“This little society continued the custom they had begun, when more

numerous, of addressing every new governor, and every descendant of the

first proprietary, welcoming him to the province, assuring him of their

fidelity, and praying a continuance of that favour and protection which

they had hitherto experienced. They had accordingly sent up an address

of this kind to our present governor (John Penn, Esq.) on his arrival;

but the same was scarcely delivered, when the unfortunate catastrophe

happened which we are about to relate. On Wednesday, the 14th December,

1763, fifty-seven men from some of our frontier townships, who had

projected the destruction of this little commonwealth, came all well

mounted, and armed with firelocks, hangers, and hatchets, having

travelled through the country in the night to Conestogoe manor. There

they surrounded the small village of Indian huts, and just at break of

day broke in upon them all at once. Only three men, two women, and a

young boy, were found at home; the rest being out among the neighbouring

white people—some to sell the baskets, brooms, and bowls, they

manufactured, and others on other occasions. These poor defenceless

creatures were immediately fired upon, stabbed, and hatcheted to death!

the good Shehaes among the rest cut to pieces in his bed!—all of them

were scalped, and otherwise horribly mangled. Then their huts were set

on fire, and most of them burned down. The magistrates of Lancaster sent

out to collect the remaining Indians, brought them into the town for

their better security against any further attempt, and, it is said,

condoled with them on the misfortune that had happened, took them by the

hand, and promised them protection. They were put into the workhouse, a

strong building, as the place of greatest safety. These cruel men again

assembled themselves; and hearing that the remaining fourteen Indians

were in the workhouse at Lancaster, they suddenly appeared before that

town on the 27th December. Fifty of them, armed as before, dismounting,

went directly to the workhouse, and, by violence, broke open the door,

and entered with the utmost fury in their countenances. When the poor

wretches saw they had no protection nigh, nor could possibly escape, and

being without the least weapon of defence, they divided their little

families, the children clinging to their parents; they fell on their

faces, protested their innocence, declared their love to the English,

and that, in their whole lives, they had never done them injury; and in

this posture they all received the hatchet! Men, women, and children,

were every one inhumanly murdered in cold blood!”

[Illustration]

LOCKPORT—ERIE CANAL.

* * * * *

This town, so suddenly sprung into existence, is about thirty miles from

Lake Erie, and exhibits one of those wonders of enterprise which

astonish calculation. The waters of Lake Erie, which have come thus far

without much descent, are here let down sixty feet by five double locks,

and thence pursue a perfectly level course, sixty-five miles, to

Rochester. The remarkable thing at Lockport, however, is a deep cut from

here to the Torenanta Creek, seven miles in length, and partly through

solid rock, at an average depth of twenty feet. The canal boat glides

through this flinty bed, with jagged precipices on each side; and the

whole route has very much the effect of passing through an immense

cavern.

This tract of country is very interesting to the antiquarian, from the

remains of fortifications, and other probable traces of a race who

existed, and whose arts perished before the occupation of the country by

the tribes who lately possessed it. On Seneca river, on the south side

of Lake Erie, in many different parts of the State of New York, and in a

long chain extending west through the valley of the Ohio, down that of

the Mississippi, and so westward through Mexico, are traces of a people

who were settled in towns defended by forts, and altogether far more

advanced in civilization than the Iroquois found here by Europeans. The

region in the neighbourhood of Lockport and Torenanta was visited with

reference to these remains by the Rev. Mr. Kirkland, missionary to the

Iroquois confederacy, in 1778. His account is very curious. At a

deserted Indian village, near the old Indian town of Kanawageas, he

discovered an ancient fort. It enclosed about six acres, and had six

gates. The ditch appeared to be eight feet wide, and in some places six

feet deep, and drawn in a circular form on three sides. The fourth side

was defended by nature with a high bank, at the foot of which is a fine

stream of water. The bank had probably been secured by a stockade, as

there appeared to have been a deep covered way in the middle of it down

to the water. Some of the trees on the bank and in the ditch appeared to

Mr. Kirkland to have been at the age of two hundred years. About half a

mile south of this, and upon a greater eminence, he traced the ruins of

another old fortified town, of less dimensions than the other, but with

a deeper ditch, and in a situation more lofty and defensible. Having

examined these fortifications, Mr. Kirkland returned to _Kanawageas_,

and thence renewed his tour westward, until he encamped for the night at

a place called _Joàika_, (i.e. Racoon,) on the river _Tanawànde_, about

twenty-six miles from _Kanawangeas_. Six miles from this place of

encampment, he rode to the open fields, and arrived at a place called by

the Senecas _Tegatàinèáaghgwe_, which imports a _double-fortified_ town,

or a town with a fort at each end. Here he walked about half a mile with

one of the Seneca chiefs, to view one of the vestiges of this

double-fortified town: they were the remains of two forts. The first

which he visited, as above, contained about four acres of ground: the

other to which he proceeded, distant from this about two miles, and

situated at the other extremity of the ancient town, enclosed twice that

quantity of ground. The ditch around the former, which he particularly

examined, was about five or six feet deep. A small stream of water and a

high bank circumscribed nearly one-third of the enclosed ground. There

were the traces of six gates, or avenues, round the ditch; and near the

centre a way was dug to the water. The ground on the opposite side of

the water was in some places nearly as high as that on which the fort

was built, which might render this covered way to the water necessary. A

considerable number of large thrifty oaks had grown up within the

enclosed ground, both in and upon the ditch; some of them appeared to be

at least two hundred years old, or more. The ground is of a hard

gravelly kind, intermixed with loam, and more plentifully at the brow of

the hill. In some places, at the bottom of the ditch, Mr. Kirkland ran

his cane a foot or more into the ground, from which circumstance he

concluded that the ditch was much deeper in its original state than it

then appeared to him. Near the northern fortification, which was

situated on high ground, he found the remains of a funeral pile, where

the slain were buried, in a great battle, which will be spoken of

hereafter. The earth was raised about six feet above the common surface,

and betwixt twenty and thirty feet diameter. The bones appeared on the

whole surface of the raised earth, and struck out in many places on the

sides. Pursuing his course towards Buffalo Creek, (his ultimate

destination,) Mr. Kirkland discovered the vestiges of another ancient

fortified town. He does not in his manuscript delineate them, but, from

the course he described, they might be easily ascertained. “Upon these

heights, near the ancient fortified town, the roads part; we left the

path leading to Niagara on our right, and went a course nearly

south-west for Buffalo Creek. After leaving these heights, which

afforded an extensive prospect, we travelled over a fine tract of land

for about six or seven miles; then came to a barren white oak-shrub

plain, and one very remarkable spot of near two hundred acres, and

passed a steep hill on our right, in some places near fifty feet

perpendicular, at the bottom of which is a small lake, affording another

instance of pagan superstition. The old Indians affirm that, formerly, a

demon, in the form of a dragon, resided in this lake, and had frequently

been seen to disgorge balls of liquid fire; and that, to appease his

wrath, many a sacrifice of tobacco had been made at that lake by the

fathers. The barren spot above mentioned is covered with small white

stone, that appears like lime and clay; in some spots, for a

considerable distance, there is no appearance of earth. Notwithstanding

its extreme poverty, there are many trees of moderate size. At the

extremity of this barren plain, we came again to the Tanawande river,

and forded it about two miles above the Indian town called by that name.

This village contains fourteen houses, or huts; their chief is called

Gashagaàle, nicknamed the _black chief_. On the south side of the

Tanawande Creek, at a small distance, are to be seen the vestiges of

another ancient fortified town.” Mr. Kirkland further remarks, that

there are vestiges of ancient fortified towns in various parts

throughout the extensive territory of the Six Nations, and, by Indian

report, in various other parts; particularly one on a branch of the

Delaware river, which, from the size and age of some of the trees that

have grown upon the banks and in the ditches, appears to have existed

nearly one thousand years.

[Illustration]

THE TOMB OF WASHINGTON.

MOUNT VERNON.

* * * * *

The current of life seems to be too rapid in America to allow time for

reflection upon any thing which can possibly be deferred. The monuments

are left unfinished on our battle-fields; the tombs of great men become

indistinguishable before marked with a stone; and the sacred places

where patriotism has dwelt, are rated by the value of their material,

and left to decay. It is difficult to visit Mount Vernon, and feel, from

any mark of care or respect visible about it, that America owes any

thing to the sacred ashes it entombs.

The family tomb at Mount Vernon has once been robbed by a sacrilegious

ruffian, whose ignorance alone preserved for us the remains of

Washington. It has been proposed to Congress to buy Mount Vernon, and

establish a guard over relics so hallowed. Why should not this be done,

and a sufficient sum be appropriated to enclose and keep in order the

whole estate, improve the execrable road leading to it from Alexandria,

and employ persons to conduct strangers over the place?

The vault in which the ashes of Washington repose, is at the distance

of, perhaps, thirty rods from the house, immediately upon the bank of

the river. A more romantic and picturesque site for a tomb can scarcely

be imagined. Between it and the Potomac is a curtain of forest-trees,

covering the steep declivity to the water’s edge, breaking the glare of

the prospect, and yet affording glimpses of the river, where the foliage

is thickest. The tomb is surrounded by several large native oaks, which

are venerable by their years, and which annually strew the sepulchre

with autumnal leaves, furnishing the most appropriate drapery for the

place, and giving a still deeper impression to the _memento mori_.

Interspersed among the oaks, and overhanging the tomb, is a copse of red

cedar, whose evergreen boughs present a fine contrast to the hoary and

leafless branches of the oak; and while the deciduous foliage of the

latter indicates the decay of the body, the eternal verdure of the

former furnishes a fitting emblem of the immortal spirit. The sacred and

symbolic _cassia_ was familiar to Washington, and, perhaps, led to the

selection of a spot where the evergreen flourished.

One of the most interesting associations with the tomb of Washington, is

La Fayette’s visit to it, as related by Levasseur:—

“After a voyage of two hours, the guns of Fort Washington announced that

we were approaching the last abode of the father of his country. At this

solemn signal, to which the military band accompanying us responded by

plaintive strains, we went on deck, and the venerable soil of Mount

Vernon was before us. At this view, an involuntary and spontaneous

movement made us kneel. We landed in boats, and trod upon the ground so

often trod by the feet of Washington. A carriage received General

Lafayette; and the other visitors silently ascended the precipitous path

which conducted to the solitary habitation of Mount Vernon. In

re-entering beneath this hospitable roof, which had sheltered him when

the reign of terror tore him violently from his country and family,

George Lafayette felt his heart sink within him, at no more finding him

whose paternal care had softened his misfortunes; while his father

sought with emotion for every thing which reminded him of the companion

of his glorious toils.

“Three nephews of General Washington took Lafayette, his son, and

myself, to conduct us to the tomb of their uncle: our numerous

companions remained in the house. In a few minutes the cannon,

thundering anew, announced that Lafayette rendered homage to the ashes

of Washington. Simple and modest as he was during life, the tomb of the

citizen hero is scarcely perceived among the sombre cypresses by which

it is surrounded. A vault, slightly elevated and dodded over—a wooden

door without inscriptions—some withered and green garlands, indicate to

the traveller who visits the spot, where rest in peace the puissant arms

which broke the chains of his country. As we approached, the door was

opened. Lafayette descended alone into the vault, and a few minutes

after re-appeared, with his eyes overflowing with tears. He took his son

and me by the hand, and led us into the tomb, where, by a sign, he

indicated the coffin. We knelt reverentially, and rising, threw

ourselves into the arms of Lafayette, and mingled our tears with his.”

[Illustration]

BLACK MOUNTAIN—LAKE GEORGE.

* * * * *

The mountains on the shore of this exquisite lake consist of two great

ranges, bordering it from north to south. The western range passes

westward of the north-west bay, at the head of which a vast spar,

shooting towards the south-east, forms the whole of the peninsula

between that bay and the lake. Both these ranges alternately approach

the lake, so as to constitute a considerable part of its shores, and

recede from it again to the distance sometimes of two or three miles.

The summits of these mountains are of almost every figure, from the

arch, to the bold, bluff, and sharp cone. In some instances, the loftier

ones are bald, solemn, and forbidding; in others, they are clothed and

crowned with verdure. It is the peculiarity of Lake George, that, while

all the world agrees to speak only of its loveliness, it is surrounded

by features of the highest grandeur and sublimity. The Black Mountain is

one of these; and there is every variety of chasm, crag, promontory, and

peak, which a painter would require for the noblest composition of

mountain scenery. The atmospheric changes here, too, are almost always

violent; and storms are so frequent, that there is scarce a traveller to

Lake George in the summer who has not seen it in a thunder-storm.

It was remarked to me on this lake by a foreigner, that, with all the

luxuriance of the vegetation, the trees seemed small; and it is a remark

that is frequently made by Englishmen, who compare the common trees in

the woods on the roadside with the oaks left to flourish for centuries

in venerating and venerable England. The best answer to this remark is

contained in a letter, addressed to a friend in England, by an able

writer of this country:—

“The soil of New England is naturally quite as rich and productive as

that of England: of this the thrifty growth and ultimate size of our

forest-trees is ample proof. _Few of them, indeed, can now be found of

this size: almost all the original forests of this country having been

long since cut down._ I have seen many of these trees, and have compared

them with the accounts given of forests in many parts of the globe, and

am assured that they will very rarely suffer by such comparison. It may

seem strange to you, accustomed as you are to see forest-trees planted

in great numbers, and preserved with great care, that the inhabitants of

this country should, so soon after its colonization, have cut down their

forests in this extensive manner. This is one of the ten thousand

subjects, presented to the mind by the existing state of things here,

about which a foreigner must necessarily misconceive. Should he travel

through New England he would naturally conclude that the forest-trees

failed of arriving at the size which they attain in Europe. He would,

indeed, see that they were tall, and apparently very thrifty, but small

in the girth. I do not mean that they are universally so; but that this

is extensively the fact throughout the southern division. For the reason

of it he would be at a loss, and most probably would attribute it,

notwithstanding the thrifty appearance of the trees, to sterility of

soil, or, in the mystic language of Buffon, to ‘a deficiency of matter.’

Should he be informed that the real cause was the age of the trees,

almost all of which are young, his perplexity would be increased. On the

one hand he would be astonished at the folly of destroying forests in

this wanton manner, without any apparent reason; and, on the other,

would be unable to comprehend how these forests renewed themselves

without the aid of planting. All this is, however, easily explicable.

The wood of this country is its fuel. An Englishman who sees the various

fires of his own country sustained by peat and coal only, cannot easily

form a conception of the quantity of wood, or, if you please, of forest

which is necessary for this purpose. To this quantity must be added the

timber for the uses of building, in a country where almost all buildings

are formed merely of timber; of fencing, furniture, and commerce; and a

prodigious mass annually destroyed in the recent settlements for the

mere purpose of clearing the ground. With these facts before him, he

will cease to wonder that forests are very extensively felled in New

England. All these forests renew themselves. The seeds of the

forest-trees spring more readily and successfully when left on the

surface than when buried in the ground, even at a very small depth. They

will not, however, germinate upon a sward: they demand a soil loose and

light. In this state the soil is always kept in forested ground by the

leaves deposited on the earth. These also supply the necessary moisture

for germination, and effectually shelter the seeds, particularly the

nuts and acorns, from the ravages of animals. In this manner, and by a

process totally superior to any contrived by the human mind, forests are

furnished by the Author of nature with the means of perpetual

self-restoration.

“But this is not the only mode, nor the most expeditious, nor that which

is principally relied on in this country. When a field of wood is, in

the language of our farmers, _cut clean_—i.e. when every tree is cut

down, so far as any progress is made, vigorous shoots sprout from every

stump; and having their nourishment supplied by the roots of the former

tree, grow with a thrift and rapidity never seen in stems derived from

the seed. Good grounds will thus yield a growth amply sufficient for

fuel, once in fourteen years. A multitude of farmers, therefore, cut

their wood in this manner; although, it must be confessed, there are

different opinions and practices concerning the subject. In these two

modes the forests in New England become, in a sense, ever-living, and

supply plentifully the wants of the inhabitants.”

[Illustration]

CONNECTICUT VALLEY, FROM MOUNT HOLYOKE.

* * * * *

The broad open lands, or _intervals_, as they are called in this

country, which border upon the Connecticut, contain some of the most

sunny and fertile pictures of cultivation to be found on our continent.

From the mouth of the river up to its rise beyond the White Mountains,

it is gemmed with beautiful rural towns, many of them among the first in

our country for prosperity, neatness, and cultivated society.

The history of these towns presents some of the bloodiest traits marked

on the early settlements of New England. The event which gave the name

to Bloody Brook, a small village near the southern extremity of

Dresfield, is among many sanguinary records of the difficulties and

dangers of the first settlers in this valley.

For a considerable number of years the inhabitants of the valley had

lived in as perfect harmony with the Indians among whom they had

settled, as was possible, with the great difference between their

characters, principles, and pursuits. They had purchased their lands at

an equitable price, and in all their transactions with them had observed

the strictest equity and humanity. This state of tranquillity was only

disturbed by the wide-spreading intrigues of the bold sachem, Philip,

whose discernment, comprehensiveness of views, and admirable address,

entitle him to the first rank of superiority among the aborigines known

in our history. By means of emissaries, and personal solicitation, and

eloquence, this renowned warrior succeeded in uniting all the numerous

tribes of Indians within the territories colonized by the whites, in one

extensive conspiracy of extermination. Though divided into many tribes,

hostile to each other and perpetually at war, they joined in this common

cause, and a general war broke out at once in every part of the country.

The first symptom in the Valley of the Connecticut, was an abandonment

by the Indians of their fortresses and houses. They were pursued by a

party of settlers, and overtaken about eight miles above Hatfield; where

a skirmish ensued, in which nine or ten whites were killed, and about

twenty-six Indians.

Several attacks upon the settlements in the valley immediately followed,

repelled always with loss of life; and on the 30th of May, 1676, a body

of six or seven hundred attacked Hatfield again. The men were abroad in

the fields, but, reinforced by a small band from Hadley, they broke

through the Indians, and joined the families who had fled to the

fortified houses for protection. After a prolonged contest, they

succeeded in driving the Indians from the settlement, which was never

again attacked.

The village of Deerfield was among those which had suffered most from

the first incursions of the Indians, the houses having been burnt, and

the town evacuated in consequence. Their harvest had been cut about two

months before, and having been stacked in the fields, escaped the

conflagration. About eighty men from the settlements below came up to

protect the harvesters in carting it in, and about three thousand

bushels of wheat were thrashed, loaded upon the waggons, and had been

drawn as far as the brook before mentioned without molestation. The

settlers stopped here to gather grasses, and while thus occupied, were

suddenly and furiously attacked by a body of eight hundred Indians.

Captain Lathrop, the leader of the party, ordered his men to fight the

Indians in their own manner, availing themselves of the protection of

the trees; but the natives, trained to run from tree to tree, and to

conceal themselves in this sort of warfare with unexampled address and

caution, fought at great advantage, and soon decided the battle in their

own favour. Lathrop was killed at the commencement of the attack; and of

the whole number of reapers and armed men, ninety were killed on the

spot.

Captain Mosely, who was at Deerfield when the enterprise was undertaken,

marched immediately with a small band to the relief of Lathrop; but,

when he arrived, the contest was over, and the savages, flushed with

success, were pillaging the dead. Forming his men into a close column,

and commanding them to keep their ranks, he charged the Indians with the

greatest intrepidity. Spite of their numbers, he drove them into a

swamp, and forced his way through the whole body. They then attempted to

hang upon his rear, but with great presence of mind he wheeled and broke

through them again. In this manner the fight was continued for five

hours. He drove them several miles, and, with only two men killed, and

five or six wounded, succeeded in killing ninety-six of their number,

and returned, unmolested, on his way to Deerfield.

The next morning, the little band went out to bury the dead, and found

the savages again stripping the bodies on the field of battle. Mosely

drove them once more before him, and then, having performed his

melancholy task, heaped a monument of loose stones over the victims, and

returned. The name of the stream, Bloody Brook, is, at present, the only

memorial of the catastrophe.

[Illustration]

VIEW ON THE ERIE CANAL, NEAR LITTLE FALLS.

* * * * *

American Scenery, Vol. 1 (of 2) or, Land, lake, and river illustrations of transatlantic nature · 第 11 / 14 段