Marmont penetrates into Portugal during the siege. Lord Wellington
marches back to the north. General Alten appointed to command the
Light Division. The army advances to Salamanca. Takes up a position.
Marmont’s army opposite. A fortified convent in Salamanca is
besieged by the 6th Division. It is set fire to, and the garrison
capitulates. Marmont retreats behind the Douro. We follow him. A
dance at Navis del Rey. Arrive at Rueda. Wine vaults. French
soldiers assassinated by the Spaniards. Marmont is reinforced. The
Light Division falls back to Castrejon. The French cross the Douro.
Attack the troops at Castrejon. We fall back behind the Guarena,
closely followed by Marmont. Beautiful evolutions of the two armies.
The 27th and 40th regiments repulse the French with loss. Deaths
from want of water and excessive heat. British six-pounders and
French nines, with their respective advanced guards. Observations on
the fire-arms of French and British dragoons. The two armies march
within cannon-shot of each other for several days in succession. The
Light Division crosses the Tormes, by a ford at night, in a
tremendous thunder-storm. Battle of Salamanca. Marmont’s promises to
the Spaniards of destroying Lord Wellington’s army not fulfilled.
Opinions of certain British officers in the Portuguese army, as to
the comparative merits of Portuguese, British, and French soldiers.
Gallant attack of General Bock’s cavalry brigade on the French
rear-guard. We pursue the French many days. Various reports of
Marmont’s death. Corpse of the French General Ferez dug up and
exposed to view by the Spaniards. We cross the Douro. Valladolid.
Mode adopted of raising the wind to purchase bread, &c. The army
marches on Madrid. Segovia. A beautiful Castilian. Palaces of El Rio
Frio and San Ildefonso. Pass the Guadaramma mountains. Encamp in the
park of the Escurial. The palace. Affair between some Portuguese and
French cavalry. The army enters Madrid. Its reception. French
garrison in the Retiro capitulates. A word or two about the capital.
Its palace, streets, public walks, Castilian women, &c.
Pheasant-shooting in Joseph Bonaparte’s park. A grand ball. A
bull-fight. Extravagant fondness of the Spaniards of both sexes for
this amusement. Four divisions march to Burgos, and lay siege to the
castle. Soult raises the siege of Cadiz and marches on Madrid.
General Hill and Colonel Skerrit join the troops at Madrid. Colonel
Skerrit repulses Soult’s advanced guard at the bridge of Aranjuez.
The Light Division marches to the front from Madrid. Soult passes
the Tagus. We bid adieu, with great regret, to Madrid.
Marshal Marmont had entered Portugal during the latter end of the siege,
and penetrated towards Castello Branco, dispersing the Portuguese
militia and irregulars. This movement caused Lord Wellington to march
from Badajoz a few days after its fall, towards the north. Marmont fell
back behind the Agueda on his approach, and subsequently to Salamanca.
With the exception of a corps under General Hill, which was left in
Alemtejo, the whole army was cantoned on the northern frontier of
Portugal, with the Light Division and some cavalry on the Agueda; and in
the month of June it advanced towards Salamanca.
About this time, Major-General Baron Charles Alten, of the German
Legion, was appointed to command the Light Division, vacant by the death
of General Crawford. During the siege and storming of Badajoz, the
command of it had devolved on Lieutenant-Colonel Barnard, of the 95th
Rifle corps, who conducted it most ably and gallantly through all its
arduous duties. If a thorough knowledge of their profession, calm, cool
courage, great presence of mind in action, frank and gentlemanly
manners, and the total absence of what may be termed teazing those under
their command, are qualities to be appreciated, I do say (and in so
saying utterly disclaim all adulation or flattery) that both Baron Alten
and Colonel Barnard merited the high estimation in which they were held.
On arriving at Salamanca, the army was obliged to cross the Tormes by
fords, as the bridge was commanded by a convent, which the French had
long since converted into a fort, mounted with heavy guns, and having a
garrison within its walls of many hundred men. The 6th Division was left
to besiege the fort, and the other divisions took up a position on some
heights, about a league in front of Salamanca, with the right resting on
the Tormes. Marmont was in position on a line of hills opposite, about
two miles distant; a wide, open valley dividing the two armies.
On the night of the 24th of June, a party of the 6th Division assaulted
the fortified convent, but unfortunately did not succeed, and sustained
some loss in the attempt. On the 27th they stormed an outwork near the
convent, and carried it in fine style. Our batteries having plied the
fort with shells and red-hot shot, and set it on fire, the garrison,
consisting of eight hundred men, capitulated, and were made prisoners of
war. The same night Marmont, having learned the fate of the garrison,
withdrew his army from our front, and in a few days crossed the Douro,
at Tordesillas, taking up a position behind that river, and occupying
Zamora and Toro. There were several sharp skirmishes, and much
manœuvering on the part of Marmont, whilst the two armies were in front
of Salamanca, but it led to no serious result.
We followed the French rear-guard on the 28th, 29th, and 30th of June,
without coming up with it; and on the 1st of July the Light Division and
some cavalry entered Navis del Rey, where we made a few prisoners. In
spite of fatigue, we contrived to get up a dance at night, which many of
the signoras honoured with their presence. Having snatched a couple of
hours’ sleep, we were again on the road before day dawned; and, after a
burning march, reached Rueda, a decent kind of town, a few miles distant
from the Douro. Our cavalry made some prisoners from the French
rear-guard.
The whole country from Salamanca to Rueda is one vast sun-burnt plain,
with scarcely a tree, but abounding with corn, and, near the Douro, with
vines. All the towns and villages in this part of the country may
literally be called so many wine vaults. Every house and street is
excavated, and filled with white wine of tolerably good quality.
Descending, after a long day’s march under a roasting sun, into those
deep cellars, where the air and wine were both like ice, was no trifling
luxury; the transition being nearly as great as from the equator to the
pole. This, however pleasant, might be supposed to have been an unsafe
experiment. The only inconvenience, however, complained of was, that the
wine was so cool and delicious, as to render it no easy matter to ascend
the long flight of steps, and to regain our billets above ground.
Several stragglers who were found in the wine-cellars by the Spaniards,
after the French rear-guard had left Rueda, and before we arrived, were
put to death; and we saw several others in the churchyard, cut and
lacerated in a shocking manner. The system of warfare carried on between
the Spaniards and French was revolting to the greatest possible degree.
We remained at Rueda with the head-quarters of the army some days,
watching Marmont, who remained tolerably quiet in his position behind
the Douro, until reinforced by General Bonnet with troops from some of
the northern provinces.
About the 15th he began manœuvering, and made many feints to cross at
various points, which caused corresponding movements on our part.
On the night of the 16th, the Light Division marched from Rueda, and the
next day we took up our ground near the village of Castrejon, with the
4th Division, General Pack’s brigade, and some cavalry. After marching
and counter-marching his army for a day or two, with a view of deceiving
Lord Wellington, Marmont passed the Douro at Tordesillas, on the night
of the 17th, with the whole or greater part of his army, and on the
morning of the 18th bore straight down on the troops at Castrejon. A
furious cannonade soon commenced; and as the country was quite open, and
every way favourable for cavalry, the infantry were ordered to form
close columns or squares of battalions: in this manner we remained
stationary for a length of time, under a heavy fire of artillery, whilst
the cavalry, and some companies which had been thrown out in front, were
engaged in a sharp skirmish.
Lord Wellington now ordered the infantry to retire in columns, covered
by the cavalry and horse artillery. No man who was present can possibly
have forgotten that magnificent sight, nor the steadiness and extreme
regularity with which the columns fell back over this extensive plain,
followed and assailed in flanks and rear by overwhelming numbers of
cavalry and artillery.
During this retreat we were exposed to a constant cannonade, and
threatened by heavy masses of infantry, ready to close with us if our
pace was relaxed for a minute. Nor was the steadiness and gallantry
displayed by the cavalry and horse-artillery less worthy of admiration.
A halt of two or three minutes would have enabled the French infantry to
reach us. Thus we marched some miles over a country as level as a
chessboard, in columns of battalions, ready to engage the French
infantry if they should overtake us, and equally so to receive their
cavalry, in square or close column, if they attempted to charge. The
beautiful series of evolutions of the two armies on this day, and on the
three following, were such as a man may never witness again if he lives
for ages.
The heat was suffocating, and there being no water on this sun-burnt
plain, numbers of men dropped on the road, and, of course, fell into the
hands of the enemy, as we could not stop to bring them along. Many
soldiers, particularly of the Portuguese, died on the road, from the
heat and want of water. At length we arrived at the edge of this
elevated plain, which looks down on the Guarena, a small river in the
hot months; and when we reached it, man and horse made a rush to quench
their thirst. I have never quite forgiven our pursuers for pounding us
with round shot from the heights above, and not allowing us time to
swallow a mouthful of the lukewarm, muddy beverage, without the
accompaniment of a nine-pound shot.
Soon after we had got into a position, on some high ground not far from
the river, a column of infantry endeavoured to turn our left. The 27th
and 40th regiments were posted there, and, by a volley, a cheer, and a
resistless charge with the bayonet, instantly drove back the French,
taking a general officer and upwards of two hundred men prisoners,
killing and wounding many more. During the remainder of the day we were
tolerably quiet. A hot wind with a thick suffocating atmosphere set in
and lasted a day or two.
It is worthy of remark, that the horse artillery which accompanied our
advanced and rear-guards, consisted of light six-pounders only, whereas
the artillery attached to the French advanced and rear-guards were
usually eight-pounders, equal to British nines. It is obvious,
therefore, that our people always laboured under a great disadvantage in
this respect, as the French could batter and pound us at such a distance
as it was not in the power of our light six-pounders to return with
effect. I have heard officers of our artillery complain of this, and
have frequently witnessed the fact myself. Surely, if the cats of horses
in the French army could drag along, at a pace sufficient to keep up
with their cavalry, nine-pounders, the beautiful and powerful English
horses belonging to our horse artillery were equally capable of drawing
guns of the same weight of metal, and at a much more rapid rate, if
required.
It is to be hoped that those who have the direction of affairs at
Woolwich, have already considered those matters, and that they will
adopt measures accordingly. It is equally desirable that those at the
head of the British cavalry should bear in mind, that the French
dragoons and chasseurs à cheval were armed during the Peninsular war
with a long fusée, which could throw a ball as far as the musket of an
infantry soldier, and that our dragoons, on the contrary, both light and
heavy, were armed with a little pop-gun of a carbine. The consequence of
this was, that when bodies of cavalry met at a distance from their
infantry, the French dragoons often dismounted where the country was
intersected and woody, and shot at our dragoons at a distance which
rendered our short carbines almost useless. I appeal to old Peninsula
cavalry men and officers for the accuracy of my statement.
As we should never be too proud to fight our enemy with his own weapons,
nor to take a leaf out of his book, I think it would be advisable that
our cavalry, both light and heavy, should not only be furnished with
longer fire-arms, but be perfectly instructed also how to dismount and
to skirmish as light infantry. That they will be required sometimes to
oppose their enemy in that manner, if a continental war ever again takes
place, they will most assuredly find. In the French army, one man was
left in charge of three or four horses, out of reach of fire, whilst the
dismounted dragoons or chasseurs became efficient light infantry, and
acted as such if their own infantry were not up.[B]
-----
Footnote B:
Since writing the above, a better carbine has been given to our light
dragoons, and the men are instructed to dismount, and to act as light
infantry.
-----
On the 19th of July the two armies remained in a state of perfect
tranquillity until the cool of the evening, when Marmont, instead of
attacking the position in which we had offered him battle on the 18th
and 19th, put his whole army in motion along the Guarena, threatening
our communications with Salamanca. Lord Wellington instantly made
corresponding movements, by marching the 1st and Light Divisions and
cavalry to the right, followed by the remainder of his army, in a
direction parallel with that of the French. We advanced in columns with
the same exactness and regularity as at a field-day in England, ready at
a moment to halt, and to form either lines or squares, as might be
necessary. The French marched within cannon-shot of us, with apparently
the same exactness, each army eyeing the other as two game-cocks do
before coming to close combat. Round shot and shells were sent every
minute across the valley which divided us; and the cavalry skirmishers,
who covered the flanks of their respective armies, were frequently
engaged. Night put a stop to the marching and firing, and we laid down
by our arms as near to our enemy as it was possible to do, without
treading on the toes of each other.
The manœuvering of hostile armies in presence of each other has often
been compared to a game of chess; and if ever that simile held good,
most assuredly it did on the 20th of July, as well as on the preceding
days. Daylight put the two armies again in motion, each marching towards
the same point, with precisely the same regularity as on the 18th and
19th. The country being open, the cavalry on both sides covered the
march, aided by light artillery, which frequently opened where a bend in
the roads happened to bring the hostile columns a trifle nearer to each
other. The infantry preserved the same order of march as on the
preceding days, and were often so near that a few minutes would have
been sufficient to bring on a general engagement.
Many hours were passed in this manner, when a sudden turn of the road by
which the French columns were marching, drew them away from us for a
time. We made a short halt in the afternoon, the troops being much
exhausted with the heat, want of water, and continual marching in such
exact order. We soon resumed our march, which was prosecuted during the
greater part of the night of the 20th, and on the morning of the 21st we
halted on the right bank of the Tormes. The same evening we passed the
river by a ford, in one of the most violent storms of rain, thunder, and
lightning, I ever remember, and bivouacked on its left bank. The thunder
and lightning so terrified the cavalry horses, that many of them broke
away from their picketings and galloped into the French camp.
BATTLE OF SALAMANCA
_22d July._—An hour before daybreak we, as usual, were under arms;
shortly after which Lord Wellington dislodged, with the 7th Division,
some French infantry from a hill, and reconnoitered his antagonist from
that point.
The hostile armies were now once more opposite each other, that of
Marmont occupying some heights called the Arapiles, threatening with his
left to outflank the British right. Many hours were spent by him in
various evolutions, and by a continued fire of light troops.
I presume not to detail minutely the disposition of our army; but I know
that the 3d Division, commanded by General Pakenham, in the absence of
General Picton, who was sick, was withdrawn from the heights on the
right bank of the Tormes, and suddenly directed to march to the extreme
right of our line. On the left was the Light Division, with the 1st near
it, and in the centre were the 4th, 5th, 6th, and 7th, General Pack’s
Portuguese Brigade, the reserve artillery, cavalry, &c. &c. General
Hill’s division was in Alemtejo.
In the afternoon, Marmont recommenced the system which he had adopted
ever since he crossed the Douro, of endeavouring to turn our right
flank, and to cut off our communications with Ciudad Rodrigo, instead of
making a general attack on the position. Whilst he was in the act of so
doing, the 3d Division, supported by some cavalry, was directed to
attack the French left. This distinguished division, led by the brave
General Pakenham, bore down all opposition, and upset with the bayonet
every thing which crossed its path, in spite of the destructive fire of
artillery and musketry to which it was exposed. It was bravely seconded
and supported by several regiments of cavalry, who sabred and made
prisoners a great number of the enemy. This was followed by various
desperate and successful attacks, made by the 4th, 5th, and 6th
Divisions, and General Pack’s brigade, with some cavalry; all of which
conducted themselves with an intrepidity and resolution which nothing
could withstand; and that army which had for many days before followed
the British from the Douro to the Tormes, confident of victory, found
itself, on the night of the 22d of July, most completely defeated, with
the loss of many thousands killed, wounded, and prisoners. They lost a
considerable portion of their artillery also.
The 1st and Light Divisions took but little share in this glorious
battle; nor am I aware that the 7th Division was seriously engaged. Half
of our army, therefore, inflicted so severe a loss on the French, that
they would have been destroyed or taken, if we had been favoured with
two hours more of daylight. Under cover of the night, the enemy
retreated rapidly, and recrossed the Tormes, which they might have found
no easy matter, if a corps of Spaniards had defended some of the
passages across the river, as desired by Lord Wellington. Just before
dark the Light Division was ordered to advance, and attack the 1st
French Division, commanded by General Foy, which had been in our front
the whole day; but as they offered no serious resistance, and were
already in the act of retrograding, nothing more than a sharp fire of
light troops took place, in which our general, Baron Alten, was wounded,
with some other officers and men.
Marshal Marmont was severely wounded by the bursting of a shell in the
middle of the action, and the command of his army devolved on General
Clausel. The French lost several general officers killed and wounded;
amongst the latter were Generals Ferez, Bonnet, and others.
On our part, General Le Marchant was killed, whilst gallantly leading a
brilliant charge of cavalry. Generals Beresford, Cotton, Alten, Cole,
and Leith, were wounded. The army bivouacked near the ground from which
the enemy had been driven; and thus terminated the glorious 22d of July.
Marshal Marmont had often assured the Spaniards, that although Lord
Wellington knew how to defend himself in the mountain fastnesses of
Portugal, he would make a severe example of him and of his army if ever
they ventured into the plains of Leon. It requires but little logic to
prove that our chief _did_ venture into the plains of Leon, far away
from his mountain fastnesses, and that for many days he manœuvred within
cannon-shot of the Duke of Ragusa’s army, and offered him battle more
than once on those plains, and that he finally gained a glorious and
decisive victory over an army of veterans, led by experienced generals.
Nor should it be forgotten, that the French army was numerically
stronger than the allies, many thousands of whom were Portuguese, who,
although they had been embodied upwards of two years, and had conducted
themselves remarkably well, could not be considered equal to the
veterans of France.
Some few British officers in the Portuguese service have been bold
enough to declare, that they would rather command a Portuguese regiment
than a British, and that they were in every respect equal, and in some
respects superior, to the British, and decidedly so to the French
troops. Those, however, who advanced such doctrines, must have been well
aware of their absurdity.
The moment daylight appeared on the 23d, the cavalry, with the 1st and
Light Divisions, were sent in pursuit of the retreating army. General
Bock’s brigade of heavy dragoons of the German Legion, supported by a
regiment or two of light cavalry, found the French rear-guard of
infantry and cavalry on a height, near the road leading to Peneranda.
The infantry formed a square, which their cavalry shamefully abandoned
to its fate.
General Bock forthwith attacked their square with his heavy dragoons,
and succeeded, after losing many men and horses, in breaking it. Nothing
could be more daring than this charge, or more worthy of admiration and
imitation. About 1700 prisoners were taken, consisting of two or three
battalions of the French 69th regiment. Some horse grenadiers were also
taken about half an hour before.
My faith in the capability of a well-formed square of infantry to resist
cavalry, will not be shaken by this single instance to the contrary; for
it is the only one that has ever come within my knowledge in the
Peninsular war; and I am confident that forty-nine times out of fifty,
if the square is well formed, and artillery out of the question, the
infantry will have the best of the fight. This was also the first
instance that came under our eye of the French cavalry having shewn a
want of spirit. Their general conduct was such as to draw forth the
admiration of their enemies.
This square being disposed of, we followed in pursuit, and soon
afterwards found a strong rear-guard of cavalry, infantry, and
artillery, formed on an eminence near a village; and Lord Wellington,
who was with us, made dispositions as quick as lightning to attack them.
The first and Light Divisions, with the cavalry and horse artillery,
advanced across the plain in beautiful order; but the French melted away
and disappeared before we could reach them. Our cavalry took some
prisoners in the course of the day.
General Clausel conducted the retreat of the French army with
considerable ability and rapidity; and although his rear-guard was seen
at a distance moving over those extensive plains, day after day, we
could not overtake it. We followed him by Peneranda, Flores d’Avila,
Aldea Secca, Arevalo, Olmedo, &c. &c.; and after many long and tiresome
marches over those parched plains, in weather intensely hot, the first
and Light Divisions, and some cavalry, crossed the Douro on the 30th of
July, and bivouacked on its right bank, a few miles distant from
Valladolid. In every town and village through which we marched, from the
Tormes to the Douro, Marmont’s death was reported as certain. He
positively died at Peneranda, so he did also at Arevalo; and he was
buried in half a dozen different towns.
The French General Ferez, who died of wounds received at Salamanca, was
buried outside the town of Olmedo; and the Spaniards, in a most savage
and brutal manner, had dug up the body, and exposed it to view by the
road-side. I went, with some others, to see the corpse, which was that
of an amazingly athletic man, apparently of the middle age. We caused
the body to be re-interred, but I have no doubt that the Spaniards dug
it up a second time. This was the same general who commanded the night
attack on four companies of our battalion, in the pass of Barba del
Puerco, in the month of March 1810.
We halted on the Douro about twenty-four hours, which was a great
god-send, as, from the 16th of July to the evening of the 30th, the army
had been constantly marching or fighting. A day’s rest on the bank of a
large river, where we could bathe and get our linen washed, was a luxury
which we well knew how to appreciate and to make the most of.
Valladolid was soon filled with officers and soldiers, endeavouring to
purchase bread, wine, and other things—those at least in the army who
could muster a few dollars, which were rare articles, there being seven
months’ pay now due to us. For my own part, I sold some silver spoons
and a watch to raise the wind, considering a loaf of bread, some
chocolate, and a few other things of the kind, far more necessary than
plate, after the scanty allowance of provisions which we had been on for
some weeks. We found in Valladolid about a thousand sick and wounded
French, which they had not time to remove. It is a city of great
antiquity, full of churches and convents, has a large plaza or square, a
Scotch college, and some good shops.
The French army continuing its retreat on Burgos, Lord Wellington left
the 6th Division of infantry as a corps of observation near the Douro,
and with the remainder of his force marched towards the capital, which
we were all on the tiptoe of impatience to behold.
On the 8th of August we halted, after a long march, on the banks of the
Eresma; and being only twelve miles from Segovia, which we thought could
not be seen too soon, a small party of us stole away from camp on
horseback, and did not relax our pace until we had reached that
far-famed city. We met, on the promenade near the town, one of the most
lovely women I ever beheld in any part of the world, attired in the most
bewitching manner. Years have not erased from my memory her countless
charms, which assertion may appear ridiculous and incredible, as we had
not the felicity even of exchanging words with her. Her elegant but
simple costume of black silk with slashed sleeves, and the numerous _et
cetera_ of the Castilian female dress, which are perfection itself, her
beautiful figure, sparkling intelligent eyes, her small feet and ancles,
her easy and graceful walk, and an infinity of female graces happily
blended, formed a whole which I have never seen surpassed. If the
fatigue occasioned by continual marching was likely to send us into the
arms of Morpheus, the image of this enchantress had a contrary effect,
for that night at least. But, alas! we never saw her after, although we
patrolled the next day all over Segovia, the public walks, squares,
convents, &c. &c.
The cathedral, the aqueduct, and the castle of Segovia, are all objects
of interest, particularly the latter, which at once reminds one of Gil
Blas. The French had fortified the castle, and converted it into a
citadel to overawe the town. The square is large and handsome, and a
good market was held in it. The promenades under avenues of trees, on
the banks of the Eresma, are exceedingly pretty. This place is famed for
leather and leather-curriers, one whole street being inhabited solely by
them, and by some legions of cobblers.
On the 9th we were obliged to take our departure, and to join our
division, which we found encamped near an ancient palace of the kings of
Spain, called El Palazio del Rio Frio. The French had stripped it of
every kind of furniture and ornament. About two leagues distant from it
is the palace of San Ildefonso, which I regretted not being able to see.
Lord Wellington’s head-quarters were there on the 9th. Both those
palaces are situated on the north side of the Guadarrama mountains,
which divide Old from New Castile, and are cool retreats in summer from
the intolerable heat, which roasts every thing to a cinder in the plains
below.
We crossed the Sierra de Guadarrama on the 11th, by an excellent winding
road, and encamped on the southern side, in the park of the Escurial. We
soon mounted our horses, and went off, pell-mell, to the palace of the
Escurial, which was a few miles from the camp, counting the moments
until we reached it. This, like the Palazio del Rio Frio, had nothing
left but the bare walls; the French having carried away all the
paintings and valuables. The building is very extensive, but I was
altogether much disappointed. Some paintings on the walls, intended to
represent battles between the Moors and Spaniards, were much defaced.
The only thing which I remember worth seeing, was the sepulchre in which
the royal family of Spain are interred. The whole of the dome, as well
as the entrance to it, is composed of the finest marble, highly
ornamented with gold. The gardens, which are extensive and full of
fountains, were entirely neglected, and overgrown with weeds.
It was now ascertained that Joseph Bonaparte had left Madrid with the
whole of the garrison, and taken a southerly direction.
On the 10th or 11th there was an affair, on the road from the Guadarrama
mountains to Madrid, between General d’Urban’s Portuguese cavalry
brigade and some French dragoons, in which the Portuguese were driven
back, and abandoned two or three field-pieces that were attached to
them. The arrival of a regiment or two of British cavalry set all right
again, by their driving back the enemy and retaking the artillery.
On the 12th the army entered Madrid. It would be labour in vain to
attempt to describe the enthusiasm and delight evinced by all classes of
the inhabitants on our arrival. Old and young, men, women, and children,
in tens of thousands, filled the streets, embracing the officers and
soldiers, kissing the colours of the regiments, and the happy ensigns
who carried them. They cried, laughed, sung, and danced with joy, so
that it was impossible to doubt their sincerity. Few of us were ever so
caressed before, and most undoubtedly never will be again. The windows
and balconies were crowded with elegantly dressed females, all joining
in the enthusiasm of the moment. The French had been four years in
possession of Madrid, and at length they witnessed their departure.
In the Retiro, a royal edifice, which is situated on commanding ground
near the city, the French had left a garrison of two thousand men. This
Lord Wellington instantly invested. On the 14th the governor
capitulated, and the garrison became prisoners of war. Many thousand
stand of arms, a great number of cannon, stores, ammunition, provisions,
&c. &c. were also taken in the Retiro.
Madrid has been described a thousand times by a thousand different
people, which renders it unnecessary for me to attempt it. The
regularity of the buildings, and the general cleanliness of the streets,
were so unlike what we had been accustomed to for some years, that we
were quite enchanted. The street of Alcala would be admired in any
capital in Europe, as would also the far-famed promenade at its foot,
which has ever been remarkable for its beauty and regularity, and ought
to be still more prized on account of the crowds of lovely women who are
to be seen there in the cool of the evenings, dressed inimitably well,
in their elegant and most becoming national attire. Many of my
countrymen were most desperately smitten during our stay in this
delightful quarter, or thought they were so. The palace contained, in
addition to its own finery, every thing that was worth transporting from
the Escurial and other palaces. The walls were consequently studded with
paintings and ornaments of all kinds.
Near the walls of the city is a royal cottage, called the Casa del
Campo, the favourite retreat of Joseph Bonaparte, with his court. In an
extensive enclosure or park he had established a good sprinkling of
pheasants, which were brought from France; and thinking them fair game,
we employed many of our leisure hours in the grounds very successfully
with our guns.
On the 15th a grand and crowded ball was given to Lord Wellington and
the army by the inhabitants, and we here had a glorious opportunity of
feasting our eyes on Castilian beauty, which shone most resplendently.
On the 31st of August a grand bull-fight was given, in a large
amphitheatre called the Plaza de Toro, which is capable of containing
many thousand spectators. Tickets of admission were sent to all the
regiments, and in we went, all curiosity, to witness this barbarous and
ancient national amusement. The countless numbers of Spanish females, of
all ages, belonging to the higher class of society, dressed as if for a
grand ball, and taking intense interest in this cruel amusement, did
certainly puzzle us Englishmen not a little, and was a convincing proof
of what early habit will effect. If an opinion of the general character
of Spanish females is to be formed from seeing them once only, and that
at a bull-fight, one would naturally conclude them to be utterly devoid
of feeling, and a most inhuman set of devils in the garb of angels. But
when it is remembered, that from their earliest infancy they are taught
to look forward to a bull-fight as the first, the greatest, and most
delightful of all amusements, in the same manner as our young misses in
England contemplate going to a masked ball or an opera, our wonder will
cease in a great measure. I should, nevertheless, be much better
satisfied, on account of the admiration which I feel for the fascinating
Castilians, if they abhorred the diabolical process of torturing the
noble animal to death, and turned from it with the same disgust as the
females of other parts of Europe naturally would do.
Eight extraordinary fine bulls, in the highest possible condition, with
coats like silk, were killed on this occasion; and the instant each
unfortunate animal was slain, several mules, of immense size, ornamented
with ribands and flowers on their trappings, were brought into the
amphitheatre; and the dead bull being made fast to the traces, he was
drawn round the scene of action in triumph; whilst the flourish of
trumpets, bands of martial music, and the deafening exclamations of
“bravo!” from thousands of all ages and of both sexes, concluded this
affair of blood. Lord Wellington gave a grand ball the same evening.
The 1st, 5th, 6th, and 7th Divisions, with all the cavalry, except the
1st German Hussars and 14th Light Dragoons, marched from Madrid on their
route to Burgos, which was forthwith to be laid siege to. Lord
Wellington soon afterwards left Madrid, and followed this part of his
army. The 4th Division remained at the Escurial, and the 3d and Light,
with the German Hussars and 14th Dragoons, in and near Madrid.
The months of September and October passed much to our satisfaction in
this delightful quarter; during which we had frequent accounts of the
operations before Burgos. Marshal Soult, on hearing of Marmont’s defeat
at Salamanca, and the occupation of the capital by the allies, raised
the siege of Cadiz, which had employed his army nearly three years; and
evacuating Andalusia and the southern provinces, marched on Madrid in
October, with every man he could muster.
On the siege of Cadiz being raised, the British garrison in that place,
as well as General Hill’s corps from Alemtejo, marched on the capital,
and reached Aranjuez, on the Tagus, during the month of October. General
Hill now assumed the command of all the troops in and near Madrid; and
in the latter end of October, Marshal Soult having arrived opposite
Aranjuez, and threatened to cross the Tagus, the 3d and Light Divisions
were marched out of the city, and made a forward movement towards that
river.
Our division marched to Alcala on the 25th, a good town, five leagues
from the capital; and on the following day to Arganda: but, in
consequence of some movement of the enemy, we had no sooner settled in
our quarters for the night, after a long march, than we were ordered to
retrace our steps to Alcala; thus marching and counter-marching the
whole twenty-four hours. On the 30th we returned to Madrid, and all the
troops encamped on the heights near it.
Soult had effected the passage of the Tagus with a force so numerous,
that it was certain we must abandon Madrid, and form a junction with the
other wing of our army, which was about this time retreating from before
Burgos; having unfortunately failed, in spite of many desperate efforts,
and after having lost a number of brave men, in attempting to reduce the
castle. General Skerret’s division had a sharp affair, at the bridge of
Aranjuez, with Soult’s advanced guard, in the end of October, and
repulsed it with great spirit.
I went into the capital to take a last farewell of it, and of my Spanish
friends. There was a gloom and sadness depicted on the countenances of
all the inhabitants, and a death-like silence in the streets, which,
when contrasted with the unfeigned joy evinced on our entry three months
before, was very disheartening. Their new friends were about to leave
them, and their old oppressors advancing, with rapid strides, to
re-occupy their city, and perhaps to wreak vengeance on them for the
kind reception which they had given to the British. Many a curse did we
bestow on the Spanish general, Ballasteros, for not having thrown every
impediment in the way of Marshal Soult’s army, during its advance from
before Cadiz to Madrid. Envy and jealousy of our great chief actuated
him, without doubt.
The moment of our departure had now arrived: the rear-guard of cavalry
was gradually falling back towards the heights; and, in a dark, gloomy
afternoon, on the 31st of October, we bade farewell to that city, in
which I passed some of the happiest days of my life, and shall ever look
back on with mixed sensations of pleasure and regret. The rains of
winter had already commenced; the prospect of a long and dreary retreat,
of wet camps and bivouacs, and the long train of privations and
vicissitudes which winter campaigning more especially brings with it,
stared us in the face. Ample employment for mind and body was in
perspective, which left us but little time to muse on our friends in
Madrid, or to think of any thing but the active business in which we
were forthwith to be employed.