CONCLUSION
As Dampier steps over the ship's side the reader is prepared to learn
that no more is heard of him. He is a shadow amongst a congregation of
shades, and when he quits his comrades his first stride carries him
into absolute obscurity, and he vanishes like a puff of tobacco smoke.
One would be glad to be able to do more than give a mere handshake of
farewell to such an English sailor as this. It would be pleasant to
be able to follow him, to learn what sort of life he led, what new
adventures, if any, he met with, what his health was, and what his
means, the pleasures he took ashore, and the esteem in which he was
held by those with whom he conversed before that dark old soldier
Death quietly beckoned him out. I think we may take it that he never
married whilst he pursued his sea-life; but when he came ashore for
good he was tolerably advanced in years, and it would not be safe to
conjecture what he did then. He had never known the comforts of a
home, and the old seaman might find a kind of excuse for marrying in
that reflection. Captain Cooke says that the net profits of Rogers's
voyage (see previous page) were fairly divided amongst the officers
and crew. This is to be doubted. Before the officers and crew touched
a penny the Bristol merchants, of whom there was a great number in the
venture, would take their share, and we may suppose that their dividend
did not leave the balance a very big one for the many people who had
claims upon it. A man named Hatley, who sailed in 1719 with Shelvocke
and Clipperton, was wont to declare that “he knew by woeful experience
how they were used on board the _Duke_ and _Dutchess_; that they were
never paid one-tenth of their due, and that it plainly appeared how a
certain gentleman designed to treat them, by his bullying them, and
endeavouring to force them from Gravesend before they had received
their river pay and impress money.”[31] Dampier's claims were no doubt
ranked amongst those of the officers; but whatever his share might have
been, it is not very conceivable that, invested, it yielded him an
income sufficient for his plainest requirements.
He was fifty-nine years old when he returned from his last voyage. Even
assuming that his health was good enough to suffer him to go on using
the sea, it is more than probable that at the age of sixty he would
exhibit no further taste for the hard, perilous, and unremunerative
calling. Considering the eminence he had achieved, it is strange that
there are no discoverable contemporary references to this portion of
his life; none, at all events, that I have been able to meet with or
hear of, though I have not spared inquiry. This silence might sanction
the conjecture that on his return he went into the country, perhaps to
his little Dorsetshire estate, if it be reasonable to suppose that he
had not parted with it in the time of his poverty, and died not long
afterwards amid the obscurity of rural and provincial surroundings. But
speculation is fruitless, and even unwise, in the face of the chance of
the story of his ending being some of these days lighted upon; for the
literary digger was never more active than he is now, and a spadeful of
the old mould of time may yet be thrown up with information enough in
it about this circumnavigator to answer all questions as to his closing
years. Anyway I think we may be pretty sure that he never went to sea
again. A sailor ages rapidly on the salt-beef, honeycombed biscuit, and
stormy weather of his vocation, and at fifty is commonly as old in body
and mind as the landsman at seventy. Dampier was a seaman when he was a
boy, and no man, even in those strenuous ocean-going days, ever lived a
harder and more wearing life. He had spent years in the most unhealthy
and enfeebling climates in the world; he had starved on rotten food,
lain unsheltered on deck through the damp and fever-breeding nights
of the West Indian and Panama parallels; he had had more than most
men's share of worry and anxiety; he had drunk deep of the cup of
disappointment, and he had sounded poverty to its depths. We may then
fairly consider him as an old man at sixty, and assume with confidence
that as he wanted both the taste and the opportunity for further
seafaring, the last voyage he ever took in this world was as pilot to
his friend Woodes Rogers.[32]
There is a tradition that he was known to Defoe, which Sir Walter Scott
traces to a passage in the _Review_. Whether Defoe knew Dampier in the
flesh or not, his literary obligations to him appear considerable.
_Captain Singleton_, published in 1720; the nautical passages in
_Colonel Jack_, published in 1722; _A New Voyage Round the World_,
published in 1725; together with a variety of ocean incidents to be
met with in _Roxana_, _Moll Flanders_, and in others of the voluminous
publications of this master, seem to me directly inspired by Dampier's
writings. There were indeed Cowley, Wafer, Ringrose, Cooke, and the
contemporary buccaneering authors to consult; but it is only necessary
to contrast Defoe's tales of the sea, the marine passages in his shore
stories, and his accounts of foreign countries, with the descriptions
of Dampier, and more particularly the reflections with which he
interpolates his narratives, to perceive the true source of some of the
finest of the imaginations of the author of _Captain Singleton_ and
_Robinson Crusoe_. Defoe exhibited his gratitude in an odd form. Here
are some opening passages in his _New Voyage Round the World_:
“It has for some ages been thought so wonderful a thing to sail the
tour or circle of the globe, that when a man has done this mighty
feat he presently thinks it deserves to be recorded, like Sir Francis
Drake's. So, as soon as men have acted the sailor, they come ashore
and write books of their voyage, not only to make a great noise of
what they have done themselves, but, pretending to show the way to
others to come after them, they set up for teachers and chart-makers to
posterity. Though most of them have had this misfortune, that whatever
success they have had in the voyage they have had very little in the
relation, except it be to tell us that a seaman, when he comes to the
press, is pretty much out of his element, and that a very good sailor
may make but a very indifferent author.”
Language of this sort does not sound very graciously in the mouth of a
man whose best work is owing to the hints he obtains from the people
whose labours and publications he ridicules. I hope I shall not be
deemed heterodox if I say that, in my humble judgment, great as is my
veneration for Defoe, in point of interest neither his _New Voyage_
nor his _Captain Singleton_ is to be compared with the narratives of
Dampier, Cooke, Rogers, and Shelvocke; whilst there is a quaintness and
freshness about their plain, manly, sailorly style which I instantly
miss on turning to Defoe's later books. It is quite true indeed that
when the _New Voyage Round the World_ was written the circumnavigation
of the globe was no longer considered an extraordinary feat; but
then forty-two years had elapsed since Dampier had sailed with the
buccaneers from Virginia on his first tour, and in that interval the
experiences of the journey—deemed remarkable at the time—had been
often enough repeated by his own and the voyages of others, to rob
the accomplishment of all its wonder. Dampier's best merits have
been fairly expressed by Sir Walter Scott, whose reference to him in
connection with the life of Defoe was inevitable. He speaks of him
as a mariner “whose scientific skill in his profession and power of
literary composition were at that time rarely found in that profession,
especially amongst those rough sons of the ocean who acknowledged no
peace beyond the Line, and had as natural an enmity to a South American
Spaniard as a greyhound to a hare, and who, though distinguished by
the somewhat mild term of buccaneer, were little better than absolute
pirates.” This is true, but more may be said. Dampier was not only
the finest sailor of his day—I mean in the strictly professional
sense of the word—his travels are to this hour foremost among the
best-written and most interesting in the language. Seafaring and
literary qualifications are a rare combination even in our own age of
stiff marine-examinations, of a race of naval officers distinguished
for their culture and their breeding, and of a merchant navy whose
masters and mates are, in the higher ranges at least, persons of
education and intelligence. But in Dampier's day the sailor, whether
he fought for the throne or for merchant adventurers, or toiled for
himself as a sea-carrier, was a coarse, unlettered man. The union in
Dampier of the qualities which he exhibited must have rendered him
something of a prodigy to his contemporaries, whilst it forms his
claim upon the attention and esteem of posterity. No mariner ever
observed more closely. In his _Discourse of Winds_ he anticipates half
the contents of the volumes of Piddington and Reid.[33] One would
say indeed that Dampier never passed an hour without pulling out his
notebook. Piddington particularly calls attention to the accuracy of
the old sailor's touches in his picture of the banks of red clouds
which herald the bursting of a typhoon in the China seas. He also
refers to Dr. Franklin's Letters, in which there is a paper of extracts
from Dampier's Voyages that was read at the Royal Society—he does not
say when—and quotes at large, as substantiating a theory of his own,
a passage in the extracts descriptive of the appearance, motion, and
danger of the waterspout. So in a score of other directions. No bird
of strange plumage meets Dampier's eye but his pen, with microscopic
fidelity, reproduces its hues, form, and tricks of flight and movement.
He will pause in his narrative to describe a fish, and make you see it
as clearly as though you leaned over the side with him watching it. All
variety of products he carefully notes. He has also a quick eye for
human nature, detects and dryly represents the characteristics of his
shipmates, and sketches with humorous gravity the hideous New Guinea
savage whose tatooings he enlarges upon, or the primrose-coloured
Chinaman whose tail he measures. He is probably at his best in the
Supplement he wrote to the _Voyage Round the World_. The mariner must
have received with gratitude this remarkable description of the towns
and coasts of the Dutch possessions in the East Indies and of Tonquin.
There was nothing in “Waggoner” at all resembling such writing as this,
nothing so trustworthy, nothing indeed in any other existing sea-volume
so helpful to the sailor. He was the best hydrographer and geographer
of his age, and in truth in many respects I hardly know where to look
for his equal when I reflect upon what he did, and consider the heroic
obstinacy with which he persevered in his high resolution to observe
and note down all that he saw in defiance of the distractions of a life
of hardship, conflict, and brutal association, and despite the lack of
the twenty scientific conveniences which now facilitate the labours of
the navigator and explorer.
And perhaps those who respect his memory most will be best pleased
to think he was a failure as a buccaneer. I have already quoted a
passage from his preface in which he does not dissemble the repugnance
with which he recurs to his life of piracy. Nothing could be more
intelligible than the disgust and loathing that possessed him when he
sat in silence writing his book, and thinking of the character of the
persons whom it was necessary he should refer to as his intimates.
They were sailors indeed, but they were also brutes; no man knew that
better than Dampier; no man was better acquainted than he with the
vices, the profligacy, the horrors of the every-day speech of the men
whose company he had kept for months and years.[34] That quality of
sympathetic adhesion which the French call _esprit de corps_ was not
likely to exist in a man who, when he had parted from his shipmates,
found the recollection of them insupportable. Indeed he was but a poor
buccaneer. He was as courageous as the best man he ever sailed with;
plunder he loved as well as the rest; but he despised and detested
his associates, and probably only held his own amongst them by the
exaction of that sort of respect which such fellows would feel for a
man of education, of wide experience, and the best navigator of his
time. The reason of his failure as a commander his own narratives
make clear. His books show that he understood human nature, but his
actions prove that he could not control or direct it. Nor is it hard
to see why he was unsuccessful as an explorer. He appeared to exhaust
his energy in theories, so that by the time he addressed himself to
action nearly all his enthusiasm was gone. The importunities which
led to his being placed in command of the _Roebuck_ and despatched to
the Southern Ocean must have been eloquent. No doubt he was perfectly
sincere in his representations. As a privateersman he had sighted the
shores of the unknown land of the antipodes; how far south it extended
he could not imagine, but vast portions of it lay under heights which
by analogous reasoning he could prove fertile and beautiful, rich in
promise to the coloniser, and assuring an enlargement of the dominions
of the sovereign by the acquisition of a territory possibly vaster
than the whole of Europe. All this, we may take it, he fully believed,
and eagerly, impetuously, and eloquently expressed. But the passage
from England to Western Australia was a long one. His ardour had
cooled before he was off the coast of Brazil. He was chagrined by the
behaviour of his crew, and there were other causes to cloud and chill
his excitable and impressionable nature. You can see that he had lost
all heart, or at least all appetite, for the quest he had undertaken
long before the coast of New Holland rose over his bows. Men of
Dampier's temperament may be able to write engaging narratives of their
adventures, and exhibit all the solid virtues of the sober, as well as
all the airy qualities of the poetic, observer; but they are not formed
of the stuff of which explorers are made. Their pulse beats too hotly
at the start and too languidly towards the end. Yet the world does well
to hold the name of Dampier in memory as a skilful seaman, an acute
observer, an agreeable writer, and a thorough Englishman.
THE END
_Printed by_ R. & R. CLARK, _Edinburgh_.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Harris's _Collection_, “Cowley's Voyage,” vol. i. 1748.
[2] _A Discourse of the First Invention of Ships_, p. 7. Ed. 1700.
[3] Hackluyt, i. 243. There is also a reference to sheathing in Sir
Richard Hawkins's _Observations_ in Purchas, vol. iv. p. 1387. In
1673 an order was issued by the Lord High Admiral to sheath some of
the ships of war with lead; but on Sir John Narborough a few years
afterwards objecting to it, the practice was discontinued.—See
Schomberg's _Naval Chronology_, vol. i. 75.
[4] Preserved in Churchill's _Collections of Voyages and Travels_,
1704, vol. ii.
[5] The buccaneers had “Waggoners” of their own. One was compiled by
Basil Ringrose, who called it the _South Sea Waggoner_ (_circa_ 1682).
Another by Captain Hack, the author of a _History of the Buccaneers_,
was published in or about 1690.
[6] Dampier calls him Spragg, others Sprague.
[7] Ringrose's account will be found in _The History of the Bucaniers
of America_, 2 vols., 4th edition, 1741, under the section entitled
“The dangerous Voyage and bold Adventures of Captain Sharp, Watling,
Sawkins, Coxon, and others in the South Sea.” It is proper I should
state here that the editions of the books I name are those from which I
quote.
[8] “_A New Voyage Round the World_, describing particularly the
Isthmus of America; several Coasts and Islands in the West Indies;
the Isles of Cape Verd; the Passage by Terra del Fuego; the South
Sea coasts of Chili, Peru, and Mexico; the Isle of Guam, one of the
Ladrones, Mindanao, and other Philippine and East India Islands, near
Cambodia, China, Formosa, Laconia, Celebes, etc.; New Holland, Sumatra,
Nicobar Isles; the Cape of Good Hope, and Santa Hellena. Their Soil,
Rivers, Harbours, Plants, Fruits, Animals, and Inhabitants. Their
Customs, Religion, Government, Trade, etc.” By Captain William Dampier.
Fourth Edition, 1699. This is vol. i. of the Travels.
[9] Wafer afterwards published an account of his adventures in “_A New
Voyage and Description of the Isthmus of America_; giving an account
of the author's abode there; the form and make of the Country, Coasts,
Hills, Rivers, etc. Woods, Soil, Weather, etc. Trees, Fruit, Beasts,
Birds, Fish, etc. The Indian Inhabitants, their Features, Complexions,
etc.; their Manners, Customs, Employments, Marriages, Feasts, Hunting,
Computation, Language, etc. With remarkable Occurrences in the South
Sea and elsewhere.” It is a tedious book.
[10] Cowley's _Voyage_: Harris's _Collection of Voyages and Travels_,
vol. i., 1744. Also Cowley's Voyage, in Captain William Hack's
_Collection of Original Voyages_. 1698.
[11] Cowley.
[12] Ravenau de Lussan, who was with Grognet in this action, gives us
a French version of the business: “About two the Spaniards sent out a
ship of eight and twenty guns to hinder Captain Grognet from joining
us, as understanding by some Spaniards who had been our prisoners that
he was the strongest in small arms of any in our fleet, and that they
were so much the more fearful of him, when they came to know his crew
consisted of Frenchmen!” This man calls Davis “David,” and says he was
a Fleming, and he writes Swan's name “Sammes.” His story is printed in
_The Bucaniers of America_ already referred to.
[13] The title runs thus:—“_Voyages and Descriptions_. Vol. ii. In
Three Parts, viz. 1. A Supplement of the Voyage round the World,
Describing the Countreys of Tonquin, Achin, Malacca, etc.: their
Product, Inhabitants, Manners, Trade, Policy, etc. 2. Two Voyages to
Campeachy; with a Description of the Coasts, Product, Inhabitants,
Log-wood-Cutting Trade, etc., of Jucatan, Campeachy, New Spain, etc. 3.
A Discourse of Trade-Winds, Breezes, Storms, Seasons of the Year, Tides
and Currents of the Torrid Zone throughout the World; with an Account
of Natal in Africk: its Product, Negro's, etc. 1699.”
[14] _A Voyage to New Holland, &c., in the Year 1699_, by Captain
William Dampier. 1709.
[15] It may spare the reader the trouble of referring to a map, to say
that the longitude of the Cape is 18° 29´ E.; Frio (Brazil) 41° 57´ W.;
Blanco (Peru) 81° 10´ W.
[16] It was hereabouts that Francis Pelsart was wrecked in the
_Batavia_ in 1629.
[17] For instance, Ringrose (Dampier's companion in Sharp's voyage)
writes under date of January 9th, 1681: “There was now a great rippling
sea, rising very high. It is reported there is an enchanted island
hereabouts, which some positively say they have sailed over.“
[18] The statements of Harris, who may be claimed as a contemporaneous
authority, are interesting on this account. He writes, of course,
without the prejudices of Dampier's sea-associates.
[19] ”_A Voyage Round the World_, containing an account of Captain
Dampier's expedition into the South Seas, 1703-4, with the Author's
Voyage from Amapalla on the West Coast of Mexico to East India,” 1707.
[20] _A Voyage Round the World by the way of the Great South Sea_,
by Captain George Shelvocke. Second Edition, 1757, p. 76. The whole
description of his passage of the Horn, with his sketch of Staten
Island, “covered with snow to the very wash of the sea,” is admirable.
[21] I should add, however, that on Selkirk repenting his rash
decision, and requesting leave to return to his duty, Stradling refused
to receive him on board.
[22] Norwood's _Navigation_, already referred to.
[23] This term “bark” is used generically by the old writers. Rigs
were few, and vessels, it would seem, took their names from their
dimensions, as galleon, carrack, galley, and the like. In our own
times—and it has been so for a century and a half, at least—a craft is
defined by her rig. Thus a vessel rigged as a ship would be called a
ship though she were only fifty tons.
[24] “_A Cruising Voyage Round the World_: first to the South Seas,
thence to the East Indies, and homewards by the Cape of Good Hope.
Begun in 1708 and finished in 1711. Containing a Journal of all the
Remarkable Transactions; particularly of the taking of Puna and
Guayaquil, of the Acapulco ship, and other Prizes. An Account of
Alexander Selkirk's living alone four years and four months on an
Island; and a brief Description of several Countries in our Course
noted for Trade, especially in the South Sea, etc.” By Captain Woodes
Rogers, 1712.
[25] _An Historical Account of all the Voyages Round the World_, vol.
i. 1773.
[26] But as a member of the committee he might also have claimed a
right to participate in the dangers as well as in the commercial risks
of the expedition.
[27] In _A Voyage to the South Sea trade, and round the World_.
“Wherein an Account is given of Mr. Alexander Selkirk, his manner of
Living, and taming some Wild Beasts, during the four years and four
months he lived upon the uninhabited Island of Juan Fernandez,” 1712.
[28] The Englishman afterwards joined the privateersmen, and told them
this story.
[29] In speaking of the English buccaneers it is necessary to
distinguish them from the pirates pure and simple, such as Morgan,
Teach, and the other beauties whose lives are given in Captain Charles
Johnson's delectable volumes.
[30] Moreover, there was a number of pirates on board with their booty,
for the preservation of which, we may take it, they intended to fight
hard.
[31] _A Voyage Round the World_, by Captain George Shelvocke, p. 38.
The “certain gentleman” was probably Captain Dover.
[32] Since this was written I have been reminded of the discovery of
Dampier's will at Somerset House many years ago. This proves him to
have died in Coleman Street, in the parish of St. Stephen, London,
early in March 1714-15. The bulk of his property was left to his cousin
Grace Mercer, spinster, of London, and the remainder to his brother
George. His wife is not mentioned, nor the value of the property. See
an article by Admiral Smyth in the _United Service Journal_, 1837,
and _The Dictionary of National Biography_, vol. xiv. Art. “Dampier,”
which, I may perhaps add, was not published till some time after my
volume had passed through the press.
[33] The former writer observes with great justice: “We are perhaps
too much accustomed to rely on our instruments nowadays, and we
neglect those signs which must after all have been the barometers and
simpiesometers of Drake, Cavendish, Dampier, and all our daring band of
naval and commercial navigators up to the end of the last century, and
still are so for our hardy fishermen and coasters.” _The Sailor's Horn
Book_, p. 240, 1851.
[34] Captain William Snelgrave, in his _A New Account of Guinea and
the Slave-Trade_, 1754, paints a lively picture of the behaviour and
conversation of privateersmen. “I took leave of the Captain and got
into my Hammock, tho' I could not sleep in my melancholy Circumstances.
Moreover the execrable Oaths and Blasphemies I heard among the Ship's
Company shock'd me to such a degree, that in Hell itself I thought
there could not be worse; for tho' many seafaring men are given to
swearing and taking God's Name in vain, yet I could not have imagined
human Nature could ever so far degenerate, as to talk in the manner
those abandoned wretches did.” P. 217.
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[_In Preparation._]
English Men of Letters.
EDITED BY JOHN MORLEY.
In Paper Covers, 1s.; Cloth, 1s. 6d.
=ADDISON.=
By W. J. COURTHOPE.
=BACON.=
By Dean CHURCH.
=BENTLEY.=
By Professor R. C. JEBB.
=BUNYAN.=
By J. A. FROUDE.
=BURKE.=
By JOHN MORLEY.
=BURNS.=
By Principal SHAIRP.
=BYRON.=
By JOHN NICHOL.
=CARLYLE.=
By JOHN NICHOL.
=CHAUCER.=
By Professor A. W. WARD.
=COLERIDGE.=
By H. D. TRAILL.
=COWPER.=
By GOLDWIN SMITH.
=DEFOE.=
By W. MINTO.
=DE QUINCEY.=
By Professor MASSON.
=DICKENS.=
By Professor A. W. WARD.
=DRYDEN.=
By G. SAINTSBURY.
=FIELDING.=
By AUSTIN DOBSON.
=GIBBON.=
By J. C. MORISON.
=GOLDSMITH.=
By WILLIAM BLACK.
=GRAY.=
By EDMUND GOSSE.
=HAWTHORNE.=
By HENRY JAMES.
=HUME.=
By Professor HUXLEY, F.R.S.
=JOHNSON.=
By LESLIE STEPHEN.
=KEATS.=
By SIDNEY COLVIN.
=LAMB, CHARLES.=
By Rev. A. AINGER.
=LANDOR.=
By SIDNEY COLVIN.
=LOCKE.=
By THOMAS FOWLER.
=MACAULAY.=
By J. C. MORISON.
=MILTON.=
By MARK PATTISON.
=POPE.=
By LESLIE STEPHEN.
=SCOTT.=
By R. H. HUTTON.
=SHELLEY.=
By J. A. SYMONDS.
=SHERIDAN.=
By Mrs. OLIPHANT.
=SIDNEY.=
By JOHN A. SYMONDS.
=SOUTHEY.=
By Professor DOWDEN.
=SPENSER.=
By Dean CHURCH.
=STERNE.=
By H. D. TRAILL.
=SWIFT.=
By LESLIE STEPHEN.
=THACKERAY.=
By ANTHONY TROLLOPE.
=WORDSWORTH.=
By F. W. H. MYERS.
The Globe Library.
_Globe 8vo. 3s. 6d. each._
BOSWELL'S LIFE OF JOHNSON. Introduction by MOWBRAY MORRIS.
BURNS.—COMPLETE POETICAL WORKS AND LETTERS. Edited, with Life and
Glossarial Index, by ALEXANDER SMITH.
COWPER.—POETICAL WORKS. Edited by the Rev. W. BENHAM, B.D.
DEFOE.—THE ADVENTURES OF ROBINSON CRUSOE. Introduction by H. KINGSLEY.
DRYDEN.—POETICAL WORKS. A Revised Text and Notes. By W. D.
CHRISTIE, M.A.
GOLDSMITH.—MISCELLANEOUS WORKS. Edited by Prof. MASSON.
HORACE.—WORKS. Rendered into English Prose by JAMES LONSDALE and
S. LEE.
MALORY.—LE MORTE D'ARTHUR. Sir Thomas Malory's Book of King Arthur
and of his Noble Knights of the Round Table. The Edition of
Caxton. Revised for modern use by Sir E. STRACHEY, Bart.
MILTON.—POETICAL WORKS. Edited, with Introductions, by Prof. MASSON.
POPE.—POETICAL WORKS. Edited, with Memoir and Notes by Prof. WARD.
SCOTT.—POETICAL WORKS. With Essay by Prof. PALGRAVE.
SHAKESPEARE.—COMPLETE WORKS. Edited by W. G. CLARKE and W. ALDIS
WRIGHT. _India Paper Edition._ Crown 8vo, cloth extra, gilt edges,
10s. 6d. net.
SPENSER.—COMPLETE WORKS. Edited by R. MORRIS. Memoir by J. W.
HALES, M.A.
VIRGIL.—WORKS. Rendered into English Prose by JAMES LONSDALE and
S. LEE.
MACMILLAN AND CO., LONDON.
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│ Minor typographical errors have been corrected without note. │
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│ Punctuation and spelling were made consistent when a predominant │
│ form was found in this book; otherwise they were not changed. │
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│ Ambiguous hyphens at the ends of lines were retained. │
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│ Footnotes were moved to the end of the book and numbered in one │
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│ Other correction: │
│ p. 20: 1776 changed to 1676. (... and sailed about the middle of │
│ February 1676.) │
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