There are many features of life on the modern plantation, be it of

sugar or cotton, which suggest slavery. Virtual slavery is called

_peonage_ and many examples were given me by Negroes. It is arranged

in some places that the Negro handles as little money as possible.

Instead of money he has credit checks, metal or cardboard disks,

which he can use at the general store to purchase his provisions.

He is kept in debt so that he can never get out, and so lives with

a halter round his neck. Especially during the war, when the rumor

of war wages was tempting the colored labor of the South to migrate

North in huge numbers, efforts were made to keep the Negro without

the means of straying from the locality where the labor of his hands

was the foundation of the life of the community. Other forms of

_peonage_ prevalent in rural parts is the commuting of punishment for

forced labor, the hiring out of penal labor to companies or public

authorities. This resembles the use made of prisoners during the recent

world war, and is virtual slavery.

All inroads made on the liberty of the subject might fittingly

be classed as _peonage_—the denial of the vote to those legally

enfranchised, intimidation by lynch law, etc.

I talked with an old Negro after leaving Louisville and tramping south

toward Midville. He was lolling in rags on his porch—very near white.

His father had been his black mother’s white master. He remembered

Sherman’s passing when he was a boy. A remarkably intelligent and

tragic face, where an unhappy white man looked out on the misery of

abject poverty and quasi-bondage. Cotton had proved bad this year. The

boll weevil had entered the pod early. There were but three or four

bales to the plow. He did not know how he’d foot his bills. The rations

given him in the spring had become exhausted. He had also hoped to buy

clothes. He said the traders came early in the year and supplied him

with all sorts of things on the strength of a large cotton crop, and

he pointed to a toy bicycle lying upside down in the grass. He let his

little boy stride it, and mother thought it fine. Last year God had

blessed them with a very fine crop, and why should He not be as kind

this year? So he signed on for the toy bicycle and for a gramophone as

well. Now he complained that they were cutting off his rations, mother

lay ill a-bed, the weather was getting cold, and they had no clothes.

The boss was coming presently to turn them out of the cabin altogether,

and they did not know where to go. Even while we were talking two

bullet-headed young fellows, clean-shaven, frank, and surly, came up

in an automobile, stopped short, and rated the old man from where they

sat in the car. The cabin and the little cotton plantation belonged to

them now, and the old fellow was reverting from small proprietor to be

laborer on a plantation, and to be laborer was little better than to be

slave.

“We have to let down rope ladders to our people to get them up here,”

said a colored dean of a university to me. “We live in such abysses

down below, and there is no regular way out of the pit.”

I felt as I was marching into Georgia as if I were descending the rope

ladder. What a contrast there was between the bright, radiant-faced

girls at Atlanta studying science and languages, and those whom I was

meeting now. There was a regular sequence or gradation going downward

to filth and serfdom. The first bathed twice a day, and spent hours

working “anti-kink” not only into their hair but into their souls and

minds. They were fresh and fit and happy as morning itself. That was

on the Atlanta heights. I stepped down to the world of business with

its heavier, gloomier types, the hard-faced, skillful, and acquisitive

doctors, the fire-delivering, shadowy-minded clergy, the excited

and eager yet heavy-footed politicians. I took the road and met the

troubled landowners, pathetically happy to exist, though drowning in

mortgage and debt; from them I passed to the farm laborers, with the

jowl of the savage, matted hair, bent backs, deformed with joyless

toil, exuding poisonous perspiration and foul odor, herded like cattle

or worse, nearer to the beast than our domestic animals, feared by

women and weak men, as beasts are feared when they come in the likeness

of human beings.

There were, however, steps lower still in the ladder which leads

downward from the Atlanta hills. Frequently along the road I saw men

in yellow-striped overalls, plodding together, working together,

overlooked by a white man with a gun, and as they walked sounded the

pitiful clank-clank of the chains. It is rather curious, _kandali_ in

Siberia are an atrocity, but in sections of the United States they are

quite natural.

“We do not keep ‘em in jail, but make ‘em work,” says the white man

knowingly. “When there’s much work to do on the roads we soon find

the labor.” At Springfield I remarked the terrible state of disrepair

of the highway and public buildings. The reason was that instead of

setting their criminals to work on them they handed them over to the

State authorities. Other towns knew better. But in the chain gang and

the striped convict so easily obtained at the courts the ex-slave was

seen at his worst, and the rope ladder stopped short before touching

bottom.

There is not much to endear the ordinary wooden cabins in which the

mass of America’s black peasantry is found to live. They are poorer and

barer than the worst you would see in Russia. Ex-serf has fared better

than ex-slave. However, one detail of charm on this Georgian way was

the putting up of tiny stars as a sign of boys serving in the army, a

humble star of hope and glory like some tiny flower blossoming out of

season in the wilds—one white star for a boy in the army, a golden one

for a boy who had died. In their submerged way the Negroes were proud

of having helped in the war. The glory, or the idea, or the parrot cry

of “making the world safe for democracy” had penetrated even into the

most obscure abodes. The poor Negro had discovered Europe at last, and

was especially in love with one nation—the French. The South generally

had not been very eager to see the Negro in the war and has not reacted

sympathetically to the black man’s war glory.

“There’s no managing the neegahs now, they’s got so biggety since the

war,” said a white woman at Shadydale. “Las’ year we white people jus’

had to pick the cotton usselves, men, women, and chillen.” She told me

she did not think it a bit nice of the French girls to walk out with

Negro soldiers, and then told a story of a French bride brought home by

one of the white boys. She tittered. “Yes ... she had twins soon af’

she came, and would you b’lieve it, they were neegahs. Of course he

sent her right back.” The French intimacy with the Negro soldiers has

cooled the Southerner’s regard for the best-loved nation of Europe. It

has also stirred up the racial fear concerning Negroes and white women.

Because the black soldier was a favorite of the white girls in France

it is thought that his eye roves more readily to the pure womanhood of

the South.

Lynching seems often to be due to puritanical fervor, and is compatible

with a type of religiosity. Mob feeling against love is very dangerous.

A pastor kisses a girl of his congregation, a deacon happens to see

it, and his career is ended. An old man on the road volunteered the

fact that he had never “sinned” with a woman, black or white, his whole

life. Certainly there is a high standard of righteousness. Family

life is pure, and love-making is not the chief interest in life as in

some European countries. Men’s minds are more on their business, and

women’s on their homes. I am tempted to think that if the white race

which inhabits the South were French or Russian or Polish or Greek

there would be no lynchings. The great number of mixed relationships

would beget tolerance for inter-racial attraction. I said to a young

Floridan going through in his car—“I can well imagine a certain type

of European women ogling the Negro, making eyes at him and luring him

to his destruction. Have you ever come across such a type?” He answered

“No, and if there were, we’d do away with her, too.”

Of course this rigidly moral point of view falls away when it is a

matter of the white man and the black girl or the mulatto. The morality

of the Negro woman was badly undermined in slavery days, when slave

children were bred without any thought of sin or shame. But though

the moral standard has been low, it is nothing like so low as it was.

Pride of race has been born, and the moral purity of the colored woman

as a whole is now comparatively higher. Certainly even in the country

districts, where the Negro is nearest to his old state of being a

chattel, there is a great decrease in the number of half-bred children.

The solution of the racial problem by ultimate blending of color is not

one which seems likely to succeed here in the course of nature. Black

and White are far more separate and distinct in freedom than they were

in slavery. Even the black mammy is dying out. There are not so many

of that type of colored women. The white mother, moreover, has more

scruple against giving her child away from her own breast. The Southern

woman is as much against promiscuous relationships with Negro women as

her manfolk is against the Negro’s roving eyes. One woman said, “You

can understand the fondness of our young men for some of the Negro

girls when as babies they were suckled by a Negro woman.” There is much

psychological truth in that.

During these weeks on the roads of Georgia three Negroes were burned

in my neighborhood, two near Savannah for supposed complicity in the

murder of a deputy sheriff, and a mob of about a thousand white men

took pleasure in the auto-da-fé. A short while later near Macon a Negro

was accused of making love to a woman of fifty as she was coming home

from church one Sunday evening. Some one certainly attacked her, though

what was his object might be questionable. The accused man fled for

his life. He was captured at midnight by certain well-known citizens

whose names were published in the press. The sheriff argued with a

crowd of about four hundred in the public street for about an hour

and a half, and then, like Pilate, washed his hands of the matter and

let the mob have its way. Paul Brooker, the Negro, lay on the ground

maltreated, but living; gasoline was poured over him, a lighted match

was applied, and he was burned to death. This was not in Catholic Spain

in the days of the Inquisition, but in religious Georgia, solid for

Wilson and the League of Nations. I was told I could not understand why

such things had to be done. No Englishman and no Northerner could ever

penetrate the secret of it. That seemed to put me in the wrong when

conversing with the Southern people. It was a curious fact, however,

that they also for their part took no pains to understand how such

things made the blood boil in the veins of one who lived elsewhere. It

was not the execution nor the crime but the cruelty that seemed to me

unforgivable. I could understand killing the Negro, but I could not and

would not care to understand the state of mind of the four hundred who

enjoyed his torments.

Burnings and hangings and mob violence of other kinds are frequent in

most of the States of the South, but even in such cases where the names

of citizens are given in the press no prosecution or inquiry seems to

follow. Thus the great flag is flouted, and it is possible to imagine

the cynical mirth with which the ecstasy of the Negroes following the

Army of Liberation in 1864 might be compared with the hilarity of the

Southern mob in 1920 watching the ex-slave slowly burning to death on

their accusation and yelling for mercy when there was no merciful ear

to hear.

* * * * *

I suppose nothing begets hate so readily as cruelty. That is why in

all wars there is so much mongering of atrocities: one side tries to

find out all the cruelties and barbarities committed by the other just

to stir up its own adherents. So in the Civil War all the brutalities

of the slave owners were made known, and the Northern soldier’s blood

boiled because of them. Although the quarrel is now healed, there was,

at the time, a deep hate of the Southerners in the war. It was not only

a martial conflict but personal hatred and contempt. What was done to

the Blacks was aggravated by what was done to the white prisoners. The

North discovered a cruelty and callousness in the South which must have

been a puzzle to those who reflected that they were of the same race.

For Georgia is predominantly English by extraction, and still proud,

as I found, of grandfathers and great-grandfathers born in the old

country. Some ascribe the change of temperament to the hot sun and to

the southern latitude; more, to the brutalizing influences of slavery

itself.

When I was at Millen, which once in the glare of a burning railroad

swarmed with Sherman’s troopers, I went out to the old Southern battery

at Lawton and saw the mounds and the fields where the pen of Northern

prisoners was kept. It is waving with grass or corn to-day, and there

is a beautiful crystal spring in the midst of serene, untroubled

nature. Here the prisoners were concentrated in a space of ground three

hundred feet square, enclosed in a stockade and without covering,

exposed to all kinds of weather. When any escaped they were chased

with bloodhounds. Some seven hundred and fifty died while in this

concentration camp. No wonder a soldier of the time wrote: “It fevered

the blood of our brave boys.... God certainly will visit the authors of

all this crime with a terrible judgment.”

Sherman’s soldiers destroyed every hound they could find in Georgia

as they passed through—so strongly did they resent the barbarity

of hunting men with dogs. For the South had learned to hunt runaway

slaves with bloodhounds, and it was a type of hunting which gave a

peculiar satisfaction to the lust of cruelty. What they learned in

the maltreatment of their slaves they could put into practice against

the prisoners they obtained. There again, however, the war has failed

to bear fruit; for the hunting of Negroes with bloodhounds has become

common once more.

The Northern soldiers did not become gentler to the Southern population

as they advanced further into the depths of the country. Rather the

reverse. They would have been even more destructive than before had

they not found the country to be more and more sparsely settled. The

march from Millen to Savannah would have resulted in the harshest

treatment of the people, but happily the way lay through forests and

through the uncultivated wildernesses of Nature herself. The army had

only its prisoners to vent its displeasure upon, and they certainly

did not pet the few hundred Confederate soldiers and “civilian

personages” whom they had collected in bondage. The enemy was found

to have mined the road at one point. An officer of the Union Army had

his leg blown off. Eight-inch shells had been buried in the sand with

friction matches to explode them when trod on. Sherman was very angry,

and called it murder, not war, in a way which reminds one of the

indignation caused when in the late war the Germans started anything

novel. The answer to this mining of the road was to make the rebel

prisoners march ahead of the column in close formation so as to explode

any more which might be laid on the way. They were greatly afraid, and

begged hard to be let off—much to the mirth of the supposed victims.

It was not until nearing one of the forts of Savannah that another mine

exploded—the hurt done to the prisoners remains unrecorded.

* * * * *

The way is eastward to Sylvania and the Savannah River, and then south

to the rice fields and the harbor. The road is deep in sand, and

on each side is uncleared country with high yellow reeds below and

lofty pines above. Persimmons, ripe and yellow, grow by the wayside,

a luscious fruit, good when just rotten and full of softness and sun

heat. Large bird-like butterflies gracefully flitting down the long

corridors between the pines, and myriads of jumping mantises and

grasshoppers suggest that it is not November. The golden foliage of

an occasional beech reminds you that it is. The woods are deep and

gloomy and melancholy. A poorer population lives by pitch-boiling and

lumbering. Every pine tree is bearded with lichen. Moss hangs in long

festoons from the branches. The great dark trunks are here and there

silvered with congealed floods of sap. Trenches two inches deep have

been cut in the wood, and tin gutters and pots have been fixed up to

collect the resin. Every other tree has a brown pot tied to it, and

each pot is half full of the pearly liquid life of the trees. You

emerge from the forest to the pretty clearing of Rincom with a Lutheran

church which has a metal swan above the spire—symbol of the fact that

the first congregation, the one that built the church, had come across

the water from Europe. Six miles from Rincom is the oldest church in

all this part of Georgia, the Ebenezer Chapel, founded by those first

German settlers who sailed up the Savannah River, and in part founded

the colony of Georgia. It also is a church of the swan. The forest is

very dense, and Negroes with shotguns are potting at wild birds from

the highway. Wayside cottages and churches seem almost overcome with

the tillandsia, a subtropical mossy growth that seems to grow downward

rather than upward. There is a slight clearing and a cemetery in the

depth of the forest, and the hundreds of pines and cypresses and oaks

about it are weeping with this hanging moss. The county is that of

Effingham. Springfield, the capital, without electric light, deep

in yellow sand, with a great public square where all the many trees

look like weeping willows because of this gray-green tillandsia hair

trailing and waving ten or twenty feet to a tress, is an obscure town.

Guideposts for Florida begin to appear, and heavy touring cars roll

past on the way to Miami and Palm Beach. There are some charming wooden

churches—the Negro ones being poorer, looking better sacrifices unto

God than those of the Whites. But above the counter in the chief store

is written

In God we trust,

All others pay cash.

The sound of the axe clashes in the woods. There are many fallen trunks

on which it is possible to sit down and rest. Sea mist rolls in from

the Atlantic, and warm airs push through it, feeding the marvelous

tropical mosses. It’s a long way to Savannah—distance seems to be

intensified by the narrowness of the gray corridor of the road through

the vast, high forest. There rises from the obstructed earth black oak

and sterile vine and palmettoes like ladies’ hands with opened fans.

The surface whence the forest grows is swampy, old, lichened, mossy,

springy. It’s hard to find solid earth, so many branches seem to be

overgrown with verdure and moss. In the heat long snakes glide away

from your approach, having seen you before you saw them. And _rat_,

_rat_, _rat_, the red-polled woodpeckers in their tree-top cities call

upon one another and seek their insect luncheons and then flit home and

knock again. The white people speak a “nigger brogue” which is almost

indistinguishable from Negro talk, and they never pronounce an _r_. The

Negro seems very poor and illiterate and afraid. “Hear comes the OLD

RELIABLE FRIND with the LIFT of CHRIST” says a notice on an old wooden

church of colored folk.

I am overtaken by a Negro with a wagon and twelve bales of cotton,

and though he seems trying to race a huge touring car “heading for

Florida” with trunks on top and whole family within, he slows down to

pick me up. His is an enormous lorry, ponderous and ramshackle, shaking

the bones out of your body as it takes you along. The Negro boy held

the steering wheel nonchalantly with one hand and blundered along at

top speed. After ten miles of this we entered one of the vast cotton

warehouses outside Savannah, passed the gateman who would not have

let me in but he thought I was in charge, and we saw where a hundred

thousand bales were being housed and kept. Scores of Negroes were at

work manipulating bales on trolley trains run by petrol engines all

over the asphalted way, and from shed to shed.

“Are you shipping much cotton?” I asked of a white man who was giving

us a receipt for the cotton brought in, while a dozen husky fellows

were unloading the wagon. “Not much,” said he. “Holding for better

prices,” he added, and smiled knowingly.

Then with the empty wagon we rolled off for Savannah, and the boy

driver told me he was going to work his passage soon on a ship from

Savannah to New York. “We don’t get a chance down here.”

And yet how much better off was he with his wagon, and union wages, and

life in a large city than the poor ex-slave, on the land!

While unlading, it had become dark. But an hour more through the

forest brought us to the outlying slums of Savannah, and then to the

“red-light district” where were music and dancing, and open doors and

windows, and the red glow of the lamp luring colored youth to lowest

pleasures; then to the grandeur and spaciousness of modern Savannah,

and the white man’s civilization, up out of Georgia, up out of the pit,

through the veil of the forest and of Nature to the serene heights of

world civilization once more.

VII

AFTER THE WAR: THE VOTE

The march to the sea, like John Brown’s soul marching to eternity, was

a moving symbol of the faith of the war. Men saw in it the march of the

cause of humanity as a whole. Sherman offered Savannah as a Christmas

gift to Abraham Lincoln, and the star of Bethlehem shone anew over a

ravaged land and ravaged hearts. The news when it came was a signal for

great popular rejoicing and a prophetic belief in the end of the war.

Four months afterward there was a general capitulation of the South.

It is true America’s most innocent and Christian man was destroyed by

hate—another Golgotha day in history, when on Good Friday in a theatre

in Washington Lincoln was assassinated—but the fight had been fought

and the victory won. It became possible to ratify the abolition of

slavery by the re-establishment of the Union and the common consent of

all the States.

“In Sixty Three the slaves were free; In Sixty Four the war was o’er,”

says a rhyme, but in truth the Negroes were not free in the South till

the South had been conquered by the United States, and the war was not

o’er till April, 1865. It was on the 24th of May, 1865, that the army

marched past the White House in its final grand review, bearing aloft

its battle-riven flags festooned with flowers. There was glory in the

North; the twilight of confusion in the South; and the Negroes were

free. Peace came once more, though not peace in men’s hearts. War hate

still bred hate, and the lust of cruelty called into being its monster

progeny of revenge.

The Soul of John Brown · 第 9 / 17 段