CHAPTER XXVI.

THE SOTHIC CYCLE AND THE USE MADE OF IT.

Although it is necessary to enter somewhat into the domain of

chronology to really understand the astronomical observations on which

the Egyptian year depended and the uses made of the year, I shall limit

myself to the more purely astronomical part. To go over the already

vast literature is far from my intention, nor is it necessary to

attempt to settle all the differences of opinion which exist, and which

are so ably referred to by Krall in his masterly analysis,[73] to which

I own myself deeply indebted. The tremendously involved state of the

problem may be gathered from the fact that the authorities are not yet

decided whether many of the dates met with in the inscriptions really

belong to a fixed or a vague year!

Let us, rather, put ourselves in the place of the old Egyptians, and

inquire how, out of the materials they had at hand, a calendar could be

constructed in the simplest way.

They had the vague year and the Sirius year, so related, as we have

seen, that the successive coincidences of the 1st Thoth in both years

took place after an interval of 1460 years. Now, for calendar purposes,

they wanted not only to know the days of the years, but the years of

the cycle. This latter is the only point we need consider here. How

were they to do this? The _easiest_ way would be to conceive a great

year or _annus magnus_, consisting of 1460 years, each day of which

would represent four years in actual time; and further, to consider

everything that happened, which had to be thus chronicled, to take

place on the 1st of Thoth in each year. How would this system work?

During the first four years, at the beginning of a cycle, the 1st Thoth

vague would happen on the 1st Thoth of the cycle. During the next four

years the 1st Thoth of the vague year would fall on the fifth epact,

and so on; so, as the cycle swept onward, each group of four years

would be marked by a date in the cycle, which would allow the place of

the group of years in the cycle to be exactly defined. But as the cycle

swept onward, the date would sweep backward among the months of the

great sacred year until its end.

To make this clear, it will be well to construct another diagram

somewhat like the former one.

[Illustration: THE DISTRIBUTION OF THE 1ST OF THOTH (REPRESENTING THE

RISE OF SIRIUS) AMONG THE EGYPTIAN MONTHS IN THE 1460-YEAR SOTHIC

CYCLE.]

Let us map out the 1460 years which elapsed between two successive

coincidences between the 1st of Thoth in the vague year and the

heliacal rising of Sirius at the solstice, so that we can see at a

glance the actual number of years from any start-point (= 0) at which

the 1st of Thoth in the vague year occurred successively further and

further from the heliacal rising, until at length, after a period of

1460 years, it coincided again. As the Sirius-year is longer than the

vague one, the first vague year will be completed before the first

Sirius-year, hence the second vague year will commence just before the

end of the fixed year, and that is the reason I have reversed the order

of months in the diagram.

Now it is clear that, if the Egyptians really worked in this fashion,

the date of the heliacal rising of Sirius, given in this way, would

enable us to determine the number of years which had elapsed from the

beginning of the cycle.

This calendar system, it will be seen, is good only for groups of four

years. Now, a system which went no further than this would be a very

coarse one. We find, however, that special precautions were taken

to define which year of the four was in question, and the fact that

this was done goes some way to support the suggestion I have made.

Brugsch,[74] indeed, shows that a special sign was employed to mark the

first year of each series of four.

Next, as a matter of fact it is known (I have the high authority of

Dr. Krall for the statement) that each king was supposed to begin his

reign on the 1st Thoth (or 1st Pachons) of the particular year in which

that event took place, and the fact that this was so further supports

the suggestion we are considering. During the reign its length and the

smaller events might be recorded in vague years and days so long as the

date of its commencement had been referred to a cycle.

The diagram will show how readily the cycle year can be determined for

any vague year. If, for instance, the 1st Thoth in the vague year falls

on 1 Tybi of the cycle, we see that 980 years must have elapsed since

the beginning of the cycle, and so on.

Here, then, we have a true calendar system. If the Egyptians had not

this, what had they?

Dealing, then, with the matter so far as we have gone, we find that

the system suggested enabled the place of the beginning of each vague

year and of each king's reign to be dated in terms of the cycle of 1460

years; and further that, if they had not such a system as this, they

had no means of recording any lapse of time which exceeded a year. It

is not likely that any nation would put itself in such a position,

least of all the ancient Egyptians.

The existence of periods of 365 years and of 120 years among the

Egyptians is easily explained when the existence of this great year is

recognised; the 365 years' period, marking approximately the intervals

from solstice to equinox and equinox to solstice, in the natural year.

Let us next try to get a little further by assuming the supposed method

of dating to have been actually employed, and finding the year of the

beginning of one or more of these cycles thus obtained. This should

eventually help us to determine whether or not the Egyptians acted on

this principle, or used one widely different. In such an investigation

as this, however, we are terribly hampered by the uncertainty of

Egyptian dates; while, as I have said before, there is great divergence

of opinion among Egyptologists as to whether, from very early times,

there was not a true fixed year.

But let us suppose that the vague year was in common use as a civil

year, and that the rising of Sirius started the year; then, if we can

get any accepted date to work with, and use the diagram to see how many

years had elapsed between that date and the start-point of the cycle,

we shall see if there be any cyclical relation; and if we find it, it

will be evidence, so far as it goes, of the existence not only of a

vague year, but of the mode of reckoning we are discussing.

Now it so happens that there are three references, with dates given,

to the rising of Sirius in widely different times; and, curiously

enough, the month references are nearly the same. I begin with the

most recent, as in this case the date can be fixed with the greater

certainty. It is an inscription at Philæ, described by Brugsch (p.

87), who states that, when it was written, the 1st of Thoth = 28th of

Epiphi. That is, according to the view we are considering, the heliacal

rising of Sirius--that is, the 1st Thoth of the vague year fell on the

28th Epiphi of our cycle. He fixes the date of the inscription between

127 and 117 B.C. Let us take it as 122. Next, referring to our diagram

to find how many years had elapsed since the beginning of the cycle, we

have--

Days.

5 Epacts.

30 Mesori.

2 Epiphi.

──

37 × 4 = 148 years elapsed.

The cycle, then, began in (118 + 122 =) 270 B.C.

We next find a much more ancient inscription recording the rising

of Sirius on the 28th of Epiphi. Obviously, if the Sothic cycle had

anything to do with the matter, this must have happened 1458 years

earlier, _i.e._, about (1458 + 122 =) 1580 B.C. Under which king?

Thothmes III., who reigned, according to Lepsius, 1603-1565 B.C.;

according to Brugsch, 1625-1577. Now, the inscription in question is

stated to have been inscribed by Thothmes III., and, it may be added,

on the temple (now destroyed) at Elephantine.

There is yet another inscription, also known to be of a still earlier

period, referring to the rising of Sirius on the 27th of Epiphi. We

may neglect the difference of one day in the cycle (representing four

years); and again, if the use of the Sothic cycle were the origin of

the identity of dates, we have this time, according to Oppolzer, a

period of 1460 years to add: this gives us (1580 + 1460 =) 3040 B.C.

Again under which king? Here we are face to face with one of the

difficulties of these inquiries, to which reference has already been

made. It may be stated, however, that the inscription is ascribed to

Pepi, and that, according to various authorities, that king reigned

some time between 3000 and 3700 B.C.

We come, then, to this: that one of the oldest dated inscriptions known

seems to belong to a system which continued in use at Philæ up to about

100 B.C., and it was essentially a system of a vague year, the 1st

Thoths of which were represented as days on a 1460-years' cycle.

Now, assuming that the approximate date of the earliest inscription is

3044 B.C., and that it represented the heliacal rising of Sirius on

the 27th of Epiphi, the year 3044 must have been the [(5 + 30 + 3) x 4

=] 152nd after the beginning of the cycle. The cycle, then, must have

commenced (3044 + 152 =) 3196 B.C.

If we assume that the real date of Pepi, who, it is stated, reigned

100 years, included the year 3044 B.C., it may be, then, that the

inscriptions to which I have directed attention give us three Sothic

cycles beginning--

122 + 148 = 270 B.C.

1580 + 148 = 1728 B.C.

3044 + 148 = 3192 B.C.

According to Biot's calculation, the first heliacal rising of Sirius at

the solstice took place in the year 3285 B.C.; it is possible, then,

that the Egyptians utilised this heliacal rising within a hundred

years of the date on which it would have been first possible for them

to do so. This shows how keenly alive they were in these matters, and

also, I think, that they had been trained by watching some other star

previously.

It would also follow that the vague year was in common use. There is

ample evidence to show, however, that by this time the priests were

fully acquainted with the true year, which was called the sacred year,

and that every four years an additional epact was interpolated. Their

solar temples, then, at last had been utilised.

One argument which has been used to show that a vague year was not

in use during the time of the Ramessids has been derived from some

inscriptions at Silsilis which refer to the dates on which sacred

offerings were presented there to the Nile-god. As the dates 15th

of Thoth and 15th of Epiphi are the same in all three inscriptions,

although they cover the period from Rameses II. to Rameses III.--120

years--it has been argued by Brugsch that a fixed year is in question.

Brugsch points out that the two dates are separated by 65 days;

that this is the exact interval between the Coptic festivals of the

commencement of the flow and the marriage of the Nile--the time of

highest water; and that, therefore, in all probability these are the

two natural phenomena to commemorate which the offerings on the dates

in question were made.

But Brugsch does not give the whole of the inscription. A part of it,

translated by De Rougé,[75] runs thus:--

"I (the king) know what is said in the depôt of the writings which are

in the House of the Books. The Nile emerges from its fountains to give

the fulness of life-necessaries to the gods," etc.

De Rougé justly remarks:

"Le langage singulier que tient le Pharaon dédicateur pourrait même

faire soupçonner _qu'il ne s'agit pas de la venue effective de l'eau

sainte du Nil à l'une des deux dates précitées_."

Krall (_loc. cit._, p. 51) adds the following interesting remarks:--

"Consider, now, what these 'Scriptures of the House of Life' were

like. In a catalogue of books from the temple of Edfû we find,

besides a series of purely religious writings, 'The knowledge of the

periodical recurrence of the double stars (sun and moon),' and the

'Law of the periodical recurrence of the stars.'

" ... The knowledge embodied in these writings dated from the oldest

times of the Egyptian empire, in which the priests placed, rightly

or wrongly, the origin of all their sacred rolls" (_cf._ Manetho's

"History," p.130).

Now, to investigate this question we have to approach some

considerations which at first sight may seem to be foreign to our

subject. I shall be able to show, however, that this is not so.

_Imprimis_ we must remember that it is a question of Silsilis, where

we know, both from tradition and geological evidence, in ancient times

the first cataract was encountered. The phrase "the Nile emerges from

its fountains" would be much more applicable to Silsilis, the seat of

a cataract, than as it is at present. We do not know when the river

made its way through this impediment, but we do know that after it took

place and the Nile stream was cleared as far as the cataract that still

remains at Elephantine, a nilometer was erected there, and that during

the whole of later Egyptian history, at all events, the time of the

rise of the river has been carefully recorded both there and at Rôda.

From this it is fair to infer that in those more ancient times the same

thing took place at Silsilis; if this were so, the reason of the record

of the coming of the inundation at Silsilis is not far to seek, and

hence the suggestion lies on the surface that the records in question

may state the date of the arrival _in relation to Memphis time_.

It has been rendered, I hope, quite clear in Chapter XXIII. that there

is a difference of fifteen or sixteen days between the arrival of the

inundation at Elephantine and at Memphis. Hence, if in Pepi's time a

Nile rise were observed at Silsilis, there might easily be a difference

of fifteen days between the rise of the Nile at Silsilis and the

Memphic 1st of Thoth. If both at Silsilis and Memphis the Nile rise

marked 1st Thoth, the day of the rise at Memphis would correspond to

15th Thoth at Silsilis, so that a king reaching Silsilis with Memphis

local time would be struck with this difference, and anxious to record

it. May not this, then, have been the important datum recorded in the

sacred books? If so, it would not touch the question of the fixed or

vague year at all.

Let it, then, be for the present conceded that there was a vague year,

and that at least some of the inscriptions which suggest the use of

only a fixed year in these early times may be explained in another way.

The dawn of astronomy A study of the temple-worship and mythology of the ancient Egyptians · 第 26 / 31 章