KRONSTADT
In February, 1921, the workers of several Petrograd factories went on
strike. The winter was an exceptionally hard one, and the people of the
capital suffered intensely from cold, hunger, and exhaustion. They asked
an increase of their food rations, some fuel and clothing. The
complaints of the strikers, ignored by the authorities, presently
assumed a political character. Here and there was also voiced a demand
for the Constituent Assembly and free trade. The attempted street
demonstration of the strikers was suppressed, the Government having
ordered out the military _kursanti_. Lisa Zorin, who of all the
Communists I had met remained closest to the people, was present at the
breaking up of the demonstration. One woman became so enraged over the
brutality of the military that she attacked Lisa. The latter, true to
her proletarian instincts, saved the woman from arrest and accompanied
her home. There she found the most appalling conditions. In a dark and
damp room there lived a worker’s family with its six children,
half-naked in the bitter cold. Subsequently Lisa said to me: “I felt
sick to think that I was in the Astoria.” Later she moved out.
When the Kronstadt sailors learned what was happening in Petrograd they
expressed their solidarity with the strikers in their economic and
revolutionary demands, but refused to support any call for the
Constituent Assembly. On March 1st, the sailors organized a mass meeting
in Kronstadt, which was attended also by the Chairman of the All-Russian
Central Executive Committee, Kalinin (the presiding officer of the
Republic of Russia), the Commander of the Kronstadt Fortress, Kuzmin,
and the Chairman of the Kronstadt Soviet, Vassiliev. The meeting, held
with the knowledge of the Executive Committee of the Kronstadt Soviet,
passed a resolution approved by the sailors, the garrison, and the
citizens’ meeting of 16,000 persons. Kalinin, Kuzmin, and Vassiliev
spoke against the resolution, which later became the basis of the
conflict between Kronstadt and the Government. It voiced the popular
demand for Soviets elected by the free choice of the people. It is
worth reproducing that document in full, that the reader may be enabled
to judge the true character of the Kronstadt demands. The Resolution
read:
Having heard the Report of the Representatives sent by the General
Meeting of Ship Crews to Petrograd to investigate the situation
there, Resolved:
(1) In view of the fact that the present Soviets do not express the
will of the workers and the peasants, immediately to hold new
elections by secret ballot, the pre-election campaign to have full
freedom of agitation among the workers and peasants;
(2) To establish freedom of speech and press for workers and
peasants, for Anarchists and left Socialist parties;
(3) To secure freedom of assembly for labour unions and peasant
organizations;
(4) To call a non-partisan Conference of the workers, Red Army
soldiers and sailors of Petrograd, Kronstadt, and of Petrograd
Province, no later than March 10, 1921;
(5) To liberate all political prisoners of Socialist parties, as
well as all workers, peasants, soldiers, and sailors imprisoned in
connection with the labour and peasant movements;
(6) To elect a Commission to review the cases of those held in
prisons and concentration camps;
(7) To abolish all _politotdeli_[A] because no party should be
given special privileges in the propagation of its ideas or receive
the financial support of the Government for such purposes. Instead
there should be established educational and cultural commissions,
locally elected and financed by the Government.
(8) To abolish immediately all _zagryaditelniye otryadi_[B];
(9) To equalize the rations of all who work, with the exception of
those employed in trades detrimental to health;
(10) To abolish the Communist fighting detachments in all branches
of the Army, as well as the Communist guards kept on duty in mills
and factories. Should such guards or military detachments be found
necessary, they are to be appointed in the Army from the ranks, and
in the factories according to the judgment of the workers;
(11) To give the peasants full freedom of action in regard to their
land, and also the right to keep cattle, on condition that the
peasants manage with their own means; that is, without employing
hired labour;
(12) To request all branches of the Army, as well as our comrades
the military _kursanti_, to concur in our resolutions;
(13) To demand that the press give the fullest publicity to our
resolutions;
(14) To appoint a Travelling Commission of Control;
(15) To permit free _kustarnoye_[C] production by one’s own
efforts.
On March 4th the Petrograd Soviet was to meet and it was generally felt
that the fate of Kronstadt would be decided then. Trotsky was to address
the gathering, and as I had not yet had an opportunity to hear him in
Russia, I was anxious to attend. My attitude in the matter of Kronstadt
was still undecided. I could not believe that the Bolsheviki would
deliberately fabricate the story about General Kozlovsky as the leader
of the sailors. The Soviet meeting, I expected, would clarify the
matter.
Tauride Palace was crowded and a special body of _kursanti_ surrounded
the platform. The atmosphere was very tense. All waited for Trotsky. But
when at 10 o’clock he had not arrived, Zinoviev opened the meeting.
Before he had spoken fifteen minutes I was convinced that he himself did
not believe in the story of Kozlovsky. “Of course Kozlovsky is old and
can do nothing,” he said, “but the White officers are back of him and
are misleading the sailors.” Yet for days the Soviet papers had heralded
General Kozlovsky as the moving spirit in the “uprising.” Kalinin, whom
the sailors had permitted to leave Kronstadt unmolested, raved like a
fishmonger. He denounced the sailors as counter-revolutionists and
called for their immediate subjugation. Several other Communists
followed suit. When the meeting was opened for discussion, a workingman
from the Petrograd Arsenal demanded to be heard. He spoke with deep
emotion and, ignoring the constant interruptions, he fearlessly
declared that the workers had been driven to strike because of the
Government’s indifference to their complaints; the Kronstadt sailors,
far from being counter-revolutionists, were devoted to the Revolution.
Facing Zinoviev he reminded him that the Bolshevik authorities were now
acting toward the workers and sailors just as the Kerensky Government
had acted toward the Bolsheviki. “Then _you_ were denounced as
counter-revolutionists and German agents,” he said; “we, the workers and
sailors, protected you and helped you to power. Now you denounce us and
are ready to attack us with arms. Remember, you are playing with fire.”
Then a sailor spoke. He referred to the glorious revolutionary past of
Kronstadt, appealed to the Communists not to engage in fratricide, and
read the Kronstadt resolution to prove the peaceful attitude of the
sailors. But the voice of these sons of the people fell on deaf ears.
The Petro-Soviet, its passions roused by Bolshevik demagoguery, passed
the Zinoviev resolution ordering Kronstadt to surrender on pain of
extermination.
The Kronstadt sailors were ever the first to serve the Revolution. They
had played an important part in the revolution of 1905; they were in
the front ranks in 1917. Under Kerensky’s régime they proclaimed the
Commune of Kronstadt and opposed the Constituent Assembly. They were the
advance guard in the October Revolution. In the great struggle against
Yudenitch the sailors offered the strongest defense of Petrograd, and
Trotsky praised them as the “pride and glory of the Revolution.” Now,
however, they had dared to raise their voice in protest against the new
rulers of Russia. That was high treason from the Bolshevik viewpoint.
The Kronstadt sailors were doomed.
Petrograd was aroused over the decision of the Soviet; some of the
Communists even, especially those of the French Section, were filled
with indignation. But none of them had the courage to protest, even in
the Party circles, against the proposed slaughter. As soon as the
Petro-Soviet resolution became known, a group of well-known literary men
of Petrograd gathered to confer as to whether something could not be
done to prevent the planned crime. Someone suggested that Gorki be
approached to head a committee of protest to the Soviet authorities. It
was hoped that he would emulate the example of his illustrious
countryman Tolstoi, who in his famous letter to the Tsar had raised his
voice against the terrible slaughter of workers. Now also such a voice
was needed, and Gorki was considered the right man to call on the
present Tsars to bethink themselves. But most of those present at the
gathering scouted the idea. Gorki was of the Bolsheviki, they said; he
would not do anything. On several previous occasions he had been
appealed to, but refused to intercede. The conference brought no
results. Still, there were some persons in Petrograd who could not
remain silent. They sent the following letter to the Soviet of Defense:
0
TO THE PETROGRAD SOVIET OF LABOUR AND DEFENSE,
CHAIRMAN ZINOVIEV:
To remain silent now is impossible, even criminal. Recent events
impel us Anarchists to speak out and to declare our attitude in the
present situation.
The spirit of ferment and dissatisfaction manifest among the
workers and sailors is the result of causes that demand our serious
attention. Cold and hunger have produced dissatisfaction, and the
absence of any opportunity for discussion and criticism is forcing
the workers and sailors to air their grievances in the open.
White-guardist bands wish and may try to exploit this
dissatisfaction in their own class interests. Hiding behind the
workers and sailors they throw out slogans of the Constituent
Assembly, of free trade, and similar demands.
We Anarchists have long since exposed the fiction of these
slogans, and we declare to the whole world that we will fight with
arms against any counter-revolutionary attempt, in coöperation with
all friends of the Social Revolution and hand in hand with the
Bolsheviki.
Concerning the conflict between the Soviet Government and the
workers and sailors, we hold that it must be settled not by force
of arms but by means of comradely, fraternal revolutionary
agreement. Resort to bloodshed on the part of the Soviet Government
will not--in the given situation--intimidate or quiet the workers.
On the contrary, it will serve only to aggravate matters and will
strengthen the hands of the Entente and of internal
counter-revolution.
More important still, the use of force by the Workers’ and
Peasants’ Government against workers and sailors will have a
reactionary effect upon the international revolutionary movement
and will everywhere result in incalculable harm to the Social
Revolution.
Comrades Bolsheviki, bethink yourselves before it is too late. Do
not play with fire: you are about to make a most serious and
decisive step.
We hereby submit to you the following proposition: Let a Commission
be selected to consist of five persons, inclusive of two
Anarchists. The Commission is to go to Kronstadt to settle the
dispute by peaceful means. In the given situation this is the most
radical method. It will be of international revolutionary
significance.
_Petrograd_, ALEXANDER BERKMAN.
_March 5, 1921._ EMMA GOLDMAN.
PERKUS.
PETROVSKY.
But this protest was ignored.
On March 7th Trotsky began the bombardment of Kronstadt, and on the
17th the fortress and city were taken, after numerous assaults involving
terrific human sacrifice. Thus Kronstadt was “liquidated” and the
“counter-revolutionary plot” quenched in blood. The “conquest” of the
city was characterized by ruthless savagery, although not a single one
of the Communists arrested by the Kronstadt sailors had been injured or
killed by them. Even before the storming of the fortress the Bolsheviki
summarily executed numerous soldiers of the Red Army whose revolutionary
spirit and solidarity caused them to refuse to participate in the
bloodbath.
Several days after the “glorious victory” over Kronstadt Lenin said at
the Tenth Congress of the Communist Party of Russia: “The sailors did
not want the counter-revolutionists, but they did not want us, either.”
And--irony of Bolshevism!--at that very Congress Lenin advocated free
trade--a more reactionary step than any charged to the Kronstadt
sailors.
Between the 1st and the 17th of March several regiments of the Petrograd
garrison and all the sailors of the port were disarmed and ordered to
the Ukraina and the Caucasus. The Bolsheviki feared to trust them in the
Kronstadt situation: at the first psychological moment they might make
common cause with Kronstadt. In fact, many Red soldiers of the Krasnaya
Gorka and the surrounding garrisons were also in sympathy with Kronstadt
and were forced at the point of guns to attack the sailors.
On March 17th the Communist Government completed its “victory” over the
Kronstadt proletariat and on the 18th of March it commemorated the
martyrs of the Paris Commune. It was apparent to all who were mute
witnesses to the outrage committed by the Bolsheviki that the crime
against Kronstadt was far more enormous than the slaughter of the
Communards in 1871, for it was done in the name of the Social
Revolution, in the name of the Socialist Republic. History will not be
deceived. In the annals of the Russian Revolution the names of Trotsky,
Zinoviev, and Dibenko will be added to those of Thiers and Gallifet.
Seventeen dreadful days, more dreadful than anything I had known in
Russia. Agonizing days, because of my utter helplessness in the face of
the terrible things enacted before my eyes. It was just at that time
that I happened to visit a friend who had been a patient in a hospital
for months. I found him much distressed. Many of those wounded in the
attack on Kronstadt had been brought to the same hospital, mostly
_kursanti_. I had opportunity to speak to one of them. His physical
suffering, he said, was nothing as compared with his mental agony. Too
late he had realized that he had been duped by the cry of
“counter-revolution.” There were no Tsarist generals in Kronstadt, no
White Guardists--he found only his own comrades, sailors and soldiers
who had heroically fought for the Revolution.
The rations of the ordinary patients in the hospitals were far from
satisfactory, but the wounded _kursanti_ received the best of
everything, and a select committee of Communist members was assigned to
look after their comfort. Some of the _kursanti_, among them the man I
had spoken to, refused to accept the special privileges. “They want to
pay us for murder,” they said. Fearing that the whole institution would
be influenced by these awakened victims, the management ordered them
removed to a separate ward, the “Communist ward,” as the patients called
it.
Kronstadt broke the last thread that held me to the Bolsheviki. The
wanton slaughter they had instigated spoke more eloquently against them
than aught else. Whatever their pretences in the past, the Bolsheviki
now proved themselves the most pernicious enemies of the Revolution. I
could have nothing further to do with them.