as I looked around, and beheld my friends, and was told that I was safe,
was to break out in a song of deliverance, and praise to the most high
God, whose arm had been so signally manifest in my escape. Great God,
was I a freeman! Had I indeed succeeded in effecting my escape from the
human wolves of Slavery? O what extastic joy thrilled through every
nerve and fibre of my system! My labor was accomplished, my warfare was
ended, and I stood erect before my equal fellow men;[10] no longer a
crouching slave, forever at the look and nod of a whimsical and
tyrannical slave-owner. Long had seemed my journey, and terribly
hazardous had been my attempt to gain my birth-right; but it all seemed
a comparatively light price to pay for the precious boon of _Liberty_. O
ye, who know not the value of this “pearl of great price,” by having
been all your life shut out from its life-giving presence; learn of how
much importance its possession is regarded, by the panting fugitive, as
he traces his way through the labyrinths of snares, placed between him
and the object of his fond desires! Sympathize with the three millions
of crushed and mangled ones who this day pine in cruel bondage, and
arouse yourself to action in their behalf! This you will do, if you are
not traitors to your God and to humanity. Aid not in placing in high
offices, _baby-stealers and women-whippers_; and if these wicked men,
all covered with the clotted gore of their mangled victims, come among
you, scorn the idea of bowing in homage to them, whatever may be the
character of their claims to your regard. No matter, if they are called
presidents of your nation, still utterly refuse to honor them; which
_you will most certainly do_, if you are true to the Slave!
After remaining a short time in Philadelphia, it was thought expedient
that I should proceed to Massachusetts, and accordingly funds sufficient
to carry me there, were raised by some anti-slavery friends, and I
proceeded to Boston. After remaining a short time in that city, I
concluded to go to New Bedford, in which place I remained a few weeks,
under the care of Mr. Joseph Rickerston of that place, who treated me
very kindly. At length hearing of a large anti-slavery meeting to be
held in Boston, I left New Bedford, and found myself again in that city,
so famous for its devotion to liberty in the days of the American
revolution; and here, in the presence of several thousand people, did I
first relate in public, the story of my sufferings, since which time I
have repeated my simple tale in different parts of Massachusetts, and in
the State of Maine.
I now stand before you as a free man, but since my arrival among you, I
have been informed that your laws require that I should still be held as
a slave; and that if my master should espy me in any nook or corner of
the free states, according to the constitution of the United States, he
could secure me and carry me back into Slavery; so that I am confident I
am not safe, even here, if what I have heard concerning your laws is
true. I cannot imagine why you should uphold such strange laws. I have
been told that every time a man goes to the polls and votes, he
virtually swears to sustain them, frightful as they are. It seems to me
to be a hard case, for a man to endure what I have endured in effecting
my escape, and then to be continually exposed to be seized by my master,
and carried back into that horrid pit from which I have escaped. I have
been told, however, that the people here would not allow me to be thus
returned, that they would break their own laws in my behalf, which seems
quite curious to me; for why should you make laws, and swear to uphold
them, and then break them? I do not understand much about laws, to be
sure, as the law of my master is the one I have been subject to all my
life, but some how, it looks a little singular to me, that wise people
should be obliged to break their own laws, or else do a very wicked act.
I have been told that there are twice as many voters at the North as
there are at the South, and much more wealth, as well as other things of
importance, which makes me study much, why the Northern people live
under such laws. If I was one of them, and had any influence among them,
it appears to me, I should advocate the overthrow of such laws, and the
establishment of better ones in their room. Many people tell me besides,
that if the slaves should rise up, and do as they did in Nat Turner’s
time, endeavor to fight their way to freedom, that the Northern people
are pledged to shoot them down, and keep them in subjection to their
masters. Now I cannot understand this, for almost all the people tell
me, that they “are opposed to Slavery,” and yet they swear to prevent
the slaves from obtaining their liberty! If these things could be made
clear to my mind, I should be glad; but a fog hangs over my eyes at
present in reference to this matter.
I now wish to introduce to your hearing, a friend of mine, who will
tell you more about these things than I can, until I have had more time
to examine this curious subject. What he shall have to say to you, may
not be as interesting as the account of my sufferings, but if you really
wish to help my brethren in bondage, you will not be unwilling to hear
what he may say to you, in reference to the way to abolish slavery, as
you cannot be opposed to my sufferings, unless you are willing to exert
yourselves for the overthrow of the cruel system which caused them.
CURE FOR THE EVIL OF SLAVERY.
Dear Friends,--You have listened with eager ears, and with tearful eyes,
to the recital of Mr. Brown. He has alluded to the laws which many of
you uphold, when you go to the polls and vote, but he has not informed
you of your duty at the present crisis. What I have to say at this time,
will be mainly directed to the remedy for this terrible evil, so
strikingly portrayed in his eventful life. As one of those who desire
the abolition of Slavery, it is my earnest desire to be made acquainted
with a true and proper remedy for this dreadful disease. I apprehend
that no moral evil exists, for the cure of which there cannot be found
some specific, the application of which, will effectually eradicate the
disorder. I am not a politician, and cannot write as politicians do.
Still I may be pardoned for entering a little into their sphere of
action, for the purpose of plucking some choice fruit from the
overhanging boughs of that fruitful arena. I am not _afraid_ of
politics, for I do not regard them as too sacred, or as too profane,
for me to handle. I believe that the people of this country are not
ready for a truly Christian government; therefore, although I cannot
unite myself with any other, yet I should be rejoiced, at beholding the
faintest resemblance to such an one, in opposition to our present
pro-slavery government.
I would like to see all men perfect Christians, but as I do not expect
to witness this sight very soon, I am gratified at their becoming
anti-slavery, or even temperance men. Any advance from the old
corruptions of the past, is hailed with delight by me.
The point I would now urge upon your attention is, the immediate
formation of a _new government at the North_, at all events, and at all
hazards! I do not say, “Down with this Union” merely, but I do say, up
with an Anti-Slavery government, in the free States. Our object should
be the establishment of a form of government, directly in opposition to
the one we at present live under. The stars and stripes of our country’s
flag, should be trodden into the dust, and a white banner, with the
words, “Emancipation to the Slaves” inscribed upon it, should be
unfurled to the breeze, in the room of the old emblem of despotic
servitude. Too long have we been dilatory upon this point; but the
period I believe has now arrived, for us to strike for freedom, in
earnest. Let us see first, what we have to accomplish; and then the
means whereby we can bring about the desired end; our capabilities for
such a work; and the reasons why we should adopt this plan; and what
will be the consequences of such a course of action. First. What have we
to accomplish? A great and an important end truly, which is nothing
less, than the establishment of a new government, right in the midst of
our present pro-slavery one.
A government, is a system of authority sustained by either the rulers,
or the ruled, or by both conjointly. If it depends on the will of the
rulers, then they can change it at pleasure; but if the people are
connected with it, their consent must be gained, before its character
can be altered. If, as is the case with our government, it is the
_people_ who “ordain and establish” laws, then it lies with them to
change those laws, and to remodel that government. Let this fact be
distinctly understood; for the majority of the people of this land, seem
to labor under the delusion, that our government is sustained by some
other power than their own; and are very much in the situation of those
heathen nations, condemned by one of the ancient prophets, who
manufactured their deities, and then fell down and worshipped the work
of their own hands. The people make laws for their own guidance, and
then offer as an excuse for their bad conduct, that the _laws_ require
them to do so! The government appears to be yet surrounded with a halo
of glory, as it was in the days of kingly authority, when “the powers
that be” were supposed to have been approvingly “ordained of God,” and
men fear to touch the sacred structure of their own erecting, as if
God’s throne would be endangered thereby. This is not the only
manifestation of self-esteem connected with their movements.
The people also fancy, that what their fathers created is divine, when
their fathers have departed, and left them to do as they elect, without
any obligation resting upon them to follow in their steps; but so great
is the self-esteem of the people, as manifested in their pride of
ancestry, that they seem to suppose, that God would cast them off
forever, if they should cease to be children, and become men, casting
from them, the doctrines and political creeds of their fathers; and yet
they boast of their spirit of progress! They fear to act for themselves,
lest they should mar the reputation of their ancestors, and be deprived
of their feeling of self-adulation, in consequence of the perfection of
their worthy sires. But we must humble our pride, and cease worshipping,
either our own, or our father’s handiwork,--in reference to the laws, of
which we are speaking. What we want is, a very simple thing. Our fathers
proclaimed themselves free and independent of the British government,
and proceeded to establish a new one, in its room. They threw off the
British yoke! We can do the same, in reference to the United States
government! We can put forth _our_ “declaration of independence,” and
issue our manifesto of grievances; and as our fathers did, can pledge to
one another, “our lives, our property and our sacred honor,” in
promoting the accomplishment of this end. We can _immediately organize_
a new government, independent of the present one under which we live. We
may be deemed traitors for so doing; but were not Samuel Adams and John
Hancock traitors? and did not our forefathers inscribe on their banners,
“resistance to tyrants is obedience to God?” Are we more faint-hearted
than they were? Are not our and the slave’s grievances more unendurable
than were their wrongs? A new government is what we want; and the sound
should go forth from all these free hills, echoing across the plains of
the far distant West, that New England and the whole North, are ready
to do battle with the myrmidons of the slave power, not with the sword
of steel, but with the spirit of patient submission to robbery and
death, in defence of our principles. We are not obliged to muster our
squadrons in “hot haste,” to the “sound of the cannon’s deafening roar,”
nor to arm ourselves for physical combat; for there is more power in
suffering death, for truth’s sake, than in fighting with swords of
steel, and with cannon balls. A new government we must have; and now let
us consider, Secondly, how we shall bring this end about, and some
reasons why we should adopt this course.
Step by step, do we progress in all improvements designed for man’s well
being. At first the people in a semi-barbarous state, are satisfied with
a rude code of laws, similar to that given by a military commander, to
the rough bandits under his direction; but as science unfolds its
truthful wings, and spreads over the minds of the race, a mantle of
wisdom, which covers their rude imperfections, and shuts out from the
eye of man, their inelegant barbarities, a regard for the good opinion
of others more civilized than they, induces such a people to demand the
overthrow of their savage code, which they have become ashamed of
acknowledging. The ancient Jews were supposed to stand in need of laws
of this character; which hung over their heads, threatening the most
severe punishments for the commission of, sometimes, very light crimes;
as Sinai’s burning mountain flashed its fierce lightnings in their
awe-stricken faces, and sent forth its terrible thunders, sounding in
their superstitious ears, like the voice of Deity. This people had just
emerged from the depths of Egyptian slavery, and might have stood in
need of such severe and terrible laws, so Draconic in their nature; but
the refined inhabitants of polished Greece and Rome, needed not such
barbarous enactments. The advancing spirit of civilization had swept
along in its effacing train, all the necessity for such brutal ferocity,
by destroying the ferocious character of the people; as it opened to
them more refined sources of enjoyment, in the erection of works of art,
and in mental cultivation. The muses too, had purified and rendered
delicate their tastes, so that outward barbarity seemed no longer
attractive; although their ancestors had indulged in such scenes with
great gusto. Our Druidical, Saxon and Norman ancestry, might have needed
as cruel laws as those we now live under. At least such laws would have
been more appropriate to their semi-barbarous condition, than they are
to our improved state; but surely, we of the nineteenth century, having
outlived the errors of the past, and having reached a point, from which
we can cast our eyes far back into the distant past, and behold with
utter astonishment, the absurd practices of our cruel and ignorant
ancestors; are not obliged, out of regard for the memory of those not so
far removed from us, in point of time, as those whose memories we do not
hesitate to execrate, to retain as objectionable laws as ever disgraced
the statute book of England, in the days of the bloody Jeffreys, or when
the unalterable “Star chamber” decisions, were the law of the land. For
a country to make its boast of civilization, and to call itself a
refined nation, while it tenaciously grasps the worst errors of its
ancestors, and plunges into a fit of madness, at the least allusion to
an alteration of its cannibal laws, seems somewhat astonishing. It
makes one think of a man, who should propose joining a church, and when
asked to give up dram-drinking and gambling, should break forth in a
torrent of abuse, against those who made the proposition to him; for
those practices are no more contrary to the sweet spirit of heavenly
religion, than is slaveholding in opposition to true civilization, and
perfect refinement. It is a remnant of that spirit of barbarity, which
formerly induced men to fight for conquest and territory, in the
palmiest days of the ancient Eastern empires, when the fields of the
earth, fair mother of our existence, were made fertile by the rich
streams of blood, flowing from the mangled corpses, strewn upon its
surface, by the fiendish barbarity of a Sennacherib, a Cyrus, a Xerxes,
and an Alexander.
An alteration of our present laws is demanded; but who will agitate this
subject, where it must be agitated, in order to accomplish the end so
ardently desired? It is well known, that a simple majority of votes in
Congress, can never affect the alteration proposed,--that three fourths
of the States of this Union must be penetrated with the spirit of
repentance, in reference to slavery, and bring forth the legitimate
fruit thereof, by consenting to this alteration, before it can be
accomplished; and who will go to the South, that “valley of the shadow
of death,” in regard to all subjects having reference to man’s
improvement, and urge this course upon its darkened inhabitants? But
this step must be taken, before the Constitution can be altered, or its
meaning rendered unequivocal, so as not to be misunderstood by the
authorities of this nation; for it is not to be expected that the South
will ever repent of their own accord, and change the laws of the Union,
because we demand it, unless the alternative is presented them, of such
change, or disunion on our part.
But the time expended in converting the people of the _North_ to a
willingness to alter the Constitution, would amply suffice to persuade
them to organize a new government; for the Northern people are as ready
to go for a dissolution of the Union, as they are for an alteration of
the Constitution; for much advance has already been made in
indoctrinating them in reference to the former idea, and thousands and
tens of thousands are probably converts to this doctrine, while but
little or nothing has been said in reference to the latter alternative.
No party has yet proposed this step; but a large and increasing one,
embodying a great portion of the talent of the nation, is now earnestly
engaged in advocating the former. Which would be the easiest of
accomplishment then, the conversion of the North to disunion principles,
or to a willingness to alter the Constitution? Every one at all versed
in political affairs, must be aware, that an alteration of the
Constitution, without the consent of the South, would be a virtual
dissolution of the Union, even if such a step were possible; so that
converting the Northern people to the doctrine of an alteration of the
Constitution, would be, in fact, only another phase of conversion to
disunion; for, of course, the South will never consent to such an
alteration, only as an alternative, in opposition to dissolution. To be
sure, if the Northern people would act as a body, and boldly say to the
South, “give us an alteration of the ‘three-fifths representation’
clause of the Constitution; a change of that in reference to ‘domestic
insurrection;’ and an entire destruction of the one requiring ‘persons
held to service, under the laws of a state,’ to be given up to ‘those to
whom _such_ service or labor may be due,’ or we will break away from
your polluting embrace;” there would probably be no need of our ever
dissolving the Union, if the South believed the North was speaking
truly; for, a petted and indulged child, rendered effeminate by parental
fondness and neglect of all discipline, would be in no more danger of
leaving forever its parent’s abode, without a farthing in its pocket, or
the ability to walk a single step alone, because of its parents’ refusal
to gratify its whims any longer; than would the “spoiled child” of the
South, who has been fed on the richest viands our Northern pantry could
supply, and drank of the costliest wines our free cellars could furnish,
be in danger of leaving its well-supplied table of Northern spreading,
and spring from the soft lap of Northern indulgence, to go forth to its
own poverty-stricken lands, obliged to earn its coarse bread and clear
water, by the hard toil of its own delicate hands.
But will the Northern people ever be ready to say this to the South? Not
until years of patient toil in cultivating the pro-slavery soil of their
hearts, have been expended by those whose office it seems to be to labor
for the slaves’ release; and even then, it is questionable whether,
after having been supported by the North so long, and so patiently, the
South would believe all our affirmations; and we after all might be
obliged to withdraw from her. But if the plan we propose, should be
adopted, it would save all this uncertainty, for the South would then
know we meant what we said, and would be frightened at our movements;
as a woman is filled with dismay, when her only protector, talks of
leaving her and her helpless babes, to the cold charities of an
unfeeling world.
It is certain the South never would consent to an alteration of the
Constitution, unless she was driven to it by the North, which object has
not yet been proposed by any Northern party; and before any great
progress could be made in the reception of such a doctrine, a little
knot of patriots, armed with the invincible resolution of him, whose
narrative has been presented to you, or with that of our revolutionary
fathers; could have erected the standard of revolt, and have formed the
basis of a new and powerful government. It is not a reform in our
government that we need, but _a revolution--an overthrow of the present
one_, and the establishment of a new one. Supposing a few individuals
should be hung as traitors, would not that create a sympathy for us
among the governments of the old world? and would not the universal
voice of all civilized nations cry out against our immolation? Let but
as many individuals unite, as signed the famous manifesto of our
fathers, and armed with their Spartan spirit, _pledge our lives and
fortunes_ to the accomplishment of this end! Let our _declaration of
independence_ be sent forth to all the world, and our grievances be
stated in the hearing of mankind! Let a new Continental Congress meet,
at some favorable point, draft a new Constitution, and all who drink of
the spirit of liberty, which flowed into the hearts of our fathers, be
requested to annex their names to the document! Let it go forth to the
whole land as _our_ Constitution! Let immediate measures be taken for an
active and efficient agitation of the whole subject; our orators to go
forth, and in the streets and lanes of our cities and villages, proclaim
the object we have in view; or, if a more silent way of proceeding shall
be deemed the most expedient, let committees visit every house and shop
in our land, and see who will gird on this armor, and resolve to perish
in an attempt to rescue the bleeding slave, from the hands of his cruel
master, by refusing all support to this government, even to the
deprivation of the necessaries of life.
And now comes the period of our proposed bloodless revolution, which
will try men’s souls. Let us do as our fathers did, and _refuse to pay
taxes to the general government_. “Millions for defence, but not one
cent for tribute,” cried our ancestors, in order to save their
descendants from the oppressive spirit of England’s grasping avarice.
They at first were ridiculed, and it is stated that when John Warren,
one of the aristocracy of Boston, made an inflammatory speech, at a
rebel meeting, that he was denounced by the leading citizens of this
place, and a copy of a letter is still preserved, written by some of
them in reference to the transaction, in which they state, that “one Dr.
Warren, had indeed made a rebellious speech, but he was applauded only
by _a few rowdies_.” Shall not we be as willing to sacrifice our
property and lives, as were our ancestors? Did not John Hancock hand the
keys of his stores and dwelling to the authorities of the city, saying
to them, “this is all of my property, but if the good of Boston requires
its destruction, I freely yield it to you?” To pay taxes is to support
the government, under which we live, for without this support it could
not exist. These taxes are not paid of course directly, but still we
eat, drink, and wear those things, on which a duty is paid, which gives
the general government all its power. For instance. The Mexican War has
left a large debt resting on our shoulders. The only way in which it
will be paid probably is, by an increased tariff on particular articles
of consumption. Now if an entire cessation of such consumption should
take place, would not the government be left destitute of the means to
pay this debt? Who pays the salaries of the officers of this government,
but the consumer of the articles taxed by it? If the consumption of all
such articles can be prevented, would not our government be obliged to
cease operations, for want of oil to grease its machinery with? It moves
only as money is furnished it. Our navy and army, the protectors of the
South, can only be supported by large sums of money, derived from the
revenue of the nation, which revenue we help to create by our
consumption of these things. If sugar pays a large duty, or tea and
coffee, or silks and satins, broadcloths and cassimeres, by refusing to
use those articles, and inducing others to do the same, would not the
revenue of the nation be affected? and when the actual tax-gatherer in
the shape of the merchant, holds out his seductive wares for our
purchase, could we not exhibit to him our pledge to “totally abstain”
from the use of such articles; as the temperance man shows his ticket,
as a reason why he should not partake of the intoxicating cup?
Another step could also be taken. A president could be chosen by us, and
other necessary officers, and we could go on with our government, just
as if no other existed, “beating for recruits” all the while, and
offering no physical resistance to those who molest us. _Have we not a
right so to do?_
“Children of the glorious dead!
Who for freedom fought and bled,”