutenant had been rowed some
little distance, his barge was put about, and Reed waited to hear what
further he had to say. It was to ask by what title _General_—but,
catching himself, _Mr._ Washington chose to be addressed.
Reed replied that the general’s station in the army was well known; and
they could not be at a loss as to the proper mode of addressing him,
especially as this matter had been discussed in the preceding summer, of
which, he presumed, the admiral could not be ignorant. The lieutenant
again expressed his disappointment and regret, and their interview
closed.
On the 19th, an aide-de-camp of General Howe came with a flag, and
requested to know, as there appeared to be an obstacle to a
correspondence between the two generals, whether Colonel Patterson, the
British adjutant-general, could be admitted to an interview with General
Washington. Colonel Reed, who met the flag, consented in the name of the
general, and pledged his honor for the safety of the adjutant-general
during the interview, which was fixed for the following morning.
At the appointed time, Col. Reed and Colonel Webb, one of Washington’s
aides, met the flag in the harbor, took Colonel Patterson into their
barge, and escorted him to town, passing in front of the grand battery.
The customary precaution of blindfolding was dispensed with; and there
was a lively and sociable conversation the whole way. Washington
received the adjutant-general at head-quarters with much form and
ceremony, in full military array, with his officers and guards about
him.
Colonel Patterson, addressing him by the title of _your excellency_,
endeavored to explain the address of the letter as consistent with
propriety, and founded on a similar address in the previous summer, to
General Howe. That General Howe did not mean to derogate from the
respect or rank of General Washington, but conceived such an address
consistent with what had been used by ambassadors or plenipotentiaries
where difficulties of rank had arisen. He then produced, but did not
offer, a letter addressed to George Washington, Esquire, &c. &c., hoping
that the et ceteras, which implied every thing, would remove all
impediments.
Washington replied, that it was true, the et ceteras implied every
thing, but they also implied any thing. His letter alluded to, of the
previous summer, was in reply to one addressed in like manner. A letter,
he added, addressed to a person acting in a public character, should
have some inscriptions to designate it from a mere private letter; and
he should absolutely decline any letter addressed to himself as a
private person, when it related to his public station.
Colonel Patterson, finding the letter would not be received, endeavored,
as far as he could recollect, to communicate the scope of it in the
course of a somewhat desultory conversation. What he chiefly dwelt upon
was, that Lord Howe and his brother had been specially nominated
commissioners for the promotion of peace, which was esteemed a mark of
favor and regard to America; that they had great powers, and would
derive the highest pleasure from effecting an accommodation; and he
concluded by adding, that he wished his visit to be considered as making
the first advance toward that desirable object.
Washington replied that, by what had appeared (alluding, no doubt, to
Lord Howe’s circular), their powers, it would seem, were only to grant
pardons. Now those who had committed no fault needed no pardon; and such
was the case with the Americans, who were only defending what they
considered their indisputable rights.
Colonel Patterson avoided a discussion of this matter, which, he
observed, would open a very wide field; so here the conference, which
had been conducted on both sides with great courtesy, terminated. The
colonel took his leave, excusing himself from partaking of a collation,
having made a late breakfast, and was again conducted to his boat. He
expressed himself highly sensible of the courtesy of his treatment, in
having the usual ceremony of blindfolding dispensed with.
Washington received the applause of Congress and of the public for
sustaining the dignity of his station. His conduct in this particular
was recommended as a model to all American officers in corresponding
with the enemy; and Lord Howe informed his government that,
thenceforward, it would be politic to change the superscription of his
letters.
In the mean time the irruption of the Phœnix and the Rose into the
waters of the Hudson had roused a belligerent spirit along its borders.
The lower part of that noble river is commanded on the eastern side by
the bold woody heights of Manhattan Island and Westchester County, and
on the western side by the rocky cliffs of the Palisades. Beyond those
cliffs, the river expands into a succession of what may almost be termed
lakes; first the Tappan Sea, then Haverstraw Bay, then the Bay of
Peekskill; separated from each other by long stretching points, or high
beetling promontories, but affording ample sea room and safe anchorage.
Then come the redoubtable Highlands, that strait, fifteen miles in
length, where the river bends its course, narrow and deep, between
rocky, forest-clad mountains. “He who has command of that grand defile,”
said an old navigator, “may at any time throttle the Hudson.”
The New York Convention, aware of the impending danger, despatched
military envoys to stir up the yeomanry along the river, and order out
militia. Powder and ball were sent to Tarrytown, before which the
hostile ships were anchored, and yeoman troops were stationed there and
along the neighboring shores of the Tappan Sea. In a little while the
militia of Dutchess County and Cortlandt’s Manor were hastening, rudely
armed, to protect the public stores at Peekskill, and mount guard at the
entrance of the Highlands.
No one showed more zeal in this time of alarm, than Colonel Pierre Van
Cortlandt, of an old colonial family, which held its manorial residence
at the mouth of the Croton. With his regiment he kept a dragon watch
along the eastern shore of the Tappan Sea and Haverstraw Bay; while
equal vigilance was maintained night and day along the western shore,
from Nyack quite up to the Donderberg, by Colonel Hay and his regiment
of Haverstraw. Sheep and cattle were driven inland, out of the reach of
maraud. Sentinels were posted to keep a look-out from heights and
headlands and give the alarm should any boats approach the shore, and
rustic marksmen were ready to assemble in a moment, and give them a warm
reception.
The ships of war which caused this alarm and turmoil, lay quietly
anchored in the broad expanses of the Tappan Sea and Haverstraw Bay;
shifting their ground occasionally, and keeping out of musket shot of
the shore, apparently sleeping in the summer sunshine, with awnings
stretched above their decks; while their boats were out taking soundings
quite up to the Highlands, evidently preparing for further operations.
At night, too, their barges were heard rowing up and down the river on
mysterious errands; perriaugers, also, paid them furtive visits
occasionally; it was surmised, with communications and supplies from
tories on shore.
While the ships were anchored in Haverstraw Bay, one of the tenders
stood into the Bay of Peekskill, and beat up within long shot of Fort
Montgomery, where General George Clinton was ensconced with six hundred
of the militia of Orange and Ulster counties. As the tender approached,
a thirty-two pounder was brought to range upon her. The ball passed
through her quarter; whereupon she put about, and ran round the point of
the Donderberg, where the boat landed, plundered a solitary house at the
foot of the mountain, and left it in flames. The marauders, on their way
back to the ships, were severely galled by rustic marksmen, from a
neighboring promontory.
The ships, now acquainted with the channel, moved up within six miles of
Fort Montgomery. General Clinton apprehended they might mean to take
advantage of a dark night, and slip by him in the deep shadows of the
mountains. The shores were high and bold, the river was deep, the
navigation of course safe and easy. Once above the Highlands, they might
ravage the country beyond, and destroy certain vessels of war which were
being constructed at Poughkeepsie.
To prevent this, he stationed a guard at night on the furthest point in
view, about two miles and a half below the fort, prepared to kindle a
blazing fire should the ships appear in sight. Large piles of dry
brushwood mixed with combustibles, were prepared at various places up
and down the shore opposite to the fort, and men stationed to set fire
to them as soon as a signal should be given from the lower point. The
fort, therefore, while it remained in darkness, would have a fair chance
with its batteries as the ships passed between it and these
conflagrations.
A private committee sent up by the New York Convention, had a conference
with the general, to devise further means of obstructing the passage of
ships up the river. Fire rafts were to be brought from Poughkeepsie and
kept at hand ready for action. These were to be lashed two together,
with chains, between old sloops filled with combustibles, and sent down
with a strong wind and tide, to drive upon the ships. An iron chain,
also, was to be stretched obliquely across the river from Fort
Montgomery to the foot of Anthony’s Nose, thus, as it were, chaining up
the gate of the Highlands.
For a protection below the Highlands, it was proposed to station
whale-boats about the coves and promontories of Tappan Sea and
Haverstraw Bay; to reconnoitre the enemy, cruise about at night, carry
intelligence from post to post, seize any river craft that might bring
the ships supplies, and cut off their boats when attempting to land.
Galleys, also, were prepared, with nine-pounders mounted at the bows.
Colonel Hay of Haverstraw, in a letter to Washington, rejoices that the
national Congress are preparing to protect this great highway of the
country, and anticipates that the banks of the Hudson were about to
become the chief theatre of the war.
NOTE.
THE VAN CORTLANDT FAMILY.—Two members of this old and honorable family
were conspicuous patriots throughout the Revolution. Pierre Van
Cortlandt, the father, at this time about 56 years of age, a stanch
friend and ally of George Clinton, was member of the first Provincial
Congress, and president of the Committee of Public Safety. Governor
Tryon had visited him in his old manor house at the mouth of the
Croton, in 1774, and made him offers of royal favors, honors, grants
of land, &c., if he would abandon the popular cause. His offers were
nobly rejected. The Cortlandt family suffered in consequence, being at
one time obliged to abandon their manorial residence: but the head
remained true to the cause, and subsequently filled the office of
Lieutenant-governor with great dignity.
His son Pierre, mentioned in the above chapter, and then about 27
years of age, had likewise resisted the overtures of Tryon, destroying
a major’s commission in the Cortlandt militia, which he sent him.
Congress, in 1775, made him lieutenant-colonel in the Continental
service, in which capacity we now find him, acquitting himself with
zeal and ability