Mr. Evarts, formerly Secretary of State, showed an English friend the

place where Washington was said to have thrown a dollar across the

Potomac. The English friend expressed surprise; "but," said Mr. Evarts,

"you must remember that a dollar went further in those days." A Senator

met Mr. Evarts next day, and said that he had been amused by his jest.

"But," said Mr. Evarts, "I met a mere journalist just afterwards who

said, 'Oh, Mr. Evarts, you should have said that it was a small matter

to throw a dollar across the Potomac for a man who had chucked a

sovereign across the Atlantic.'" Mr. Evarts, weary of making many jokes,

would invent a journalist or other man and tell a story as his. It was

he who, on a kindly busybody expressing surprise at his daring to drink

so many different wines at dinner, said that it was only the indifferent

wines of which he was afraid.

It was Mr. Motley who said in Boston--"Give me the luxuries of life, and

I care not who has the necessaries."

Mr. Tom Appleton, famous for many witty sayings (among them the

well-known "Good Americans, when they die, go to Paris"), heard some

grave city fathers debating what could be done to mitigate the cruel

east wind at an exposed corner of a certain street in Boston. He

suggested that they should tether a shorn lamb there.

A witty Bostonian going to dine with a lady was met by her with a face

of apology. "I could not get another man," she said; "and we are four

women, and you will have to take us all in to dinner." "Fore-warned is

four-armed," said he with a bow.

This gentleman was in a hotel in Boston when the law forbidding the sale

of liquor was in force. "What would you say," said an angry Bostonian,

"if a man from St. Louis, where they have freedom, were to come in and

ask you where he could get a drink?" Now it was known that spirits could

be clandestinely bought in a room under the roof, and the wit pointing

upwards replied, "I should say, 'Fils de St. Louis, montez au ciel.'"

Madame Apponyi was in London during the debates on the Reform Bill of

1867, and, like all foreigners and not a few Englishmen, was much

perplexed by the "Compound Householder," who figured so largely in the

discussion. Hayward explained that he was the Masculine of the Femme

Incomprise.

One of the best repartees ever made, because the briefest and the

justest, was made by "the gorgeous Lady Blessington" to Napoleon III.

When Prince Louis Napoleon was living in impecunious exile in London he

had been a constant guest at Lady Blessington's hospitable and brilliant

but Bohemian house. And she, when visiting Paris after the _coup d'état_

naturally expected to receive at the Tuileries some return for the

unbounded hospitalities of Gore House. Weeks passed, no invitation

arrived, and the Imperial Court took no notice of Lady Blessington's

presence. At length she encountered the Emperor at a great reception. As

he passed through the bowing and curtsying crowd, the Emperor caught

sight of his former hostess. "Ah, Miladi Blessington! Restez-vous

longtemps à Paris?" "Et vous, Sire?" History does not record the

usurper's reply.

Henry Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter from 1830 to 1869, lived at a

beautiful villa near Torquay, and an enthusiastic lady who visited him

there burst into dithyrambics and cried, "What a lovely spot this is,

Bishop! It is so Swiss." "Yes, ma'am," blandly replied old Harry of

Exeter, "it is very Swiss; only there is no sea in Switzerland, and

there are no mountains here." To one of his clergy desiring to renew a

lease of some episcopal property, the Bishop named a preposterous sum as

the fine on renewal. The poor parson, consenting with reluctance, said,

"Well, I suppose it is better than endangering the lease, but certainly

your lordship has got the lion's share." "But, my dear sir, I am sure

you would not wish me to have that of the other creature."

Still, after all, for a bishop to score off a clergyman is an

inglorious victory; it is like the triumph of a magistrate over a

prisoner or of a don over an undergraduate. Bishop Wilberforce, whose

powers of repartee were among his most conspicuous gifts, was always

ready to use them where retaliation was possible--not in the safe

enclosure of the episcopal study, but on the open battlefield of the

platform and the House of Lords. At the great meeting in St. James's

Hall in the summer of 1868 to protest against the Disestablishment of

the Irish Church, some Orange enthusiast, in the hope of disturbing the

Bishop, kept interrupting his honeyed eloquence with inopportune shouts

of "Speak up, my lord." "I am already speaking up," replied the Bishop

in his most dulcet tone; "I always speak up; and I decline to speak down

to the level of the ill-mannered person in the gallery." Every one whose

memory runs back thirty years will recall the Homeric encounters between

the Bishop and Lord Chancellor Westbury in the House of Lords, and will

remember the melancholy circumstances under which Lord Westbury had to

resign his office. When he was leaving the Royal Closet after

surrendering the Great Seal into the Queen's hands, Lord Westbury met

the Bishop, who was going in to the Queen. It was a painful encounter,

and in reminding the Bishop of the occurrence when next they met,

Westbury said, "I felt inclined to say, 'Hast thou found me, O mine

enemy?'" The Bishop in relating this used to say, "I never in my life

was so tempted as to finish the quotation, and say, 'Yea, I have found

thee, because thou hast sold thyself to work iniquity.' But by a great

effort I kept it down, and said, 'Does your lordship remember the end of

the quotation?'" The Bishop, who enjoyed a laugh against himself, used

to say that he had once been effectually scored off by one of his clergy

whom he had rebuked for his addiction to fox-hunting. The Bishop urged

that it had a worldly appearance. The clergyman replied that it was not

a bit more worldly than a ball at Blenheim Palace at which the Bishop

had been present. The Bishop explained that he was staying in the house,

but was never within three rooms of the dancing. "Oh, if it comes to

that," replied the clergyman, "I never am within three fields of the

hounds."

One of the best replies--it is scarcely a repartee--traditionally

reported at Oxford was made by the great Saint of the Tractarian

Movement, the Rev. Charles Marriott. A brother-Fellow of Oriel had

behaved rather outrageously at dinner overnight, and coming out of

chapel next morning, essayed to apologize to Marriott: "My friend, I'm

afraid I made rather a fool of myself last night." "My dear fellow, I

assure you I observed nothing unusual."

In a former chapter about the Art of Conversation I referred to the

singular readiness which characterized Lord Sherbrooke's talk. A good

instance of it was his reply to the strenuous advocate of modern

studies, who, presuming on Sherbrooke's sympathy, said, "I have the

greatest contempt for Aristotle." "But not that contempt which

familiarity breeds, I should imagine," was Sherbrooke's mild rejoinder.

"I have got a box at the Lyceum to-night," I once heard a lady say, "and

a place to spare. Lord Sherbrooke, will you come? If you are engaged, I

must take the Bishop of Gibraltar." "Oh, that's no good. Gibraltar can

never be taken."

In 1872, when University College, Oxford, celebrated the thousandth

anniversary of its foundation, Lord Sherbrooke, as an old Member of the

College, made the speech of the evening. His theme was a complaint of

the iconoclastic tendency of New Historians. Nothing was safe from their

sacrilegious research. Every tradition, however venerable, however

precious, was resolved into a myth or a fable. "For example," he said,

"we have always believed that certain lands which this college owns in

Berkshire were given to us by King Alfred. Now the New Historians come

and tell us that this could not have been the case, because they can

prove that the lands in question never belonged to the King. It seems to

me that the New Historians prove too much--indeed, they prove the very

point which they contest. If the lands had belonged to the King, he

would probably have kept them to himself; but as they belonged to some

one else, he made a handsome present of them to the College."

Lord Beaconsfield's excellence in conversation lay rather in studied

epigrams than in impromptu repartees. But in his old electioneering

contests he used sometimes to make very happy hits. When he came

forward, a young, penniless, unknown coxcomb, to contest High Wycombe

against the dominating Whiggery of the Greys and the Carringtons, some

one in the crowd shouted, "We know all about Colonel Grey; but pray what

do you stand on?" "I stand on my head," was the prompt reply, to which

Mr. Gladstone always rendered unstinted admiration. At Aylesbury the

Radical leader had been a man of notoriously profligate life, and when

Mr. Disraeli came to seek re-election as Tory Chancellor of the

Exchequer this tribune of the people produced at the hustings the

Radical manifesto which Mr. Disraeli had issued twenty years before.

"What do you say to that, sir?" "I say that we all sow our wild oats,

and no one knows the meaning of that phrase better than you, Mr. ----."

A member of the diplomatic service at Rome in the old days of the

Temporal Power had the honour of an interview with Pio Nono. The Pope

graciously offered him a cigar--"I am told you will find this very

fine." The Englishman made that stupidest of all answers, "Thank your

Holiness, but I have no vices." "This isn't a vice; if it was you would

have it." Another repartee from the Vatican reached me a few years ago,

when the German Emperor paid his visit to Leo XIII. Count Herbert

Bismarck was in attendance on his Imperial master, and when they

reached the door of the Pope's audience-chamber the Emperor passed in,

and the Count tried to follow. A gentleman of the Papal Court motioned

him to stand back, as there must be no third person at the interview

between the Pope and the Emperor. "I am Count Herbert Bismarck," shouted

the German, as he struggled to follow his master. "That," replied the

Roman, with calm dignity, "may account for, but it does not excuse, your

conduct."

But, after all these "fash'nable fax and polite annygoats," as Thackeray

would have called them, after all these engaging courtesies of kings and

prelates and great ladies, I think that the honours in the way of

repartee rest with the little Harrow boy who was shouting himself hoarse

in the jubilation of victory after an Eton and Harrow match at Lord's in

which Harrow had it hollow. To him an Eton boy, of corresponding years,

severely observed, "Well, you Harrow fellows needn't be so beastly

cocky. When you wanted a Head Master you had to come to Eton to get

one." The small Harrovian was dumfounded for a moment, and then, pulling

himself together for a final effort of deadly sarcasm, exclaimed, "Well,

at any rate, no one can say that we ever produced a Mr. Gladstone."

XX.

TITLES.

The List of Honours, usually published on Her Majesty's Birthday, is

this year[23] reserved till the Jubilee Day, and to sanguine aspirants I

would say, in Mrs. Gamp's immortal words, "Seek not to proticipate."

Such a list always contains food for the reflective mind, and some of

the thoughts which it suggests may even lie too deep for tears. Why is

my namesake picked out for knighthood, while I remain hidden in my

native obscurity? Why is my rival made a C.B., while I "go forth

Companionless" to meet the chances and the vexations of another year?

But there is balm in Gilead. If I have fared badly, my friends have done

little better. Like Mr. Squeers, when Bolder's father was two pound ten

short, they have had their disappointments to contend against. A., who

was so confident of a peerage, is fobbed off with a baronetcy; and B.,

whose labours for the Primrose League entitled him to expect the Bath,

finds himself grouped with the Queen's footmen in the Royal Victorian

Order. As, when Sir Robert Peel declined to form a Government in 1839,

"twenty gentlemen who had not been appointed Under Secretaries for State

moaned over the martyrdom of young ambition," so during the first

fortnight of 1897 at least that number of middle-aged self-seekers came

to the regretful conclusion that Lord Salisbury was not sufficiently a

man of the world for his present position, and inwardly asked why a

judge or a surgeon should be preferred before a company-promoter or a

party hack. And, while feeling is thus fermenting at the base of the

social edifice, things are not really tranquil at the summit.

It is not long since the chief of the princely House of Duff was raised

to the first order of the peerage, and one or two opulent earls,

encouraged by his example, are understood to be looking upward. Every

constitutional Briton, whatever his political creed, has in his heart of

hearts a wholesome reverence for a dukedom. Lord Beaconsfield, who

understood these little traits of our national character even more

perfectly than Thackeray, says of his favourite St. Aldegonde (who was

heir to the richest dukedom in the kingdom) that "he held extreme

opinions, especially on political affairs, being a Republican of the

reddest dye. He was opposed to all privilege, and indeed to all orders

of men except dukes, who were a necessity." That is a delicious touch.

St. Aldegonde, whatever his political aberrations, "voiced" the

universal sentiment of his less fortunate fellow-citizens; nor can the

most soaring ambition of the British Matron desire a nobler epitaph than

that of the lady immortalized by Thomas Ingoldsby:--

"She drank prussic acid without any water,

And died like a Duke-and-a-Duchess's daughter."

As, according to Dr. Johnson, all claret would be port if it could, so,

presumably, every marquis would like to be a duke; and yet, as a matter

of fact, that Elysian translation is not often made. A marquis, properly

regarded, is not so much a nascent duke as a magnified earl. A shrewd

observer of the world once said to me: "When an earl gets a marquisate,

it is worth a hundred thousand pounds in hard money to his family." The

explanation of this cryptic utterance is that, whereas an earl's younger

sons are "misters," a marquis's younger sons are "lords." Each "my

lord" can make a "my lady," and therefore commands a distinctly higher

price in the marriage-market of a wholesomely-minded community. Miss

Higgs, with her fifty thousand pounds, might scorn the notion of

becoming the Honourable Mrs. Percy Popjoy; but as Lady Magnus Charters

she would feel a laudable ambition gratified.

An earldom is, in its combination of euphony, antiquity, and

association, perhaps the most impressive of all the titles in the

peerage. Most rightly did the fourteenth Earl of Derby decline to be

degraded into a brand-new duke. An earldom has always been the right of

a Prime Minister who wishes to leave the Commons. In 1880 a member of

the House of Russell (in which there are certain Whiggish traditions of

jobbery) was fighting a hotly contested election, and his ardent

supporters brought out a sarcastic placard--"Benjamin, Earl of

Beaconsfield! He made himself an earl and the people poor"; to which a

rejoinder was instantly forthcoming--"John, Earl Russell! He made

himself an earl and his relations rich." The amount of truth in the two

statements was about equal. In 1885 this order of the peerage missed the

greatest distinction which fate is likely ever to offer it, when Mr.

Gladstone declined the earldom proffered by her Majesty on his

retirement from office. Had he accepted, it was understood that the

representatives of the last Earl of Liverpool would have waived their

claims to the extinct title, and the greatest of the Queen's Prime

Ministers would have borne the name of the city which gave him birth.

But, magnificent and euphonious as an earldom is, the children of an

earl are the half-castes of the peerage. The eldest son is "my lord,"

and his sisters are "my lady;" and ever since the days of Mr. Foker,

Senior, it has been _de rigueur_ for an opulent brewer to marry an

earl's daughter; but the younger sons are not distinguishable from the

ignominious progeny of viscounts and barons. Two little boys,

respectively the eldest and the second son of an earl, were playing on

the front staircase of their home, when the eldest fell over into the

hall below. The younger called to the footman who picked his brother up,

"Is he hurt?" "Killed, _my lord_," was the instantanteous reply of a

servant who knew the devolution of a courtesy title.

As the marquises people the debatable land between the dukes and the

earls, so do the viscounts between the earls and the barons. A child

whom Matthew Arnold was examining in grammar once wrote of certain words

which he found it hard to classify under their proper parts of speech

that they were "thrown into the common sink, which is adverbs." I hope I

shall not be considered guilty of any disrespect if I say that

ex-Speakers, ex-Secretaries of State, successful generals, and ambitious

barons who are not quite good enough for earldoms, are "thrown into the

common sink, which is viscounts." Not only heralds and genealogists, but

every one who has the historic sense, must have felt an emotion of

regret when the splendid title of twenty-third Baron Dacre was merged by

Mr. Speaker Brand in the pinchbeck dignity of first Viscount Hampden.

After viscounts, barons. The baronage of England is headed by the

bishops; but, as we have already discoursed of those right reverend

peers, we, Dante-like, will not reason of them, but pass on--only

remarking, as we pass, that it is held on good authority that no human

being ever experiences a rapture so intense as an American bishop from a

Western State when he first hears himself called "My lord" at a London

dinner-party. After the spiritual barons come the secular barons--the

"common or garden" peers of the United Kingdom. Of these there are

considerably more than three hundred; and of all, except some thirty or

forty at the most, it may be said without offence that they are products

of the opulent Middle Class. Pitt destroyed deliberately and for ever

the exclusive character of the British peerage when, as Lord

Beaconsfield said, he "created a plebeian aristocracy and blended it

with the patrician oligarchy." And in order to gain admission to this

"plebeian aristocracy" men otherwise reasonable and honest will spend

incredible sums, undergo prodigious exertions, associate themselves with

the basest intrigues, and perform the most unblushing tergiversations.

Lord Houghton told me that he said to a well-known politician who

boasted that he had refused a peerage: "Then you made a great mistake. A

peerage would have secured you three things that you are much in need

of--social consideration, longer credit with your tradesmen, and better

marriages for your younger children."

It is unlucky that a comparatively recent change has put it out of the

power of a Prime Minister to create fresh Irish peers, for an Irish

peerage was a cheap and convenient method of rewarding political

service.[24] Lord Palmerston held that, combining social rank with

eligibility to the House of Commons, it was the most desirable

distinction for a politician. Pitt, when his banker Mr. Smith (who lived

in Whitehall) desired the privilege of driving through the Horse Guards,

said: "No, I can't give you that; but I will make you an Irish peer;"

and the banker became the first Lord Carrington.

What is a Baronet? ask some. Sir Wilfrid Lawson (who ought to know)

replies that he is a man "who has ceased to be a gentleman and has not

become a nobleman." But this is too severe a judgment. It breathes a

spirit of contempt bred of familiarity, which may, without irreverence,

be assumed by a member of an exalted Order, but which a humble outsider

would do well to avoid. As Major Pendennis said of a similar

manifestation, "It sits prettily enough on a young patrician in early

life, though, nothing is so loathsome among persons of our rank." I

turn, therefore, for an answer to Sir Bernard Burke, who says: "The

hereditary Order of Baronets was created by patent in England by King

James I. in 1611. At the institution many of the chief estated gentlemen

of the kingdom were selected for the dignity. The first batch of

Baronets comprised some of the principal landed proprietors among the

best-descended gentlemen of the kingdom, and the list was headed by a

name illustrious more than any other for the intellectual pre-eminence

with which it is associated--the name of Bacon. The Order of Baronets is

scarcely estimated at its proper value."

I cannot help feeling that this account of the baronetage, though

admirable in tone and spirit, and actually pathetic in its closing touch

of regretful melancholy, is a little wanting in what the French would

call "actuality." It leaves out of sight the most endearing, because the

most human, trait of the baronetage--its pecuniary origin. On this point

let us hear the historian Hume--"The title of Baronet was sold and two

hundred patents of that species of knighthood were disposed of for so

many thousand pounds." This was truly epoch-making. It was one of those

"actions of the just" which "smell sweet and blossom in the dust." King

James's baronets were the models and precursors of all who to the end of

time should traffic in the purchase of honours. Their example has

justified posterity, and the precedent which they set is to-day the

principal method by which the war-chests of our political parties are

replenished.

Another authority, handling the same high theme, tells us that the

rebellion in Ulster gave rise to this Order, and "it was required of

each baronet on his creation to pay into the Exchequer as much as would

maintain thirty soldiers three years at eight-pence a day in the

province of Ulster," and, as a historical memorial of their original

service, the baronets bear as an augmentation to their coats-of-arms

the royal badge of Ulster--a Bloody Hand on a white field. It was in apt

reference to this that a famous Whip, on learning that a baronet of his

party was extremely anxious to be promoted to the peerage, said, "You

can tell Sir Peter Proudflesh, with my compliments, that we don't do

these things for nothing. If he wants a peerage, he will have to put his

Bloody Hand into his pocket."

For the female mind the baronetage has a peculiar fascination. As there

was once a female Freemason, so there was once a female baronet--Dame

Maria Bolles, of Osberton, in the County of Nottingham. The rank of a

baronet's wife is not unfrequently conferred on the widow of a man to

whom a baronetcy had been promised and who died too soon to receive it.

"Call me a vulgar woman!" screamed a lady once prominent in society when

a good-natured friend repeated a critical comment. "Call me a vulgar

woman! me, who was Miss Blank, of Blank Hall, and if I had been a boy

should have been a baronet!"

The baronets of fiction are, like their congeners in real life, a

numerous and a motley band. Lord Beaconsfield described, with a

brilliancy of touch which was all his own, the labours and the

sacrifices of Sir Vavasour Firebrace on behalf of the Order of Baronets

and the privileges wrongfully withheld from them. "They are evidently

the body destined to save this country; blending all sympathies--the

Crown, of which they are the peculiar champions: the nobles, of whom

they are the popular branch; the people, who recognize in them their

natural leaders.... Had the poor King lived, we should at least have had

the Badge," added Sir Vavasour mournfully.

"The Badge?"

"It would have satisfied Sir Grosvenor le Draughte; he was for

compromise. But, confound him, his father was only an accoucheur."

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