[1217] The letter of Anselm to Wulfstan appears among the

Epistles (iii. 19). Wulfstan’s answer is given in the text

of the Historia Novorum. Anselm speaks of the action of the

earlier archbishops in this matter; “Quod etiam sanctus

Dunstanus et alii prædecessores mei fecisse probantur, ipsis

ecclesiis quas dedicaverunt adhuc stantibus.” This is a

little touch from a time when the churches of Dunstan’s day

were being largely rebuilt, that of Harrow most likely among

them. Wulfstan is well described by Eadmer; “Supererat adhuc

beatæ memoriæ Wolstanus episcopus unus et solus de antiquis

Anglorum patribus, vir in omni religione conspicuus, et

antiquarum Angliæ consuetudinum scientia apprime eruditus.”

There is something very remarkable in the way in which

Wulfstan speaks of the archbishop to whom he made his first

profession (see N. C. vol. ii. pp. 473, 655); “Extant quippe

et in nostra diœcesi altaria, et quædam etiam ecclesiæ in

hiis scilicet villis quas Stigandus vestræ excellentiæ

prædecessor, haut tamen jure ecclesiasticæ hæreditatis sed

ex dono possederat sæcularis potestatis, ab ipso dedicata.”

Wulfstan, speaking his own words in his own letter, speaks

of Stigand in quite another tone from that which he had used

in the profession which was put into his mouth by Lanfranc

(see N. C. vol. ii. p. 655). The places referred to are in

Gloucestershire, and will be found in Domesday, 164 _b_.

Most of the lands had passed to the Archbishop of York; some

of them first to William Fitz-Osbern, and then to the King.

It would seem then that, in whatever character Stigand held

them, it was not as Archbishop of Canterbury. Wulfstan’s

witness therefore goes so far as to give the archbishop the

right to oust the diocesan bishop, not only on the lands of

the archbishopric, but on any lands which he may hold as a

private man.

[1218] There is something amusing in the tone of glee in

which Eadmer records his patron’s triumph; “Secure deinceps

suorum morem antecessorum emulabatur, non solum ecclesias,

inconsultis episcopis, sacrans, sed et quæque divina officia

in cunctis terris suis per se suosve dispensans.”

[1219] Eadmer, 22. “Ex præcepto regis, omnes fere episcopi

una cum principibus Angliæ ad Hastinges convenerunt, ipsum

regem in Normanniam transfretaturum sua benedictione et

concursu prosecuti.”

[1220] The Chronicler seems distinctly to mark the

ecclesiastical business which we have now come to as

casually filling up the time lost by the bad weather. The

whole entry runs; “Ða ferde se cyng to Hæstingan to þam

Candelmæssan, and onmang þam þe he þær wederes abad he let

halgian þæt mynster æt þære Bataille. And Herbearde Losange

þam bishop of Theotfordan his stæf bename and þæræfter to

midlengtene ofer sæ for into Normandige.” We shall take

these things in order.

[1221] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 404.

[1222] Ib. 401.

[1223] In the Battle Chronicle (40) the consecration is

naturally an event of great importance. But here too the

presence of the King and so great a company is accounted for

by their presence in the neighbourhood or other grounds;

“Cumque jam operis fabricæ peroptata advenisset perfectio,

rege quibusdam causis obortis eandem provinciam cum multis

optimatibus forte adeunte, ex instinctu ejusdem abbatis,

paterni memor edicti, eandem dedicari basilicam decrevit.”

[1224] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 405.

[1225] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 453.

[1226] He was consecrated the year before; the date of his

death seems not to be known. See Bessin, 531.

[1227] See above, p. 321.

[1228] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 411.

[1229] See above, p. 29.

[1230] See Appendix Z.

[1231] So says T. Stubbs, X Scriptt. 1708. “Rex Willelmus

quamdam concordiam, vel potius dispensationem, fecit inter

illos, Thoma quidem archiepiscopo invito et renitente et

coacto nec consentiente, sed inconsulto Eboracensi

capitulo.”

[1232] Eadmer, 23. “Quidam de episcopis atque principibus

conati sunt contra Anselmum scandalum movere, intendentes ad

hoc ut eundem episcopum absolute absque debita professione

consecraret. Quod nullo jure fulti, ea solummodo re sunt

aggressi, quia putabant se animo regis aliquid ex

conturbatione Anselmi, unde lætaretur inferre, scientes eum

pro suprascripta caussa adversum ipsum non parum esse

turbatum.”

[1233] Eadmer, 23. “Asseruit se nullo pacto consensurum ut,

pro inimicitia quam contra archiepiscopum habebat, matri suæ

ecclesiæ Cantuariensi de sua dignitate quid quivis

detraherat.”

[1234] See Appendix Z.

[1235] On the history and character of Robert Bloet, see

Appendix Z.

[1236] See above, p. 395.

[1237] See above, p. 355, and Appendix X.

[1238] This deprivation of Herbert by the King――most likely

with the consent of somebody, but we are not told――is quite

as contrary to strict ecclesiastical notions as the

deprivation of Stigand by the English people. The

Parliaments of Elizabeth, William and Mary, George the

First, followed that precedent. I will not speak of the

reign of Edward the Sixth, as that was a time of “unlaw”

nearly equal to the days of Rufus himself.

[1239] See Appendix X.

[1240] Here we come personally across the class of offenders

of whom we have before spoken generally (see above, p. 158,

and Appendix G). Eadmer draws their picture; “Eo tempore

curialis juventus ferme tota crines suos juvencularum more

nutriebat, et quotidie pexa, ac irreligiosis nutibus

circumspectans, delicatis vestigiis, tenero incessu,

obambulare solita erat. De quibus cum in capite jejunii

sermonem in populo ad missam suam et ad cineres confluente

idem pater habuisset, copiosam turbam ex illis in

pœnitentiam egit, et attonsis crinibus, in virilem formam

redegit.”

[1241] See Appendix G.

[1242] This is pointed out by Eadmer. “Die quadam ad eum _ex

more_ ivit, et juxta illum sedens eum his verbis alloqui

cœpit.” We shall come to other instances of this custom of

the Archbishop sitting down beside the King.

[1243] “Obsecro primum, fer opem et consilium qualiter in

hoc regno tuo Christianitas, quæ jam fere tota in multis

periit, in statum suum redigi possit. Respondit, ‘Quam opem,

quod consilium?’”

[1244] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 437.

[1245] Anselm is made to say; “Generale concilium

episcoporum ex quo tu rex factus fuisti non fuit in Anglia

celebratum, _nec retroactis pluribus annis_.” Yet Lanfranc

had held many synods, and one notable one as late as 1085.

See N. C. vol. iv. p. 687.

[1246] He passes by the smaller matters――“ut illicita

consanguineorum connubia et alia multa rerum detestandarum

facinorosa negotia taceam”――and goes straight to the sin of

the reign, “noviter in hac terra divulgatum,” which “jam

plurimum pullulavit multosque sua immanitate fœdavit.” See

Appendix G.

[1247] “Conemur una, quæso, tu regia potestate et ego

pontificali auctoritate, quantus tale quid inde statuatur,

quod cum per totum fuerit regnum divulgatum, solo etiam

auditu quicunque illius fautor est paveat et deprimatur.”

What would have been the nature of the punishment? Something

more, one would think, than an ecclesiastical censure, as it

was to be a decree of the King. Anselm had no objection to

very severe punishments on occasion (see N. C. vol. v. p.

159; cf. vol. iv. p. 621). But when he was able to legislate

on this subject (see N. C. vol. v. p. 223), it was in an

ecclesiastical synod, and the penalties are milder.

[1248] “Non sederunt hæc animo principis, et paucis ita

respondit, ‘Et in hac re quid fieret pro te?’ ‘Si non,’

inquit Anselmus, ‘pro me, spero fieret pro Deo et te.’” I

suppose the meaning is something like what I have given.

Again one longs for the actual words in their own tongue.

[1249] “Ne in destructione monasteriorum et perditione

monachorum tibi, quod absit, damnationem adquiras.”

[1250] “Quid ad te? Numquid sunt abbatiæ meæ? Hem, tu quod

vis agis de villis tuis, et ego non agam quod volo de

abbatiis meis?”

[1251] “Tuæ quidem sunt ut illas quasi advocatus defendas

atque custodias, non tuæ autem ut invadas aut devastes. Dei

scimus eas esse, ut sui ministri inde vivant, non quo

expeditiones et bella tua inde fiant.”

[1252] “Intellexit ergo Anselmus se verba in ventum

proferre, et surgens abiit.”

[1253] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 687.

[1254] “Considerans offenso principis animo nequaquam posse

pacem rebus dari.”

[1255] “Deprecatus est ut in amicitiam sui sese _gratis_

admitteret. Quod si, ait, facere nonvult, cur nolit edicat,

et si offendi, satisfacere paratus sum.”

[1256] “De nulla re illum inculpo, nec tamen ei gratiam

meam, _quia non audio quare_, indulgere volo.” The words

which I have put in Italics in the two speeches must be

taken together.

[1257] “Mysterium hoc, inquiunt, planum est.”

[1258] “Tantundem pecuniæ quam ab hominibus tuis accipies

illi promitte.”

[1259] “Aliam qua exeas viam non videmus, nec nos, pari

angustia clausi, aliam exeundi habemus.”

[1260] “Et ego cum hucusque nihil eis unde revestiri possint

contulerim, jam eos nudos spoliarem, immo spoliatos

excoriarem.”

[1261] “Eat quo vult, nec me transfretaturum pro danda

benedictione diutius exspectet.”

[1262] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Syððan he þider com, he and his

broðer Rodbeard se eorl gecwæðan, þæt hi mid griðe togædere

cuman sceoldan, and swa dydon, and gesemede beon ne mihtan.”

So Florence; “Rex … ad fratris colloquium sub statuta pace

venit, sed impacatus ab eo recessit.”

[1263] See N. C. vol. i. p. 435.

[1264] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Syððan eft hi togædere coman

mid þam ilcan mannan þe ær þæt loc makedon, and eac þa aðas

sworen, and ealne þone bryce uppon þone cyng tealdon.” The

version preserved in one manuscript of Florence says, “denuo

in campo Martio convenere.” Can this be the “Champ de Mars”

just outside Rouen? I had fancied that the name was modern.

[1265] Ib. “Ac he nolde þæs geþafa beon, ne eac þa forewarde

healdan.”

[1266] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “And forþam hi þa mid mycelon

unsehte tocyrdon.”

[1267] The mention of the places comes from Florence; “Comes

quidem Rotomagum perrexit; rex ad Owe rediit et in illo

resedit.”

[1268] Flor. Wig. 1094. “Solidarios undique conduxit, aurum,

argentum, terras, quibusdam primatum Normanniæ dedit,

quibusdam promisit, ut a germano suo Rotberto deficerent, et

se cum castellis suæ ditioni subjicerent: quibus ad velle

suum paratis, per castella, vel quæ prius habuerat vel quæ

nunc conduxerat, suos milites distribuit.”

[1269] The “castel æt Hulme” of the Chronicler is the castle

of Hulmus, Le Homme, or L’Isle Marie. See Stapleton, ii.

xxv, xxviii. It must not be confounded with the “pagus

Holmensis” or “Holmetia regio” in the Hiesmois. See

Stapleton, ii. xc, xcv, and Ord. Vit. 691 C.

[1270] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 488. See above, p. 57.

[1271] Ib. vol. iv. pp. 200, 201.

[1272] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “And se cyng syððan þone castel

æt Bures gewann; and þes eorles men þærinne genam; þa sume

hyder to lande sende.” Florence adds, “partim in Normannia

custodiæ mancipavit; et fratrem suum multis modis vexans,

exhæredare laboravit.”

[1273] The Chronicler casually mentions Philip’s coming when

speaking of the siege of Argentan; Florence is more

emphatic; “At ille, necessitate compulsus, dominum suum

regem Francorum Philippum cum exercitu Normanniam adduxit.”

[1274] The Chronicler (1094) says only, “Ðær togeanes se

eorl mid þes cynges fultume of France gewann þone castel æt

Argentses and þearinne Rogger Peiteuin genam, and seofen

hundred þes cynges cnihta mid him.” Florence adds, “ipso die

obsessionis dec. milites regis, cum his totidem scutariis et

castellanis omnibus qui intus erant, sine sanguinis

effusione cepit [rex], captosque in custodia tamdiu detineri

mandavit, donec quisque se redimeret.”

[1275] So says Florence; “Post hæc in Franciam rediit.” As

however he says nothing of Philip’s coming to Longueville,

he may mean his return after that.

[1276] The Chronicler says only, after the taking of

Argentan, “and syððan þone [castel] æt Hulme.” Florence

makes it the special exploit of Robert; “Comes vero

Rotbertus castellum quod Holm nuncupatur obsedit, donec

Willelmus Peverel et dccc. homines, qui id defendebant, illi

se dederent.”

[1277] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “And oftrædlice heora ægðer

uppon oðerne tunas bærnde, and eac men læhte.”

[1278] Flor. Wig. 1094. “Interea gravi et assiduo tributo

hominumque mortalitate, præsenti et anno sequenti, tota

vexabatur Anglia.”

[1279] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Ða sende se cyng hider to

lande, and hét abeodan út xx. þusenda Engliscra manna [‘xx.

millia pedonum’ in Florence] him to fultume to Normandig.”

[1280] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Ac þa hi to sæ coman, þa het hi

man cyrran, and þæt feoh to þæs cynges behófe þe hi genumen

hæfdon; þet wæs ælc man healf punda, and hi swa dydon.”

Florence tells us the place and the doer; “Quibus ut mare

transirent Heastingæ congregatis, pecuniam quæ data fuerat

eis ad victum Rannulphus Passeflambardus præcepto regis

abstulit, scilicet unicuique decem solidos, et eos domum

repedare mandavit, pecuniam vero regi transmisit.”

[1281] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “And se eorl innon Normandig

æfter þison, mid þam cynge of France and mid eallon þan þe

hi gegaderian mihton, ferdon towardes Ou þær se cyng W. inne

wæs, and þohtan hine inne to besittanne, and swa foran oð hi

coman to Lungeuile.”

[1282] Ib. “Ðær wearð se cyng of France þurh gesmeah

gecyrred, and swa syððan eal seo fyrding tóhwearf.”

[1283] Florence, as we have seen, stops with the taking of

La Houlme in 1094. The Chronicler goes on to Henry’s Lenten

expedition in 1095. After that, neither says anything about

Norman affairs till the agreement of 1096, though both of

them imply (see below, p. 555) that the war lasted till that

time.

[1284] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 241.

[1285] Ord. Vit. 706 C. See Appendix P.

[1286] Ord. Vit. ib. See above, p. 217.

[1287] This is one of Orderic’s best stories (706 C, D). A

false tale of its lord’s death is brought to Saint Cenery.

His allies, Pagan of Montdoubleau (see above, p. 209) and

Rotrou of Montfort, at once forsake the castle which they

had been defending. Robert’s wife Radegund cannot get them

to wait till more certain news can be had. Robert of Bellême

comes just in time for dinner. “Ingressi castrum, lebetes

super ignes ferventes invenerunt carnibus plenas, et mensas

mappulis coopertas et escas cum pane super appositas.” He

spoils and burns the castle. Robert son of Geroy is left

homeless; his wife (“proba femina et honesta”) dies; his

little son William, whom Robert of Bellême somehow has as a

hostage, is poisoned; he then defends his new castle of

Montacute against Robert of Bellême. Robert of Bellême

brings Duke Robert to besiege him. Peace is made by the

mediation of Geoffrey of Mayenne; Montacute is destroyed,

and Saint Cenery is restored to Robert son of Geroy.

[1288] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Her onmang þison se cyng W.

sende æfter his broðer Hennrige se wæs on þam castele æt

Damfront, ac forþi þe he mid friðe þurh Normandig faran ne

mihte, he him sende scipon æfter, and Hugo eorl of Ceastre.”

[1289] Chron. Petrib. 1094. “Ac þa þa hi towardes Oú faran

sceoldan þær se cyng wæs, hi foran to Englelande and úp

coman æt Hamtune on ealra halgena mæsse æfne, and her syððon

wunedon, and to X[~p]es mæssan wæron on Lunden.”

[1290] Ib. 1095. “On þisum geare wæs se cyng Willelm to

X[~p]es mæssan þa feower forewarde dagas on Hwitsand; and

æfter þam feorðan dæge hider to lande fór, and úpp com æt

Doferan.”

[1291] Ib. “And Heanrig þes cynges broðer her on lande oð

Lengten wunode, and þa ofer sæ for to Normandig mid mycclon

gersuman, on þæs cynges heldan, uppon heora broðer Rodbeard

eorl, and gelomlice uppon þone eorl wann, and him mycelne

hearm ægðer on lande and on mannan dyde.”

[1292] Ord. Vit. 722 D. “Rodbertus mollis dux a vigore

priorum decidit, et pigritia mollitieque torpuit, plus

provinciales subditos timens quam ab illis timebatur.”

[1293] Ib. “Henricus frater ducis Danfrontem fortissimum

castrum possidebat, et magnam partem Neustriæ sibi favore

vel armis subegerat.”

[1294] Ib. “Fratri suo ad libitum suum, nec aliter,

obsecundabat.” I do not see what is meant in Sigebert’s

Chronicle under 1095 (Pertz, vi. 367); “Rex Anglorum a

fratribus sollicitatur in Normania et Anglia.”

[1295] Ib. “Porro alius frater qui Angliæ diadema gerebat in

Normannia, ut reor, plusquam xx. castra tenebat, et proceres

oppidanosque potentes muneribus sibi vel terroribus

illexerat…. Perplures cum omnibus sibi subditis munitionibus

et oppidanis regi parebant, eique, _quia metuendus erat_,

totis nisibus adhærebant.”

[1296] He appears in Orderic’s list, 722 D.

[1297] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 129.

[1298] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 288.

[1299] Ord. Vit. 708 C. He makes the remark just before, “In

diebus illis antiqui optimates qui sub Roberto duce vel

filio ejus Guillelmo rege militaverant humanæ conditionis

more hominem exuerunt.”

[1300] Ord. Vit. 708 C. See N. C. vol. iv. p. 498.

[1301] See above, p. 57. We shall come across his fuller

picture in a later chapter.

[1302] Ord. Vit. 718 D. He adds the epitaph of his own

making.

[1303] He records his death and adds his epitaph, 809 C, D.

William of Breteuil and Ralph of Conches died the same year,

1102.

[1304] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 465.

[1305] Ord. Vit. 723 A. “Sic Normannia suis in se filiis

furentibus miserabiliter turbata est, et plebs inermis sine

patrono desolata est.”

[1306] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25. “Ipse quidem in Normanniam

transiit, expensaque immensa pecunia eam sibi nullatenus

subigere potuit. Infecto itaque negotio in Angliam reversus

est.”

[1307] Will. Malms. iv. 327. “Septimo anno, propter tributa

quæ rex in Normannia positus edixerat, agricultura defecit,

qua fatiscente, fames e vestigio, ea quoque invalescente,

mortalitas hominum subsecuta, adeo crebra ut deesset

morituris cura, mortuis sepultura.” This is copied by the

Margam annalist.

[1308] Flor. Wig. 1094. “Post hæc rex Willelmus iv. kal.

Januarii Angliam rediit, et ut Walanos debellaret, mox

exercitum in Waloniam duxit, ibique homines et equos

perdidit multos.” I am not at all clear that this entry in

Florence is not a confusion. The Chronicle under the same

year records the return of the King, and directly after sums

up the Welsh warfare of the year; but it is not implied that

the King took any part in it. He could not have done so

before his return from Normandy, and, to say nothing of the

unlikelihood of a winter campaign in itself, the incidental

notices of the King’s movements hardly leave time for one.

[1309] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 9. Eadmer writes the name

_Illingham_, a change which might easily have happened after

the pattern of _Ilchester_ (see above, p. 63) and _Islip_

(see N. C. vol. ii. p. 15), but the _g_ remains in use to

this day. There is something very amusing in the note of

Henschenius reprinted in Migne’s edition of Eadmer and

Anselm, col. 394;

“Alia plura dominia, ut _Rochingeham_, _Ilingeham_,

_Sæftesburia_, quæ jam ante occurrerunt, et plura secutura,

potuissent designato locorum situ explicari, si operæ

pretium visum esset eorum causa totas Anglici regni tabulas

perlustrare, et esset qui exsoleta jam nomina, ubi

requirenda sint, indicaret. Poterit postea curiosior aliquis

hunc defectum supplere.”

Fancy a man reading his Eadmer, and not making the faintest

effort to find out where any place was. But perhaps this is

better than M. Croset-Mouchet, who always turns the Bishop

of Exeter into a Bishop of _Oxford_ (cf. N. C. vol. iv. p.

779), and who has a place _Srewsbury_, which does duty alike

for the earldom of _Shrewsbury_ and for the bishopric of

_Salisbury_.

[1310] So say the Margam Annals, 1095; “Commotio fuit

stellarum, et obiit Wlstanus Wigorniensis episcopus.” But

unluckily it appears from Florence that the stars did not

shoot till April 4. Still it is edifying to mark the

different results of the death of a saintly and of a worldly

bishop. The next entry is, “Moritur Willelmus episcopus

Dunelmensis, et hic commotio hominum.” According to Hugh of

Flavigny (Pertz, viii. 474) the stars paid regard to the

death of an abbot who in no way concerns us; “Stellæ de cœlo

cadere visæ sunt, et eadem nocte Gyraldus abbas Silvæ

majoris [in the diocese of Bourdeaux] migravit ad Dominum.”

Sigebert’s Chronicle (Pertz, vi. 367) has some curious

physical details.

[1311] See above, p. 297.

[1312] The story is told by William of Malmesbury, Vit.

Wlst. Angl. Sacr. ii. 266. “Præmonuerat ministros velle se

ad illud pascha convivari accuratis epulis cum bonis

hominibus.” He then brings the poor people into the hall and

“præcepit inter eos sedili locato epulas sibi apponi.”

[1313] The steward’s doctrine is “competentius esse, ut

episcopus convivaretur cum paucis divitibus quam cum multis

pauperibus.” The bishop makes his scriptural quotation, and

adds, “illis debere serviri, qui non haberent unde

redderent.” He then winds up, “Lætius se videre istum

consessum, quam si, ut sæpe, consedisset regi Anglorum.” One

would like to have Wulfstan’s English. We must remember that

Wulfstan was commonly surrounded at dinner by a knightly

following. Vit. Wlst. 259. “Excepto si quando cum monachis

reficeretur, semper in regia considentibus militibus palam

convivabatur.”

[1314] Vit. Wlst. 266. “Multo eum suspiciebat rex honore,

multo proceres; ut qui sæpe ipsum ascirent convivio, et

assurgerent ejus consilio.” Then follows the list of his

foreign admirers, but it is only of the Irish kings that we

read that “magnis eum venerabantur favoribus.” Malcolm and

Margaret “ipsius se dedebant orationibus;” the foreign

prelates “epistolis quæ adhuc supersunt ejus ambierunt apud

Deum suffragia.”

[1315] See above, p. 312.

[1316] Vit. Wlst. 267. “Humanorum excessum [had he given in

a little too much to foreign ways?] confessione facta, etiam

disciplinam accepit. Ita vocant monachi virgarum flagra, quæ

tergo nudato cædentis infligit acrimonia.”

[1317] Serlo we have heard of before; see N. C. vol. iv. p.

383. Of Tewkesbury I shall have to speak below, and see N.

C. vol. v. pp. 628, 629.

[1318] Vit. Wlst. 267. “Magis sedens quam jacens, aures

psalmis, oculos altari applicabat, sedili sic composito ut

libere cerneret quicquid in capella fieret.” That is, there

was a _squint_ between his bed-room and the chapel, a not

uncommon arrangement, one of the best instances of which is

to be seen in Beverstone Castle, in Wulfstan’s diocese,

though of a date long after Godwine’s days and his. This use

of the squint is only one of several ways for enabling the

inmates, whether of houses, hospitals, or monastic

infirmaries, to hear mass without going out of doors.

[1319] The vision is recorded by William of Malmesbury in

the life of Wulfstan (268), where he says that Bishop Robert

was “in curia regis,” and adds that he was “homo sæculi

quidem fretus prudentia, sed nulla solutus illecebra.”

Florence says that Robert was “in oppido quod Criccelad

vocatur.” The inference is that the King was at Cricklade.

Cricklade does not appear among the King’s lordships in

Wiltshire; but both he (Domesday, 65) and other lords had

burgesses there, and there is an entry in 64 _b_ about the

third penny, which brought in five pounds yearly.

In the Gesta Pontificum William of Malmesbury does not

mention the vision; but he brings Bishop Robert to Worcester

to bury Wulfstan without any such call. There is surely

something a little heathenish in his description of the

bishop’s body lying in “Libitina ante altare.”

[1320] Gest. Pont. 289. “Profecto, si facilitas antiquorum

hominum adjuvaret, jamdudum elatus in altum sanctus

predicaretur, sed nostrorum incredulitas, quæ se cautelæ

umbraculo exornat, non vult miraculis adhibere fidem etiamsi

conspicetur oculo, etiamsi palpat digito.” Yet, though he

says that prayers offered at Wulfstan’s tomb were always

answered, yet he says nothing about miracles being wrought

there (unless we count the wonderful preservation of the

tomb itself during a fire), and not much of miracles done

during his lifetime. There is more in the Life.

[1321] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25. “Quem consistentem in quadam

villa quæ tribus miliariis a Sceftesberia distans Ilingeham

vocatur Anselmus adiit.” See above, p. 477. By what follows

this must have been some time in February.

[1322] See above, p. 414.

[1323] See N. C. vol. ii. pp. 122, 462, and Hook,

Archbishops, i. 27, 270.

[1324] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 353.

[1325] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 441.

[1326] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 25. “Eique suam voluntatem in hoc

esse innotuit, ut Romanum pontificem pro pallii sui

petitione adiret. Ad quod rex, A quo inquit papa illud

requirere cupis?”

[1327] Ib. “Quicunque sibi hujus dignitatis potestatem

vellet præripere, unum foret ac si coronam suam sibi

conaretur auferre.”

[1338] Ib. “Iræ stimulis exagitatus, protestatus est illum

nequaquam fidem quam sibi debebat simul et apostolicæ sedis

obedientiam, contra suam voluntatem, posse servare.”

[1329] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 26. “Petivit inducias ad istius

rei examinationem quatenus episcopis, abbatibus, cunctisque

regni principibus, una coëuntibus communi assensu

definiretur, utrum salva reverentia et obedientia sedis

apostolicæ posset fidem terreno regi servare, annon.” These

words must be specially attended to, as they contain the

whole root of the matter with regard to the council of

Rockingham. The word “indutiæ” is rather hard to translate.

It means an adjournment, but something more than an

adjournment. The word “truce,” commonly used to express it,

is rather too strong; yet it is sometimes hard to avoid it.

[1330] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 26. “Quod si probatum, inquit,

fuerit, utrumque fieri minime posse, fateor malo terram

tuam, donec apostolicum suscipias, exeundo devitare, quam

beati Petri ejusque vicarii obedientiam vel ad horam

abnegare.”

[1331] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 435.

[1332] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 224.

[1333] Domesday, 220. “Rex tenet Rochingeham…. Hanc terram

tenuit Bovi cum saca et soca T. R. E. Wasta erat quando rex

W. jussit ibi castellum fieri.” On Rockingham Castle, see

Mr. G. T. Clark, Archæological Journal, xxxv. 209.

[1334] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 26. “Fit conventus omnium dominico

die, in ecclesia quæ est in ipso castro sita, ab hora prima,

rege et suis secretius in Anselmum consilia sua studiose

texentibus.”

[1335] “Anselmus autem, episcopis, abbatibus, et

principibus, ad se a regio secreto vocatis, eos et

assistentem monachorum, clericorum, laicorum, numerosam

multitudinem hac voce alloquitur.”

[1336] See above, p. 480, for somewhat similar arrangements.

But the present hall of Rockingham, dating from the

thirteenth century, is divided by the width of the court

from what seems to be the site of the chapel.

[1337] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 26. “Fateor verum dico, quia salva

reverentia voluntatis Dei maluissem illa die, si optio mihi

daretur, in ardentem rogum comburendus præcipitari, quam

archiepiscopatus dignitate sublimari.”

[1338] “Rapuistis me, et coegistis onus omnium suscipere,

qui corporis imbecillitate defessus meipsum vix poteram

ferre … attamen videns importunam voluntatem vestram,

credidi me vobis, et suscepi onus quod imposuistis, confisus

spe auxilii vestri quod polliciti estis. Nunc ergo, ecce

tempus adest quo sese causa obtulit, ut onus meum consilii

vestri manu levetis.”

[1339] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 27. “Si, remota omni alia

conditione, simpliciter ad voluntatem domini nostri regis

consilii tui summam transferre velles, prompta tibi

voluntate, ut nobis ipsis, consuleremus.”

[1340] “In medio procerum et conglobatæ multitudinis

_sedens_.” Judges and bishops can still deliver charges

sitting; but it would seem hard to carry on a debate in that

posture.

[1341] “Si pure ad voluntatem domini regis consilii tui

summam transferre volueris, promptum, et quod in nobis ipsis

utile didicimus, a nobis consilium certum habebis. Si autem

secundum Deum, quod ullatenus voluntati regis obviare

possit, consilium a nobis expectas, frustra niteris; quia in

hujusmodi nunquam tibi nos adminiculari videbis.”

[1342] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 27. “Quibus dictis conticuerunt,

et capita sua quasi ad ea quæ ipse illaturus erat

demiserunt.”

[1343] “Tunc pater Anselmus, erectis in altum luminibus,

vivido vultu, reverenda voce, ista locutus est.”

[1344] “Nos qui Christianæ plebis pastores, et vos qui

populorum principes vocamini.”

[1345] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 27. “Non cuilibet imperatori, non

alicui regi, non duci, non comiti.” I have ventured to

prefer the climax to the anti-climax.

[1346] See above, p. 104.

[1347] See above, p. 95.

[1348] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 27. “Turbationem suam confusis

vocibus exprimentes, ut eos illum esse reum mortis una

clamare putares.” The reference seems to be to St. Matthew’s

Gospel, xxvi. 66.

[1349] See N. C. vol. iii. p. 295. Only the groups at

Lillebonne seem to have been larger than those at

Rockingham.

[1350] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 28. “Hic duo, ibi tres, illic

quatuor, in unum consiliabantur, studiosissime disquirentes,

si quo modo possent aliquod responsum contra hæc componere,

quod et regiam animositatem deliniret et prælibatas

sententias Dei adversa fronte non impugnaret.”

[1351] “Adversariis ejus conciliabula sua in longum

protelantibus, ipse ad parietem se reclinans leni somno

quiescebat.”

[1352] “Vult dominus noster rex, omissis aliis verbis, a te

sub celeritate sententiam audire.”

[1353] “Hæc rogamus, hæc consulimus, hæc tibi tuisque

necessaria esse dicimus et confirmamus.”

[1354] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 28. “Noveris totum regnum conqueri

adversum te quod nostro communi domino conaris decus imperii

sui, coronam, auferre. Quicumque enim regiæ dignitatis ei

consuetudines tollit, coronam simul et regnum tollit.”

[1355] “Urbani illius, qui offenso domino rege nil tibi

prodesse nec ipso pacato tibi quicquam valet obesse,

obedientiam abjice, subjectionis jugum excute, et _liber_,

ut archiepiscopum Cantuariensem decet, in cunctis actibus

tuis voluntatem domini regis et jussionem expecta.” What

more could Henry the Eighth have asked of Cranmer?

[1356] “Quatenus inimici tui qui casibus tuis nunc

insultant, visa dignitatis tuæ sublevatione, erubescant.”

[1357] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 28. “Respondeam quod Deus

inspirare dignabitur.”

[1358] “Suspicati ilium aut quid diceret ultra nescire aut

metu addictum statim cœpto desistere.”

[1359] “Persuaserunt inducias nulla ratione dandas, sed

causa recenti examinatione discussa, supremam, si suis

adquiescere consiliis nollet, in eum judicii sententiam

invehi juberet.”

[1360] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 28. “Erat quasi primus et

prolocutor regis in hoc negotio Willelmus supra nominatus

Dunelmensis episcopus, homo linguæ volubilitate facetus quam

pura sapientia præditus. Hujus quoque discidii quod inter

regem et Anselmum versabatur erat auctor gravis et

incentor.”

[1361] “Omni ingenio satagebat, si quo modo Anselmum

calumniosis objectionibus fatigatum regno eliminaret, ratus,

ut dicebatur, ipso discedente, se archiepiscopatus solio

sublimandum.”

[1362] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 28. “Nec regia dignitate integre

se potitum suspicabatur, quamdiu aliquis in tota terra, vel

etiam secundum Deum, nisi per eum quicquam habere (not dico)

vel posse dicebatur.”

[1363] “Spoponderat se facturum ut Anselmus aut Romani

pontificis funditus obedientiam abnegaret, aut

archiepiscopatui, reddito baculo et annulo, abrenunciaret.”

[1364] Ib. 29. “Dicit quod quantum tua interest eum sua

dignitate spoliasti; dum Odonem episcopum Ostiensem sine sui

auctoritate præcepti papam in sua Anglia facis.”

[1365] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Revesti eum primo, si placet,

_debita imperii sui dignitate_, et tunc demum de induciis

age.”

[1366] “Nec jocum existimes esse quod agitur; immo in istis

magni doloris stimulis urgemur.”

[1367] “Quod dominus tuus et noster in omni dominatione sua

præcipuum habebat, et quo eum _cunctis regibus præstare_

certum erat.”

[1368] See Appendix F.

[1369] We shall come to these matters in the next chapter.

[1370] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Aspicientes sese ad invicem,

nec invenientes quid ad ista referrent, ad dominum suum

reversi sunt.”

[1371] “Protinus intellexerunt quod prius non

animadverterunt, nec ipsum advertere posse putaverunt,

videlicet archiepiscopum Cantuariensem a nullo hominum, nisi

a solo papa, judicari posse vel damnari, nec ab aliquo cogi

pro quavis calumnia cuiquam, eo excepto, contra suum velle

respondere.”

[1372] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Ortum interea murmur est

totius multitudinis pro injuria tanti viri summissa inter se

voce querentis. Nemo quippe palam pro eo loqui audebat ob

metum tyranni.” We have had the word “tyrannis” already; see

above, p. 397.

[1373] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Miles unus de multitudine

prodiens viro adstitit flexis coram eo genibus.”

[1374] “Confidentes juxta scripturam, vocem populi vocem

esse Dei.” “Scriptura” must here be taken in some wide

sense; Eadmer could hardly have thought that these words

were to be found in any of the canonical books.

[1375] “Ad divisionem spiritus sui exacerbatus.”

[1376] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Dunelmensis ita inprimis

tepide et silenter per singula loquebatur, ut omnis humanæ

prudentiæ inscius et expers putaretur.”

[1377] “Cogitabimus pro te usque ad mane.”

[1378] “Mane reversi sedimus in solito loco exspectantes

mandatum regis. At ille cum suis omnimodo perquirebat quid

in damnationem Anselmi componere posset, nec inveniebat.”

[1379] “Requisitus Willielmus Dunelmensis quid ipse, ex

condicto, noctu egerit apud se.”

[1380] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 29. “Verum mihi violentia videtur

opprimendus, et, si regiæ voluntati non vult adquiescere,

ablato baculo et annulo, de regno pellendus. Non placuerunt

hæc verba principibus.”

[1381] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 30. “Per vultum Dei si vos illum

ad voluntatem meam non damnaveritis, ego damnabo vos.” The

oath “per vultum Dei” is the same as that “per vultum de

Luca.” See Appendix G.

[1382] “Robertus quidam ipsi regi valde familiaris” would

seem to be no other than the Count of Meulan. We shall hear

of him by name later in the story. It might be Robert the

_Dispenser_ (see above, p. 331), but that seems much less

likely.

[1383] “De consiliis nostris quid dicam, fateor nescio. Nam

cum omni studio per totum diem inter nos illa conferimus, et

quatenus aliquo modo sibi cohereant conferendo conferimus,

ipse, nihil mali e contra cogitans, dormit, et prolata coram

eo statim uno labiorum suorum pulsu quasi telas araneæ

rumpit.”

[1384] “Primas est, non modo istius regni, sed et Scotiæ et

Hiberniæ, necne adjacentium insularum, nosque suffraganei

ejus.” We have had one or two other cases, in which, in

Eadmer’s language at least, the Archbishop of York is spoken

of as the suffragan of Canterbury.

[1385] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 30. “Properate igitur, et quod

dicitis citius facite, ut cum viderit se a cunctis despectum

et desolatum, verecundetur, et ingemiscat se Urbanum me

domino suo contempto secutum.”

[1386] “Et quo ista securius faciatis, en ego primum in

imperio meo penitus ei omnem securitatem et fiduciam mei

tollo, ac deinceps in illo vel de illo nulla in causa

confidere, vel eum pro archiepiscopo aut patre spirituali

tenere volo.”

[1387] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 30. “Paterno more diligentiam,

animæ illius curam, si ferre dignabitur, habebo.”

[1388] “Ad hæc ille respondit,” says Eadmer; but it can only

mean an answer through messengers, as it is plain that the

King and the Archbishop were still in different rooms.

[1389] “Omnino adversatur animo meo quod dicit, nec meus

erit, quisquis ipsius esse delegerit.”

[1390] The answer of the lay lords must be taken as a formal

setting forth of their position; one would be glad to know

whose are the actual sentiments and words. It runs thus

(Eadmer, 30);

“Nos nunquam fuimus homines ejus, nec fidelitatem quam ei

non fecimus abjurare valemus. Archiepiscopus noster est;

Christianitatem in hac terra gubernare habet, et ea re nos

qui Christiani sumus ejus magisterium, dum hic vivimus,

declinare non possumus, præsertim cum nullius offensæ macula

illum respiciat, quæ vos secus de illo agere compellat.”

[1391] “Quod ipse repressa sustinuit ira, rationi eorum

palam ne nimis offenderentur contraire præcavens.” This is

perhaps a solitary case of recorded self-restraint on the

part of William Rufus, at all events since the death of

Lanfranc. It is significant that it should be in answer to

the lay lords and not to the bishops.

[1392] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 30. “Episcopi hæc videntes,

confusione vultus sui operti sunt, intelligentes omnium

oculos in se converti, et apostasiam suam non injuste a

cunctis detestari.” It must be remembered that _apostasia_

is a technical term, meaning, besides its usual sense, a

forsaking of his monastic vows and calling by a professed

monk. Eadmer speaks of the bishops as guilty of a like

offence towards their metropolitan.

[1393] The picture is very graphic; “Audires si adesses,

nunc ab isto, nunc ab illo istum vel illum episcopum aliquo

cognomine cum interjectione indignantis denotari, videlicet

Judæ proditoris, Pilati, vel Herodis horumque similium.” One

of the bishops had been likened to Judas some years before

on somewhat opposite grounds.

[1394] “Requisiti a rege, utrum omnem subjectionem et

obedientiam, nulla conditione interposita, an illam solam

subjectionem et obedientiam, quam prætenderet ex autoritate

Romani pontificis, Anselmo denegassent.”

[1395] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 31. “Hos quidem qui, nulla

conditione interposita, funditus ei quicquid prælato suo

debebant se abjurasse professi sunt, juxta se sicut fideles

et amicos suos honorifice sedere præcepit.”

[1396] “Illos vero qui in hoc solo quod præciperet ex parte

apostolici sese subjectionem et obedientiam illi abnegasse

dicere ausi sunt, ut perfidos ac suæ voluntatis inimicos,

procul in angulo domus sententiam suæ damnationis ira

permotus jussit præstolari. Territi ergo et confusione super

confusionem induti, in angulum domus secesserunt,”

[1397] “Reperto statim salubri et quo niti solebant

domestico consilio, hoc est, data copiosa pecunia, in

amicitiam regis recepti sunt.”

All this suggests the question, what was the course taken by

Gundulf of Rochester, Anselm’s old friend, and the holder of

a bishopric which stood in a specially close relation to the

archbishop. In the Historia Novorum there is no mention of

Gundulf; the bishops are spoken of as an united body, except

so far as they were divided on this last question. But it

seems implied that all disowned Anselm in one way or

another. Yet in the Life (ii. 3. 24) the bishops disown him,

“Rofensi solo excepto.” How are these accounts to be

reconciled? If Gundulf had stood out in any marked way from

the rest, Eadmer would surely have mentioned him in the

Historia Novorum. One might suppose that the Bishop of

Rochester, as holding of the Archbishop, was not in the

company of the King’s bishops at all. But, if he had stayed

outside with Anselm and Eadmer, one would have looked for

that to be mentioned also. He can hardly lurk in the first

person plural which Eadmer so often uses.

[1398] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 31. “Donec Deus tantæ

perturbationi modum dignanter imponeret.”

[1399] “Licet discessum ejus summopere desideraret, nolebat

tamen eum pontificatus dignitate _saisitum_ discedere, ne

novissimum scandalum quod inde poterat oriri pejus fieret

priore. Ut vero pontificatu illum _dissaisiret_, impossibile

sibi videbatur.” The feudal language creeps in at all

corners.

[1400] “Episcoporum consilio per quod in has angustias se

devolutum querebatur omisso, cum principibus consilium

iniit.”

[1401] “Quatenus vir cum summa pace moneatur ad hospitium

suum redire.”

[1402] “Perturbatis etiam curialibus plurimis … rati sunt

quippe hominem a terra discedere, et ingemuerunt.”

[1403] “Lætus et alacer sperabat se perturbationes et onera

sæculi, quod semper optabat, transito mari, evadere.”

[1404] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 31. “Ecce principes _a latere

regis_ mane directi”――the style of Emperors and Popes.

[1405] “Ascendimus, inimus, et supremam de negotio nostro

sententiam avidi audire, in quo soliti eramus loco

consedimus.” The word “ascendimus” might show that Anselm’s

lodgings were at some point lower than the castle.

[1406] “Inducias utrimque de negotio dari quatenus hinc

usque ad definitum aliquod tempus inter vos pace statuta.”

[1407] “Pacem atque concordiam non abjicio; veruntamen

videor mihi videre quid ista quam offertis pax habeat in

se.”

[1408] “Concedo suscipere quod domino regi et vobis placet

pro pacis custodia _secundum Deum_ statuere”――Anselm’s

invariable reservation.

[1409] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 31. “Dantur induciæ usque ad

octavas Pentecostes, ac _regia fide_ sancitur, quatenus ex

utraque parte interim omnia essent in pace.”

[1410] “Præsciens apud se pacem et inducias illas inane et

momentaneum velamen esse odii et oppressionis mox futuræ.”

[1411] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 31. “Baldwinum monachum, _in quo

pars major_ consiliorum Anselmi pendebat.”

[1412] “Præscripti discidii causa.”

[1413] “Quid referam camerarium ejus in sua camera ante suos

oculos captum, alios homines ejus injusto judicio

condemnatos, deprædatos, innumeris malis afflictos?” All

this was “infra dies induciarum et præfixæ pacis.” Eadmer

reproaches the “regalis constantia fidei.” Rufus would have

said that his faith was plighted to Anselm, not to Baldwin.

[1414] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Ut fere universi conclamarent

melius sibi absque pastore jam olim fuisse quam nunc sub

hujusmodi pastore esse.”

[1415] The movements of Urban at this time will be found in

the Chronicle of Bernold in the fifth volume of Pertz, p.

461. Cf. Milman, Latin Christianity, iii. 215.

[1416] Bernold, ib. “Henricus autem rex dictus eo tempore in

Longobardia morabatur, pene omni regia dignitate privatus.

Nam filius ejus Chonradus, jam dudum in regem coronatus, se

ab illo penitus separavit, et domnæ Mathildi reliquisque

fidelibus sancti Petri firmiter conjunctus totum robur

paterni exercitus in Longobardia obtinuit.”

[1417] Ib. “Ad quam sinodum multitudo tam innumerabilis

confluxit, ut nequaquam in qualibet ecclesia illius loci

posset comprehendi. Unde et domnus papa extra urbem in campo

illam celebrare compulsus est; nec hoc tamen absque

probabilis exempli auctoritate.” He justifies the act by the

example of Moses; in England Godwine and William might have

been precedents enough.

[1418] See N. C. vol. ii. p. 230.

[1419] The matters discussed are reckoned up by Bernold,

u. s.

[1420] See above, p. 415.

[1421] So speaks our own Chronicler the next year. See

above, p. 415.

[1422] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Siquidem ipse rex, ubi sensit

Anselmum suæ voluntatis in præscripto negotio nolle

obtemperare, clam et Anselmo ignorante, eosdem clericos

[Girardum et Willielmum] Romam miserat, Romanæ statum

ecclesiæ per eos volens certo dinoscere.”

[1423] Bernold (Pertz, v. 461) gives the details. The part

which most concerns us is that the King and future Emperor

is received only “salva justitia illius [Romanæ] ecclesiæ,

et statutis apostolicis, maxime de investituris in

spiritalibus officiis a laico non usurpandis.”

[1424] Bernold merely glances at this matter. It will be

found described more at length in the hexameters of Donizo,

ii. 9, Muratori, v. 374; and in the prose life of Matilda,

13, Muratori, v. 395.

[1425] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Scire veritatem hujus rei

Romam missi sunt hii duo clerici, eaque cognita, jussi sunt

sacris promissionibus illectum ad hoc si possent papam

perducere, ut ipsi regi ad opus archiepiscopi Cantuariensis

pallium, tacita persona Anselmi, destinaret, quod ipse rex,

Anselmo a pontificatu simul et regno dejecto, cui vellet cum

pontificatu vice apostolici postmodum daret.” The formal

grant of the hereditary legation to Count Roger comes

somewhat later, being given by Urban himself in 1099. (See

William of Malaterra, iv. 29, Muratori, v. 602.) But the

language used seems to imply that some such power

practically existed already.

[1426] Ep. S. Thom, ad Cardinales, Giles, S. T. C. iii. 93.

“Eo jam perventum est ut sequatur rex noster etiam Siculos,

immo certe præcedat.” On the question of the legatine power

supposed to have been granted, or designed to be granted, to

Henry the Second, see J. C. Robertson, Becket, 106. For my

purpose the general belief that something of the kind was

done or designed is enough.

[1427] Bernold, ap. Pertz, v. 461.

[1428] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Hoc quippe disposuerat apud

se; hoc suspicatus est non injuria sibi concedi posse, hoc

indubitato fieri promittebat opinioni suæ.”

[1429] Chron. Petrib. 1095. “Eac on þis ylcan geare togeanes

Eastron com þæs papan _sande_ hider to lande, þæt wæs

Waltear bisceop swiðe god lifes man, of Albin þære ceastre.”

The date is strange, as he did not and could not come till

after Easter.

[1430] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Præfatus episcopus Angliam

veniens, secum archiepiscopatus stolam papa mittente

clanculo detulit. Et silenter Cantuaria civitate

pertransita, Anselmoque devitato, ad regem properabat, nulli

de pallio quod ferebat quicquam dicens, nullum in absentia

ductorum suorum familiariter alloquens. Rex denique

præceperat ita fieri, nolens mysterium consilii sui

publicari.”

[1431] Ib. 33. “Sentiens rex episcopum ex parte Urbani

cuncta suæ voluntati coniventia nunciare, et ea, si ipsum

Urbanum pro papa in suo regno susciperet, velle apostolica

authoritate sibi dum viveret in privilegium promulgare,

adquievit placito.” This is put somewhat more distinctly in

the account by Hugh of Flavigny (Pertz, viii. 475, see

Appendix AA); “Conventionem fecerat cum eo [Willelmo]

Albanensis episcopus, quem primum illo miserat papa, ne

legatus Romanus ad Angliam mitteretur nisi quem rex

præciperet.”

[1432] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 32. “Nil penitus ipsi pro Anselmo

locutus est, quod pacem inter eos conciliaret, quod

tribulationes in quibus pro fidelitate sedis apostolice

desudabat mitigaret, quod eum ad sublevandum in Anglia

Christianæ religionis cultum roboraret.”

[1433] Ib. “Papæ, quid dicemus? Si aurum et argentum Roma

præponit justitiæ,” &c. It must be remembered that in this

sentence “Papæ” has nothing to do with “Papa.” See above, p.

292.

[1434] Ib. 33. “Præcipiens Urbanum _in omni imperio suo_ pro

apostolico haberi, eique vice beati Petri in Christiana

religione obediri.”

[1435] Ib. “Egit post hæc quibus modis poterat ipse rex cum

episcopo, quatenus Romani pontificis autoritate Anselmum ab

episcopatu, regali potentia fultus, deponeret, spondens

immensum pecuniæ pondus ei et ecclesiæ Romanæ singulis annis

daturum, si in hoc suo desiderio satisfaceret.”

[1436] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Reputans apud se nihil in

requisitione vel susceptione Romani antistitis se

profecisse.”

[1437] “Qualiter, servata singulari celsitudinis suæ

dignitate, viro saltem specie tenus amorem suum redderet,

cui crudeliter iratus nihil poterat cupitæ damnationis pro

voto inferre.”

[1438] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Ad eum venire et verba regis

illi et illius possent regi deferre.”

[1439] “Dixi vobis jam, quod nunquam domino meo hanc

contumeliam faciam ut facto probem amicitiam ejus esse

venalem.”

[1440] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Dominus papa Urbanus, rogatu

domini nostri regis, stolam illi archiepiscopatus per

episcopum qui de Roma venit direxit.” The pallium, they

said, was sent to the King, but the words which follow show

that they wished it to be understood that it was meant for

Anselm.

[1441] “Tuum igitur erit considerare quid tanto beneficio

dignum regi rependas.”

[1442] “Laudamus et consulimus ut saltem quod in via

expenderes si pro hoc Romam ires regi des, ne si nihil

feceris injurius judiceris.” They enlarge also on the

dangers of the way; these had certainly proved fatal to some

of Anselm’s predecessors.

[1443] “Principum suorum consilio usus.”

[1444] This is not mentioned now, but it comes out

afterwards; Hist. Nov. 39. See below, p. 588.

[1445] Ib. 39. “Scio quippe me [Anselmum] spopondisse

consuetudines tuas, ipsas videlicet quas per rectitudinem et

secundum Deum in regno tuo possides, me secundum Deum

servaturum, et eas per justitiam contra omnes homines pro

meo posse defensurum.”

[1446] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 33. “Cum curiæ illius apud

Windlesorum se præsentasset et familiari alloquio in

conspectu procerum et coadunatæ multitudinis ipsum

detinuisset.”

[1447] “Ut pro regiæ majestatis honorificentia, illud per

manum regis susciperet.”

[1448] “Rationabiliter ostendens hoc donum non ad regiam

dignitatem, sed ad singularem beati Petri pertinere

auctoritatem.”

[1449] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34. “Quasi de manu beati Petri,

pro summi quo fungebatur pontificatus honore, sumeretur.”

[1450] “Adquievit istis multitudo omnis.”

[1451] “Pœnitentiam apud illum agentes pro culpa suæ

abnegationis, quam cum aliis coepiscopis suis fecerant apud

Rochingeham.”

[1452] William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 302) has two

appearances of Saint Wulfstan to Robert; but both come

before Wulfstan’s burial. The one here meant is recorded by

Florence (1095). Robert was, according to the Worcester

writer, “vir magnæ religionis,” and we have a pleasing

picture of “ambo patres nimia caritate in Dei dilectione et

ad se invicem conjuncti.” In the Life of Wulfstan (Ang. Sac.

i. 268) the Bishop of Hereford is “homo seculi quidem fretus

prudentia, sed nulla solutus illecebra.”

[1453] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34. “Ibi etiam Wilfrido episcopo

sancti David de Gualis quæ vulgo Dewi vocatur, ipsa hora

reddidit episcopale officium, a quo, exigente culpa ejus,

jam antea ipsemet illum suspenderat.” Was Wilfrith there in

person? We shall hear of him again.

[1454] Flor. Wig. 1095. “Pallium … quod juxta condictum die

dominica, quæ erat iv. idus Junii, ab eodem [Waltero]

Cantuariam super altare Salvatoris delatum, ab Anselmo

assumptum est, atque ab omnibus pro reverentia S. Petri

suppliciter deosculatum.” The details come from Eadmer; the

Chronicler tells only how Walter “þam arcebisceop Ansealme

uppon Pentecosten, of þæs papan healfe Urbanus, his pallium

geaf, and he hine underfeng æt his arcestole on

Cantwarabyrig.”

[1455] I hardly know what to make of the words of Hugh of

Flavigny (Pertz, viii. 475); “Adeo auctoritas Romana apud

Anglos avaritia et cupiditate legatorum viluerat, ut eodem

Albanense præsente et consentiente nec contradicente, immo

præcipiente, Cantuariensis archiepiscopus fidelitatem beato

Petro et papæ juraverat salva fidelitate domini sui regis.”

One cannot conceive any time during the Cardinal’s visit in

which Anselm could be called on to make any such oath either

to Pope or King except at the time of his receiving the

pallium; there may be some confusion with the promise

mentioned in p. 531.

[1456] This coincidence is noticed by Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34.

[1457] Such is the pious belief of Florence; “Credi fas est,

ipsum qui prius de hoc sæculo ad Deum migravit

sollicitudinem egisse sui dilectissimi, quem in hoc sæculo

reliquit, et ut quam citius simul ante Deum gauderent operam

dedisse.”

[1458] Hugh of Flavigny, directly after the passage just

quoted (Pertz, viii. 475), goes on to say, “Quæ res in

tantum adoleverat, ut nullus ex parte papæ veniens honore

debito exciperetur, nullus esset in Anglia archiepiscopus,

episcopus, abbas, nedum monachus aut clericus, qui litteras

apostolicas suscipere auderet, nedum obedire, nisi rex

juberet.”

[1459] This is noticed by the Chronicler; “And se bisceop

Waltear has on lande þæs geares syððan lange wunode, and man

syððan þæt Romgesceot be him sende, swa man manegan gearan

æror ne dyde.”

[1460] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 430.

[1461] Epp. iii. 35. “Vestra prudentia non ignorat quia nos

duo nihil efficeremus, nisi regi suggestum esset, ut ejus

assensu et auxilio ad effectum perduceretur quod

disponeremus.” The military history which this letter

casually opens to us, and of which we have no mention

elsewhere, will come in the next chapter.

[1462] “Expecto reditum domini mei regis, et episcoporum et

principum qui cum eo sunt, quatenus illi quæ agenda sunt,

opportune et rationabiliter suggeramus.” So in the next

letter (Epp. iii. 36) he says more distinctly that he would

like to meet the Cardinal, “si congruo tempore factum esset,

id est quando dominus meus rex, et episcopi, et principes

hujus regni vobis præsentes aut propinqui erant.”

[1463] Epp. iii. 36. “Vos ab illis et ego a vobis

discessimus, veluti non nos in hac terra amplius invicem

visuri.”

[1464] Epp. iii. 35. See the next chapter.

[1465] Ib. “Rex ore suo mihi præcepit … et postquam

Cantuarberiam reddi mihi mandavit per litteras proprio

sigillo signatas.”

[1466] Ib. “Idcirco de Cantuaria exire non audeo, nisi in

illam partem ex qua hostium expectamus adventum.”

[1467] Ib. 36. “Quod quæritis a me cur et qua justitia

episcopi alii me abnegantes a me discesserunt, nec sunt

reversi dignam agentes pœnitentiam, hoc potius ab illis

quærendum erat quam a me.”

[1468] Ib. “Reversi hactenus sunt ut illam obedientiam quam

Cantuariensi sedi promiserant se mihi servaturos

faterentur.”

[1469] Epp. iii. 36. “Dicitis quosdam illorum vobis dixisse

ideo non offendisse in me, quia permisi me a catholica

ecclesia transferri ad schismaticos et ab illis consecrari,

si fieri, sicut additis, potest; et a schismatico rege

investituram accepisse, et illi fidelitatem et hominium

fecisse, quos omnes sciebam esse schismaticos et divisos ab

ecclesia Christi, et a capite meo Urbano pontifice, quem

ipsi, me audiente, abnegabant.”

[1470] Epp. iii. 36. “Illi non abnegabant canonicum Romanum

pontificem, quicunque esset, nec Urbanum negabant esse

pontificem; sed dubitabant propter illam quæ modo nata est

dissensionem, et propter dubitationem illum suscipere quasi

certum differebant; nec ullum judicium illos ab ecclesia

segregaverat, et omnino obedientiam Romanæ sedis tenere se

fatebantur et sub professione obedientiæ Romani pontificis

me consecrarunt.”

[1471] Ib. “Denique dominus papa sciebat me esse consecratum

et a quibus, et cui regi feceram quod feci. Et tamen pallium

quod archiepiscopus Cantuariæ solet habere, mihi per vestram

caritatem, non ut schismatico, sed ut accepto, non ut

reprobans, sed ut approbans misit, et sic quod de me factum

erat confirmavit.”

[1472] Ib. “Si vobis hæc calumnia attendenda videtur, cur

earn ante pallii concessionem mihi tacuistis? Si negligenda

putatur, vos judicate quam diligenter sit a vobis

inculcanda.”

[1473] Ib. “Rogatis me ut fratres nostros Cantuariensis

ecclesiæ quiete ac pacifice possidere dimittam res suas.”

[1474] Ib. “Nullus magis desiderat quietem ac pacem illorum

quam ego, nec magis sollicitus est pro utilitate ejusdem

ecclesiæ; et idcirco voluntas mea est ut res ejus, Deo

annuente, disponam ad utilitatem præsentem et futuram, prout

melius sciam et potero.”

[1475] This question is argued by Eadmer in the Life, ii. I.

9.

[1476] Ib. “Si Cantuariam assidue incoleret, homines sui ex

advectione victualium oppido gravarentur; et insuper a

præpositis, ut sæpe contingebat, multis ex causis oppressi,

si quem interpellarent, nunquam præsentem haberent, magis ac

magis oppressi in destructionem funditus irent.” Of the

doings of reeves of all kinds we have often heard. See

specially N. C. vol. iv. p. 616.

[1477] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 34.

[1478] This would seem to be the time when Anselm’s practice

of various virtues is so fully described by Eadmer in the

first and second chapters of the second book of the Life.

[1479] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 340. He appears in the Gesta

Pontificum, 289, as “Samson, canonicus Baiocensis, non parvæ

literaturæ vir nec contemnendæ facundiæ. Antiquorum homo

morum, ipse liberaliter vesci, et aliis dapsiliter largiri.”

But this last description is substituted for an amazing

account of his appetite, specially in the way of fowls and

swine’s flesh (cf. the account of King Æthelred in N. C.

vol. i. p. 658), and how he died of fat. He fed however

three hundred poor men daily.

[1480] His kindred to the elder and the younger Thomas

appears in the suppressed passage of William of Malmesbury.

Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 35) says of the two bishops-elect, “Qui

cum in summum promovendi sacerdotium ad Anselmum pro more

venissent, necdum omnes inferiores ordines habuissent,

ordinavit eos pro instanti necessitate, ad diaconatum et

presbyteratum unum, et alium ad presbyteratum.” The canon of

Bayeux would be more likely than the King’s clerk to have

the higher degree.

[1481] Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 290. But the first and

second versions are worth comparing. It has a curiously

modern sound when we read, “Quotiens Lundonia rediret,

aliquid pretiosum afferret, quod esset ornamento ecclesiæ.”

But it is a witness to the growing importance of London.

[1482] William of Malmesbury has a first and a second

edition (Gest. Pont. 259) in the case of Gerard also.

According to rumour, “multorum criminum et maxime libidini

obnoxius erat.” He was suspected of magic, from his constant

study of Julius Firmicus. According to Hugh of Flavigny

(Pertz, viii. 496), he sacrificed a pig to the devil, while

of his brother more wonderful things still were told. See

Pertz, viii. 496, and Appendix G.

[1483] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 35.

[1484] See above, p. 448, and Appendix X.

[1485] Eadmer gives the account of these Irish bishops

(Hist. Nov. 34, 36). Samuel is described as being “a rege

Hiberniæ Murierdach nomine, necne a clero et populo in

episcopatum ipsius civitatis electus est, atque ad Anselmum,

juxta morem antiquum, sacrandus cum communi decreto

directus.” Of King Muirchertach, whose name is written

endless ways, and whom it is well perhaps to shorten into

Murtagh, we shall hear again. He was King of Leinster, and

Bretwalda, so to speak, of all Ireland, though it seems that

he was not acknowledged always and everywhere. He signs the

letter to Anselm which appears in Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 36) on

behalf of Malchus, which professes to come from the “clerus

et populus oppidi Wataferdiæ, cum rege Murchertacho, et

episcopo Dofnaldo.” There are also two letters of Anselm to

him (Ep. iii. 142, 147), chiefly about ecclesiastical

reforms in Ireland. Anselm also speaks of a brother

Cornelius, whom the Irish king had asked for, but who could

not go, because he was taking care of his aged father. This

is one of those little personal touches which make us wish

to know more.

[1486] Orderic and William of Malmesbury stand conspicuous.

[1487] See the Chronicle, 1096. I quoted the passage in N.

C. vol. iv. p. 93.

[1488] Ib.

[1489] See N. C. vol. v. p. 356.

[1490] Ib. p. 93.

[1491] See above, p. 411.

[1492] Urban came from Rheims, but it is important to

remember how little entitled Auvergne was in that day to the

French name. This comes out oddly enough in an entry in the

Chronicle, 1102, when thieves of all parts seem to have

conspired to rob the minster of Peterborough; “Þa coman

þeofas sum of Aluearnie, sum of France, and sum of Flanders,

and breokan þæt mynstre of Burh.”

[1493] William of Malmesbury (iv. 344) draws a grievous

picture of the state of things among the “Cisalpini,” who

“ad hæc calamitatis omnes devenerant, ut nullis vel minimis

causis extantibus quisque alium caperet, nec nisi magno

redemptum abire sineret.” He then speaks at some length of

simony, and adds; “Tunc legitimis uxoribus exclusis, multi

contrahebant divortium, alienum expugnantes matrimonium;

quare, quia in his et illis erat confusa criminum silva, ad

pœnam quorundam potentiorum designata sunt nomina.”

[1494] The great provision of all is (Will. Malms. iv. 345),

“Quod ecclesia catholica sit in fide, casta, libera ab omni

servitute; ut episcopi, vel abbates, vel aliquis de clero,

aliquam ecclesiasticam dignitatem de manu principum vel

quorumlibet laicorum non accipiant.” This decree does not

appear among the acts of Piacenza in Bernold, 1095 (Pertz,

v. 462).

Among so many more stirring affairs, one decree of this

council, which has a good deal of interest, might easily be

forgotten. This is one which was meant to reform the abuses

of the privileges of sanctuary; “Qui ad ecclesiam vel ad

crucem confugerint, data membrorum impunitate, justitiæ

tradantur, vel innocentes liberentur.” Are we to see here

the first beginning of a feeling against mutilation, which

came in bit by bit in the next century? The guilty man is to

be punished, but in some other way than by loss of limb.

[1495] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 429.

[1496] Philip had professed all intention of coming to

Piacenza; he had even set out; “Se ad illam itiner

incepisse, sed legitimis soniis se impeditum fuisse

mandavit.” (Bernold, u. s.) He was allowed, like Anselm,

“indutiæ” till Whitsuntide; but now the decree went forth

(Will. Malms. iv. 345) against Philip himself; “Et omnes qui

eum vel regem vel dominum suum vocaverint, et ei obedierint,

et ei locuti fuerint nisi quod pertinet ad eum corrigendum.

Similiter et illam maledictam conjugem ejus, et omnes qui

eam reginam vel dominam nominaverint, quousque ad

emendationem venerint, ita ut alter ab altero discedat.”

[1497] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 696.

[1498] Ib. vol. iv. p. 648.

[1499] The marriage is recorded by Orderic (vii. 23 D).

There is a letter of Bishop Ivo of Chartres addressed to the

clergy of Meulan and to all persons within the archdeaconry

of Poissy. He denounces the intended marriage on the ground

of kindred, and bids them send the letter to the Count of

Meulan. The kindred is said to be “nec ignota, nec remota;”

but it consisted in this, that Robert and Isabel had a

common forefather removed by four degrees from Robert and

five from Isabel. Robert was thus, as we should have

expected, a generation older than his wife.

[1500] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 130, 166, 744.

[1501] See above, p. 269.

[1502] See above, p. 473.

[1503] Her second marriage with Drogo of Moncey is recorded

in Will. Gem. viii. 8. Drogo was a fellow crusader (Ord.

Vit. 723 D).

[1504] See Ord. Vit. 535 C, 724 C, 729 D, where we hear of

him before Nikaia.

[1505] This comes from Hugh of Flavigny, Pertz, viii. 474;

“Tunc temporis pro componenda inter fratres Willelmi regis

filios concordia, Willelmum videlicet regem Anglorum et

Robertum comitem Normannorum, abbas Divionensis ex præcepto

papæ mare transierat, et ut præscriptum regem ammoneret de

multis quæ illicite fiebant ab eo, de episcopatibus

videlicet et abbatiis quas sibi retinebat, nec eis pastores

providebat, et reditus proventusque omnium sibi assumebat,

de symonia, de fornicatione clericorum.”

[1506] Ib. “Qui veniens tanta libertate usus est, ut rex,

integritate ejus inspecta et inadulata mentis constantia, se

consiliis et votis ejus adquieturum promitteret, ut omnes

fideles gratularentur eum advenisse, ad cujus adventum quasi

respiraret et resurgeret decus et vigor ecclesiæ Anglicæ et

libertas Romanæ auctoritatis.”

[1507] Ib. “Sed quid imperturbatum relinquit inexplebilis

gurges Romanæ avaritiæ? Rex suspectam habens viri

auctoritatem, quem jam diu venturum audierat, legatum papæ

præmiserat, et in manu ejus auri probati et purissimi 10

marchas.”

[1508] See Appendix AA.

[1509] The accounts do not exactly agree; but every version

makes the terms such that the duchy was not ceded for ever,

but could under some circumstances be recovered. The

Chronicler puts it pithily, but without details; “Ðurh þas

fare [that is the crusade] wearð se cyng and his broðor

Rodbeard eorl sehte swa þæt se cyng ofer sæ fór, and eall

Normandig æt him mid feo alisde, swa swa hi þa sehte wæron.”

Florence calls the transaction “vadimonium,” and mentions

the price, 10,000 marks, or 6,666_l._ With this William of

Malmesbury agrees; Eadmer and Hugh of Flavigny make it a

pledge for three years. Hugh’s words (Pertz, viii. 475) are;

“Pro componenda inter fratres pacis concordia in Normannia

substitit donec, pace facta, decem milium marcarum pensione

accepta, terram suam comes Normanniæ regi Anglorum usque ad

trium annorum spacium custodiendam traderet.” “Pensio” must

here be taken in the sense of a single payment. Eadmer’s

words are; “Normanniam spatio trium annorum pecuniæ gratis

in dominium tradidit.” Orderic (723 A) makes the time five

years; “Rex Anglorum … Normanniam usque ad quinque annos

servaturus recepit, fratrique suo ad viam Domini peragendam

decem milia marcos argenti erogavit.” Robert of Torigny

(Will. Gem. viii. 7) mentions no number of years, but makes

the bargain last as long as Robert shall be away; “Rex

Willelmus in Normanniam transfretans, decies mille marcas

argenti ea conditione Roberto duci commodavit, ut quamdiu

idem Dux in prædicta peregrinatione moraretur, ipse ducatum

Normanniæ pro eis vadem haberet, illum duci restituturus cum

ipse sibi prætaxatam pecuniam rediens reconsignasset.”

[1510] See Appendix X.

[1511] See above, p. 438.

[1512] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 35. “Quæ pecunia per Angliam,

partim data, partim exacta, totum regnum in immensum

vastavit.”

[1513] Chron. Petrib. 1096. “Ðis wæs swiðe hefigtíme gear

geond eall Angelcyn, ægðer ge þurh mænigfealde gylda and eac

þurh swiðe hefigtymne hunger, þe þisne eard þæs geares swiðe

gedrehte.”

[1514] Flor. Wig. 1091. “Comites, barones, vicecomites, suos

milites et villanos spoliaverunt.”

[1515] Will. Malms. iv. 318. “Super violentia querimoniam

facientes, non se posse ad tantum vectigal sufficere, nisi

si miseros agricolas omnino effugarent.”

[1516] Will. Malms. iv. 318. “Quibus curiales, turbido, ut

solebant, vultu, ‘Non habetis,’ inquiunt, ‘scrinia auro et

argento composita, ossibus mortuorum plena? nullo alio

responso obsecrantes dignati.’”

[1517] Ib. “Ita illi, intelligentes quo responsio tenderet,

capsas sanctorum nudaverunt, crucifixos despoliaverunt,

calices conflarunt, non in usum pauperum, sed in fiscum

regium: quicquid enim pene sancta servavit avorum parcitas,

illorum grassatorum absumsit aviditas.” Cf. the account of

the spoliation of Waltham in Appendix H.

[1518] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 35. “Conventus est et Anselmus per

id temporis, et ut ipse quoque manum auxilii sui in tam

rationabili causa regi extenderet, a quibusdam suis est

amicis admonitus.”

[1519] Eadmer describes this transaction at length; and adds

that Anselm gave the two hundred pounds to the King, “cum

illis quæ de suis habere poterat pro instanti necessitate,

ut rebus consuleret.”

[1520] This fact comes from a letter of Bishop Ivo of

Chartres (Du Chesne, iv. 219) addressed to King Philip;

“Excellentiæ vestræ litteras nuper accepi, quibus submonebar

ut apud Pontesium vel Calvummontem cum manu militum vobis

die quam statueratis occurrerem, iturus vobiscum ad placitum

quod futurum est inter regem Anglorum, et comitem

Normannorum, quod facere ad præsens magnæ et multæ causæ me

prohibent.” One of these reasons is that he will not have

anything to do with Bertrada, against whom he again strongly

exhorts the King. He himself will not be safe in the King’s

court, because of her devices; such at least seems to be the

meaning of the general remark, “Postremo novit vestra

serenitas, quia non est mihi in curia vestra plena

securitas, in qua ille sexus mihi est suspectus et infestus,

qui etiam amicis aliquando non satis est fidus.” Another

reason is more curious, and seems to imply that some

fighting was looked for; “Præterea casati ecclesiæ, et

reliqui milites pene omnes vel absunt, vel pro pace violata

excommunicati sunt: quos sine satisfactione reconciliare non

valeo et excommunicatos in hostem mittere non debeo.”

[1521] Ord. Vit. 675 A. “Odo Baiocensis episcopus cum

Rodberto duce, nepote suo, peregrinatus est. Tantus enim

erat rancor inter ipsum et regem pro transactis

simultatibus, ut nullatenus pacificari possent ab ullis

caduceatoribus. Rex siquidem magnanimus et iracundus et

tenacis erat memoriæ, nec injuriam sibimet irrogatam facile

obliviscebatur sine ultione.”

[1522] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 714.

[1523] We learn a great deal about Robert on the crusade

from the Life of Lanfranc by Ralph of Caen, in the fifth

volume of Muratori. One passage describing his character has

been already quoted. We shall see some special cases as we

go on. But it is worth while to compare the “regius sanguis

Willelmides” of c. 22 with the picture in c. 58. In this

last Robert makes up to the English at Laodikeia “spe

dominationis.” Were they to help him in any attempt on the

English crown?

[1524] I refer to Sir Francis Palgrave’s chapter “Robert the

Crusader,” the eleventh in the fourth volume of his

“Normandy and England.” He goes further off from the scene

of our common story than I can undertake to follow him.

[1525] Will. Malms. iv. 350. But our best account just at

this moment is that by Fulcher of Chartres in the “Gesta Dei

per Francos,” which Orderic (718 B) witnesses to as a

“certum et verax volumen.” Here we read (385), “Nos Franci

occidentales, per Italiam excursa Gallia transeuntes cum

usque Lucam pervenissemus, invenimus prope urbem illam

Urbanum apostolicum, cum quo locuti sunt comes Robertus

Normannus, et comes Stephanus, nos quoque cæteri qui

voluimus.”

[1526] Fulcher (u. s.) graphically describes this scene;

“Cum in basilica beati Petri introissemus, invenimus ante

altare homines Guiberti, papæ stolidi, qui oblationes altari

superpositas, gladios suos in manibus tenentes, inique

arripiebant: alii vero super trabes ejusdem monasterii

cursitabant; et inde deorsum ubi prostrati orabamus, lapides

jaciebant.”

[1527] Ord. Vit. 724 D. “Rogerius dux, cognomento Bursa,

ducem Normanniæ cum sociis suis, utpote naturalem dominum

suum, honorifice suscepit.”

[1528] He is “Marcus Buamundus” in Orderic, who afterwards

(817 A) tells the story of his two names. When he went

through Gaul, he stood godfather to many children, “quibus

etiam cognomen suum imponebat. Marcus quippe in baptismate

nominatus est; sed a patre suo, audita in convivio joculari

fabula de Buamundo gigante, puero jocunde impositum est.

Quod nimirum postea per totum mundum personuit, et innumeris

in tripertito climate orbis alacriter innotuit. Hoc exinde

nomen celebre divulgatum est in Galliis, quod antea

inusitatum erat pene omnibus occiduis.” Orderic is always

careful about names, specially double names. See another

account in Will. Malms. iv. 387.

[1529] Orderic (724 D) says merely “quoddam castrum,” but it

appears from Geoffrey Malaterra (iv. 24) and Lupus

Protospata, 1096 (Muratori, v. 47), that the place besieged

was Amalfi. Count Roger of Sicily brought with him ten

thousand Saracens.

[1530] Ord. Vit. u. s. “Sibi tandem optimum afferri pallium

præcepit, quod per particulas concidit, et crucem unicuique

suorum distribuit, suamque sibi retinuit.”

[1531] Fulcher, 585. “Tunc plurimi de pauperibus vel

ignavis, inopiam futuram metuentes, arcubus suis venditis,

et baculis peregrinationis resumptis, ad mansiones suas

regressi sunt. Qua de re viles tam Deo quam hominibus facti

sunt: et versum est eis in opprobrium.” So William of

Malmesbury, iv. 353, who adds that “pars pro intemperie soli

morbo defecit.”

[1532] See Historical Essays, Third Series, 473, 474.

[1533] Ord. Vit. 765 B, C.

[1534] See N. C. vol. iv. pp. 625, 626.

[1535] Orderic (u. s.) says, “tranquillo remige in Bulgariæ

partibus applicuit.” Fulcher is naturally more exact. They

land at Dyrrhachion (386), and then “Bulgarorum regiones,

per montium prærupta et loca satis deserta, transivimus.” He

gives several curious details of the voyage and march.

[1536] Fulcher bursts into ecstasy at the sight of

Constantinople, and William of Malmesbury takes the

opportunity to tell its history. From iv. 356 and the note

it appears that he knew his Emperors, and that his editor

did not.

[1537] See Fulcher, 386; Orderic, 728 A; Will. Malms. iv.

357. They all record the homage, except in the case of Count

Raymond of Toulouse, who would only swear, but not do

homage. The Count of Flanders seems a little doubtful; but

the words of William of Malmesbury are explicit as to

Robert; “Normannus itaque et Blesensis comites hominium suum

Græco prostraverunt; nam jam Flandrita transierat, et id

facere fastidierat, quod se meminisset natum et educatum

libere.” Orderic seems to take a real pleasure in speaking

of Alexios as Augustus and Cæsar, the latter title being a

little beneath him. His subjects however are not only

“Græci,” but “Pelasgi,” “Achæi,” anything that would do for

the grand style. Presently Nikaia appears (728 B) as “totius

Romaniæ caput.” So William of Malmesbury speaks of “Minor

Asia quam Romaniam dicunt.” Here “Romania” means specially

the Turkish kingdom of _Roum_; in more accurate geography it

takes in the European provinces of the Empire.

[1538] See above, p. 560, and Ord. Vit. 778 A, B, where he

describes the coming of Eadgar, of which more in a later

chapter, and his near friendship with Robert.

[1539] The words of Ralph of Caen (c. 58) on this head are

very emphatic; “Normannus comes ingressus Laodiciam somno

vacabat, et otio; nec inutilis tamen, dum opulentiam nactus

aliis indigentibus large erogabat; quoniam conserva Cyprus

Baccho, Cerere, et multo pecore abundans, Laodiciam

repleverat, quippe indigentem vicinam Christicolam, et quasi

collacteam; ipsa namque una in littore Syro et Christum

colebat et Alexio serviebat. Sed nec sic excussato otio,

prædictus comes frustra semel atque iterum ad castra

revocatur. Tertio sub anathemate accitus, redit invitus;

difficilem enim habebat transitum commeatio, quæ comiti

ministrare Laodicia veniens debebat.”

[1540] Ord. Vit. 753 A. We have heard of Hugh before, N. C.

vol. iv. p. 493. We now read that “Susceptus a Normannico

duce, multum suis profuit et mores ethnicos ac

tergiversationes subdolas et fraudes, quibus contra fideles

callent, enucleavit.”

[1541] Ib. “Cosan etiam, nobilis heros et potens de Turcorum

prosapia, Christianos ultro adiit, multisque modis ad

capiendam urbem eos adjuvit. In Christum enim fideliter

credebat, et sacro baptismate regenerari peroptabat. Ideoque

nostratibus, ut amicis et fratribus, ad obtinendum decus

Palæstinæ et metropoli Davitici regni summopere suffragari

satagebat.”

[1542] “Furtivi funambuli” was the name given to Ivo and

Alberic of Grantmesnil and certain others. See Orderic, 738

D. Stephen of Chartres too decamped for a while in a manner

which did not please his wife.

[1543] The words of William of Malmesbury (iv. 389) are

remarkable; “Robertus, Jerosolymam veniens, indelibili

macula nobilitatem suam respersit, quod regnum, consensu

omnium sibi utpote regis filio delatum, recusaret, non

reverentiæ, ut fertur, contuitu, sed laborum inextricabilium

metu.”

[1544] His exploits in the storm come out in all the

accounts. In William of Malmesbury (iv. 369) he and his

namesake of Flanders are as usual grouped together; “Hæc

quidem victoria in parte Godefridi et duorum Robertorum

evenit.”

[1545] Will. Malms. iv. 371. “Duces, et maxime Robertus

Normannus, qui antesignanus erat, arte artem, vel potius

virtute calliditatem eludentes, sagittariis et peditibus

deductis, medias gentilium perruperunt acies.” This seems to

prove more than the story in iv. 389, where Robert, with

Philip of Montgomery and others, makes use of the worn-out

stratagem of the feigned flight.

[1546] Robert of Torigny, 1096. “Comes Henricus contulit se

ad regem Willermum, atque omnino cum eo remansit; cui idem

rex comitatum Constantiensem et Baiocensem, præter civitatem

Baiocas et oppidum Cadomi, ex integro concessit.”

[1547] Ord. Vit. 721 B. This decree heads the acts of the

council; “Statuit synodus sancta, ut trevia Dei firmiter

custodiatur,” &c.

[1548] Ib. C. All persons from twelve years of age are to

swear that they will keep the Truce, and will help their

several bishops and archdeacons, “ita ut, si me monuerint ad

eundum super eos, nec diffugiam nec dissimulabo, sed cum

armis meis cum ipso proficiscar, et omnibus, quibus potero,

juvabo adversus illos per fidem sine malo ingenio, secundum

meam conscientiam.”

[1549] Ib. D. “Hoc anathemate feriuntur falsarii et raptores

et emptores prædarum, et qui in castris congregantur propter

exercendas rapinas, et domini qui amodo eos retinuerint in

castris suis. Et auctoritate apostolica et nostra prohibemus

ut nulla Christianitas fiat in terris dominorum illorum.”

[1550] Ord. Vit. 721 D. “Et quod nullus laicus

participationem habeat in tertia parte decimæ, vel in

sepultura, vel in oblatione altaris.”

[1551] Ib. “Nec servitium, nec aliquam exactionem inde

exigat, præter eam quæ tempore Guillelmi regis constituta

fuit.”

[1552] Orderic draws a special picture (722 D, 723 C),

winding up with “Sic Normannia suis in se filiis furentibus

miserabiliter turbata est, et plebs inermis sine patrono

desolata est.”

[1553] Ord. Vit. 765 C. “Guillelmus itaque rex Normanniam

possedit, et dominia patris sui, quæ frater suus insipienter

distraxerat, sibi mancipavit.”

[1554] Ib. “Ecclesias pastoribus viduatas electis _pro

modulo suo_ rectoribus commisit.” Or do these words imply

simony? They might merely imply lay nomination and

investiture.

[1555] Ib.

[1556] Ib.

[1557] Ord. Vit. 765 C. “Turoldo fratri Hugonis de Ebremou

episcopatum dedit.” Hugh of Evermouth occurs in the false

Ingulf, 77 (not so in Domesday), as lord of Bourne and

Deeping.

[1558] Ib. “Pro quibusdam arcanis ultro reliquit.”

[1559] I shall speak of these Welsh wars in full in the next

chapter.

[1560] Chron. Petrib. 1097. “Se cyng Willelm … togeanes

Eastron hider to lande for, forðam he þohte his hired on

Winceastre to healdenne; ac he wearð þurh weder gelét oððet

Eastre æfen, þæt he up com ærost æt Arundel, and forþi his

hired æt Windlesoran heold.”

[1561] Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 37) makes a great deal more than

enough of this submission, when he says; “Super Walenses qui

contra eum surrexerant exercitum duxit, eosque post modicum

in deditionem suscipit, et pace undique potitus est.” But

this would doubtless be the impression of the moment.

[1562] Ib. “Cum jam multi sperarent, quod hæc pax servitio

Dei deberet militare, et attenti exspectarent aliquid magni

pro emendatione Christianitatis ex regis assensu

archiepiscopum promulgare.”

[1563] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Ecce spei hujus et

exspectationis turbatorias literas rex, a Gualis reversus,

archiepiscopo destinat, mandans in illis se pro militibus

quos in expeditionem suam miserat nullas ei nisi malas

gratias habere, eo quod nec convenienter, sicut aiebat,

instructi, nec ad bella fuerant pro negotii qualitate

idonei.”

[1564] See N. C. vol. v. p. 372.

[1565] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Præcepit ut paratus esset de

his, juxta judicium curiæ suæ, sibimet rectitudinem facere,

quandocumque sibi placeret inde eum appellare.”

[1566] Ib. “Licet jam olim sciverit se, eodem rege

superstite, in Anglia Christo non adeo fructificaturum.”

[1567] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Rogatus de subventione

Christianitatis, nonnumquam solebat respondere se propter

hostes quos infestos circumquaque habebat eo intendere non

valere.”

[1568] Ib. “Jam tunc illum pace potitum cogitaverat super

hac re convenire, et saltem ad consensum alicujus boni

fructus exsequendi quibus modis posset attrahendo delinire.”

[1569] Ib. “Quod ille dinoscens, et insuper cuncta regalis

curiæ judicia pendere ad nutum regis, nilque in ipsis nisi

solum velle illius considerari certissime sciens, indecens

æstimavit pro verbi calumnia placitantium more contendere,

et veritatis suæ causam curiali judicio, quod nulla lex,

nulla æquitas, nulla ratio, muniebat, examinandam

introducere.” As I understand this, he does not decline the

authority of the court; he simply determines to make no

defence, and to leave things to take their course.

How far did the court deserve the character which Eadmer

gives of it? At this stage of the constitution, we are met

at every step by the difficulty of distinguishing between

the greater _curia regis_, which was in truth the

Witenagemót, and the smaller _curia regis_ of the King’s

immediate officials and counsellors, the successor of the

_Theningmannagemót_ (see N. C. vol. v. pp. 423, 878).

Eadmer’s picture would, under Rufus, be true enough of the

smaller body. The event at Rockingham had shown that it was

not always true of the larger.

[1570] We read directly after (Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37) what

was expected to happen;――“ut culpæ addictus, aut ingentem

regi pecuniam penderet, aut ad implorandam misericordiam

ejus, caput amplius non levaturus, se totum impenderet.”

Anselm was determined to avoid the latter alternative.

[1571] “Causa discidii utique, non ex rei veritate producta,

sed ad omnem pro Deo loquendi aditum Anselmo intercludendum

malitiose composita.”

[1572] Ib. “Tacuit ergo, nec quicquam nuntio respondit,

reputans hoc genus mandati ad ea perturbationum genera

pertinere quæ jam olim sæpe sibi recordabatur illata, et

ideo hoc solum ut Deus talia sedaret supplici corde

precabatur.”

[1573] Ib. “Verebatur ne hæc Dei judicio sibi damno fierent,

si quibus modis posset eis obviare non intenderet.”

[1574] Ib. “Sed obviare sibi impossibile videbat, quod

totius regni principem aut ea facere aut eis favere

perspicuum erat. Visum itaque sibi est auctoritatem et

sententiam apostolicæ sedis super his oportere inquiri.” Yet

that he did design a last effort with the King, before he

said anything about the Pope, is plain by his actually

attempting it.

[1575] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Cum igitur in Pentecoste,

festivitatis gratia, regiæ curiæ se præsentasset, et modo

inter prandendum, modo alias quemadmodum opportunitas se

offerebat, statum animi regalis quis erga colendam æquitatem

esset studiose perquisisset, eumque qui olim fuerat omnimodo

reperisset, nihil spei de futura ipsius emendatione in eo

ultra remansit.”

[1576] Ib. “Peractis igitur festivioribus diebus, diversorum

negotiorum causæ in medium duci ex more cœperunt.” This

notice is important as showing us the order in which

business was done in these assemblies.

[1577] Ib. “Ut culpæ addictus aut ingentem regi pecuniam

penderet, aut ad implorandam misericordiam, ejus caput

amplius non levaturus, se totum impenderet.”

[1578] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 37. “Accersitis ad se quos volebat

de principibus regis, mandavit per eos regi se summa

necessitate constrictum velle, per licentiam ipsius, Romam

ire.”

[1579] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 38. “Potestas in manu sua est;

dicit quod sibi placet. At si modo non vult concedere,

concedet forsitan alia vice. Ego preces multiplicabo.”

[1580] Ib. “Insequenti mense Augusto cum de statu regni

acturus rex episcopos, abbates, et quosque regni proceres,

in unum præcepti sui sanctione egisset.”

[1581] Anselm made his petition, “dispositis his quæ

adunationis illorum causæ fuerant, dum quisque in sua

repedare sategisset.”

[1582] Ammianus, xxi. 18.

[1583] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 38. “Conturbat me, et

intelligentem non concedendum fore quod postulat, sua

graviter importunitate fatigat; quapropter jubeo ut amplius

ab hujusmodi precibus cesset, et qui me jam sæpe vexavit,

prout judicabitur mihi emendet.”

[1584] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 38. “Si iverit, pro certo noverit

quod totum archiepiscopatum in dominium meum redigam, nec

ilium pro archiepiscopo ultra recipiam.”

[1585] Ib. “Orta est ex his quædam magna tempestas diversis

diversæ parti acclamantibus.”

[1586] Ib. “Quidam permoti suaserunt in crastinum rem

differri, sperantes eam alio modo sedari.”

[1587] Ib. “Indubitanter sciens quod causa meæ salutis,

causa sanctæ Christianitatis, et vere causa sui honoris ac

profectus, si credere velit, ire dispono.”

[1588] Eadmer Hist. Nov. 38. “In hoc scilicet, ut, spreto

tanti pontificatus honore simul et utilitate, Romam petas,

non leve est credere quod stabilis maneas.”

[1589] Ib. “Si ita fideliter et districte vultis in mea

parte considerare atque tueri rectitudinem et justitiam Dei,

sicut in parte alterius perpenditis atque tuemini jura et

usus mortalis hominis.”

[1590] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 38. “Audiam sequarque consilium

quod mihi inde vestra fida Deo industria dabit.”

[1591] Ib. 39. “Domine pater, scimus te virum religiosum

esse ac sanctum, et in cælis conversationem tuam. Nos autem,

impediti consanguineis nostris quos sustentamus et

multiplicibus sæculi rebus quas amamus, fatemur, ad

sublimitatem vitæ tuæ surgere nequimus, nec huic mundo tecum

illudere.”

[1592] Ib. “Si volueris ad nos usque descendere, et qua

incedimus via nobiscum pergere.”

[1593] Ib. “Si te ad Deum solummodo quemadmodum cœpisti

tenere delegeris solus.”

[1594] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 38. “Bene dixistis, Ite ergo ad

dominum vestrum, ergo me tenebo ad Deum.”

[1595] Ib. “Unoquoque nostrum qui admodum pauci cum eo

remansimus ad imperium illius singulatim sedente, et Deum

pro digestione ipsius negotii interpellante.” There is

something strange in this last word.

[1596] We here get a climax; “Sæpe diversis eum querelis

exagitasti, exacerbasti, cruciasti.”

[1597] The wording is remarkable and subtle; “Cum tandem

post placitum quod totius regni adunatione contra te apud

Rockingeham habitum est, eum tibi sicut dominum tuum

reconciliari sapienter peteres; et, adjutus meritis et

precibus plurimorum pro te studiose intervenientium,

petitioni tuæ effectum obtineres.”

[1598] See above, p. 531.

[1599] Hist. Nov. 39. “Quibus opem credulus factus sperabat

se de cætero quietum fore.”

[1600] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 39. “Hanc pollicitationem, hanc

fidem, en tu patenter _egrederis_, dum Romam, non expectata

licentia ejus, te iturum minaris.”

[1601] Ib. “Tunc te ad judicium curiæ suæ præcepit sibi

emendare, quod de re in qua non eras certus te

perseveraturum, ausus fuisti eum totiens inquietare.”

[1602] Ib. “Dextram illius _ex more_ assedit.” Here is the

distinct mention of a custom which we have come across

before.

[1603] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 39. “Scio me spopondisse

consuetudines tuas, ipsas videlicet quas per rectitudinem et

secundum Deum in regno tuo possides, me secundum Deum

servaturum.”

[1604] Ib. “Cum rex et principes sui cæca mente objicerent,

ac jurisjurandi interjectione firmarent, nec Dei nec

rectitudinis in ipsa sponsione ullam mentionem factam

fuisse.”

[1605] Ib. 40. “Cum ad hæc illi summurmurantes contra virum

capita moverent, nec tamen quid certi viva voce proferrent.”

[1606] Ib. “Cum fides quæ fit homini per fidem Dei

roboretur, liquet quod eadem fides, si quando contraria

fidei Dei admittit, enervatur.”

[1607] Hist. Nov. 40. “Tunc rex et comes de Mellento

Robertus nomine, interrumpentes verba ejus, ‘O, O, dixerunt,

prædicatio est quod dicit, prædicatio est: non rei de qua

agitur ulla quæ recipienda sit a prudentibus ratio.’”

[1608] Ib. “Ipse inter ora perstrepentium, demisso vultu,

mitis sedebat, et clamores eorum quasi surda aure

despiciebat. Fatigatis autem eis a proprio strepitu,

sedatoque tumultu, Anselmus ad verba sua remeat.”

[1609] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 40. “His verbis præfatus comes

indignando suburgens, ait, Eia, eia, Petro et papæ te

præsentabis, et nos equidem non transibit quod scimus.” I

can only guess at the meaning of these last words.

[1610] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 40. “Ecce ibis. Veruntamen scias

dominum nostrum pati nolle te exeuntem quicquam de suis

tecum ferre.”

[1611] See above, p. 93.

[1612] Hist. Nov. 40. “In istis princeps pudore suffusus,

dictum suum non ita intellexisse se respondit.”

[1613] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 41. “Mox ille surgens, levata

dextra signum sanctæ crucis super regem ad hoc caput

humiliantem edidit, et abscessit, viri alacritatem rege cum

suis admirante.”

[1614] “Ubi sedes pontificalis, ubi totius regni caput est

atque primatus,” Eadmer takes care to add.

[1615] For the discourse we have to go to the Life, ii. 3.

30. It contains the remarkable passage which I referred to

in N. C. vol. iv. p. 52.

[1616] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 41. “In qua mora idem Willielmus,

cum patre intrans et exiens et in mensa illius quotidie

comedens, nihil de causa pro qua missus fuerat agere

volebat.”

[1617] Ib. “Patrem patriæ, primatem totius Britanniæ,

Willielmus ille, quasi fugitivum vel alicujus immanis

sceleris reum, in littore detinuit.”

[1618] Ib. “Ingenti plebis multitudine circumstante ac

nefarium opus, pro sui novitate, admirando spectante et

spectando exsecrante.”

[1619] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 41. “Irrita fieri omnia quæ per

ipsum mutata vel statuta fuisse probari poterant, ex quo

primo venerat in archiepiscopatum.”

[1620] See N. C. vol. v. p. 772.

[1621] Hist. Nov. 41. “Ut tribulationes quæ factæ sunt in

illo post mortem venerandæ memoriæ Lanfranci ante introitum

patris Anselmi parvipensæ sunt comparatione tribulationum

quæ factæ sunt his diebus.”

[1622] See N. C. vol. iv. p. 359.

[1623] Eadmer (Hist. Nov. 35) describes the new building as

“novum opus quod a majori turre in orientem tenditur,

quodque ipse pater Anselmus inchoasse dinoscitur.” Its

minute history must be studied in Gervase and Willis.

[1624] This was the time when Henry the First broke out into

the fit of devout swearing of which I spoke in N. C. vol. v.

p. 844; Ann. Osney, 1130; “Rex Henricus ecclesiam Christi

Cantuariensis nobiliter dedicari fecit, adeo ut, coruscante

luminaribus ecclesia, et singulis altaribus singulis

episcopis deputatis, cum simul omnes inciperent canticum

‘Terribilis est locus iste,’ et classicum mirabiliter

intonaret, rex illustris, præ lætitia se non capiens,

juramento per mortem Domini regio affirmaret vere terribilem

esse.”

[1625] See above, p. 516.

[1626] “Salvo ordine meo.” See Herbert of Bosham, iii. 24,

vol. iii. p. 273, Robertson.

[1627] The Archbishop enters the hall (“aula”), while the

King is in “cœnaculo seorsum” (Herbert, iii. 37, vol. iii.

p. 305). From pp. 307, 309 it appears that this _cœnaculum_

was simply a solar or upper chamber; “Universis quotquot

erant de cœnaculo ad domum inferiorem in qua nos eramus,

descendentibus.” William Fitz-Stephen (vol. iii. p. 57)

seems to speak of the hall as “camera;” cf. p. 50.

[1628] See above, p. 94.

[1629] Will. Fitz-Steph. 58, vol. iii. p. 67. “A comitibus

et baronibus suum exigit rex de archiepiscopo judicium.

Evocantur quidam vicecomites et secundæ dignitatis barones,

antiqui dierum, ut addantur eis et assint judicio.”

[1630] See above, p. 508.

[1631] The distinction between the Court of our Lord the

King in Parliament and the Court of the Lord High Steward is

most clearly brought out in Jardine’s Criminal Trials, i.

229. Lord Macaulay (iv. 153) is less accurate. He speaks of

the Court of our Lord the King in Parliament as one form of

the Court of the Lord High Steward. But in truth, the Court

of our Lord the King in Parliament is simply the Witan

sitting for a judicial purpose. The Lords alone sit, because

the Commons have never attained to a share in the judicial

functions of the Witan. The right to be tried before the

Witan thus sitting judicially is naturally confined to those

classes of persons who have kept or acquired the right to

the personal summons, that is, to the peers.

If it should be objected that this privilege does not now

extend to the spiritual peers, the reason is most likely to

be found in the fact that for some ages a bishop would not

be tried before any temporal court at all. When such trials

began again in the sixteenth century, the later notion of

peerage had grown up, and those peers whose holding was

still strictly official was looked on as in some measure

less fully peers than those whose peerage was “hereditary”

in the modern sense.

[1632] See N. C. vol. v. pp. 423, 878.

[1633] See above, p. 115.

[1634] See N. C. vol. v. p. 145.

[1635] See the decree of the Council, Hist. Nov. 53.

[1636] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 42. We are told that the Duke,

“succensus amore pecuniæ quam copiosam illum ferre rumor

disperserat, proponit animo eam ipsi auferre.” But there is

really nothing in what Odo is said to have done which

implies any such bad purpose. Perhaps Eadmer judged him

uncharitably.

[1637] See Historical Essays, Third Series, p. 20. On my

last visit to Rome (1881) I found the apse of Saint John

Lateran destroyed, not by Huns or Turks, but by its own

chapter, with the approval, it is said, of its present and

late bishops. I believe there is some pretence of enlarging

the church, and of replacing the mosaics in a new apse.

[1638] Eadmer, Vit. Ans. ii. 5. 48. “Angli illis temporibus

Romam venientes, pedes ejus ad instar pedum Romani

pontificis sua oblatione honorare desiderabant. Quibus ille

nequaquam acquiescens, in secretiorem domus partem fugiebat,

et eos pro tali re nullo patiebatur ad se pacto accedere.”

[1639] Hist. Nov. 49. “Hinc etiam erat quod non facile a

quoquam Romæ simpliciter homo vel archiepiscopus, sed quasi

proprio nomine sanctus homo vocabatur.”

[1640] Eadmer brings this out with all vividness, Hist. Nov.

49; “Sedebat enim idem pater in ordine cæterorum inter

primos concilii patres, et ego ad pedes ejus.” Then the Pope

calls him, “Pater et magister Anselme, Anglorum

archiepiscope, ubi es?”

[1641] The whole story is charmingly told by Eadmer, Hist.

Nov. 50. His picture of himself and his curiosity in the new

world which is opened to him is delightful. So is his joy

when he sees the cope of which he has so often heard and

shows it to Anselm; “Cum, ut dixi, concilio præsens

antistitem Beneventanum, cappa reliquis præstante ornatum,

viderem, et eam ex his quæ olim audieram optime nossem, non

modice lætatus et cappam et verba mihi puero ex inde dicta

patri Anselmo ostendi.”

[1642] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 51. Some one, seemingly the Lady

herself, requires that he shall swear “super corpus

Dominicum et super sanctorum reliquias quas ei proponam

jurejurando reliquias de quibus agitur veraciter esse de

corpore beati apostoli Bartholomæi, et id remota omni

æquivocatione atque sophismate.” The Archbishop was quite

ready to swear.

[1643] Ib. “Inter alia mutuæ dilectionis colloquia cœpi de

eadem cappa loqui, et unde illam haberet quasi nescius

interrogavi.”

[1644] The story is told in the Annales Capituli

Cracoviensis (Pertz, xix. 588), 1079, and more briefly in

other annals in the same volume.

[1645] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 43.

[1646] Ib. “Ipse rex faciebat quædam quæ facienda non

videbantur de ecclesiis, quas post obitum prælatorum aliter

quam oporteret tractabat.”

[1647] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 43. “Legem Dei et canonicas et

apostolicas auctoritates voluntariis consuetudinibus obrui

videbam. De his omnibus cum loquebar, nihil efficiebam, et

non tam simplex rectitudo quam voluntariæ consuetudines

obtendebantur.”

[1648] He gives among his reasons, “Nec de his placitare

poteram; nullus enim aut consilium aut auxilium mihi ad hæc

audebat dare.”

[1649] Ib. 45. “Scribit literas Willielmo regi Angliæ, in

quibus ut res Anselmi liberas in regno suo faceret, et de

suis omnibus illum revestiret, movet, hortatur, _imperat_.”

[1650] Ib. 51. “Susceptis quidem quoquo modo literis papæ,

literas Anselmi nullo voluisse pacto suscipere, imo, cognito

illum [nuntium] esse hominem ejus, jurasse per vultum Dei

quia, si festine terram suam non exiret, sine retractatione

oculos ei erui faceret.”

[1651] See above, p. 526.

[1652] Chron. Petrib. 1097. We shall come to his crossing

and returning in another chapter.

[1653] Ib. 1099.

[1654] See above, p. 162.

[1655] See above, p. 155.

[1656] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 45. “Ducit eum [abbas] in villam

suam _Sclaviam_ nomine, quæ in montis altitudine sita, sano

jugiter aere conversantibus illic habilis exstat.”

[1657] See Historical Essays, Second Series, p. 357, ed. 2;

Arnold, Hist. Rome, ii. 365.

[1658] Vita Anselmi, ii. 4. 43.

[1659] We shall come to this in another chapter.

[1660] The reception of Anselm by Duke Roger is described by

Eadmer in both his works (Hist. Nov. 46, and in the Life,

ii. 5. 45). The plots of William Rufus come from William of

Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 98); “Adeo ut Rogerus dux Apuliæ,

apud quem rex Angliæ illum litteris insimulandum curaverat,

spretis neniis, longe aliter sententiam suam in viri honorem

transferret.”

[1661] There is something rather singular in the picture of

the Pope and Anselm dwelling in the camp of the besiegers

(Hist. Nov. 46); “Plures exhinc dies in obsidione fecimus,

remoti in tentoriis a frequentia et tumultu perstrepentis

exercitus…. Sicque donec civitas in deditionem transiit,

obsidio illius dominum papam et Anselmum vicinos habuit, ita

ut familia illorum magis videretur una quam duæ.” This is

one of several passages in which Anselm and others seem to

take a state of war for granted. There is no protest, no

pleading of any kind, on behalf of the besieged city. There

are some remarks of M. de Rémusat (Saint Anselme, p. 362) on

this subject, with regard to the correspondence between

Henry and Anselm after the battle of Tinchebrai. But in this

last case the victory of Henry was surely a gain to

humanity. In the Life Eadmer gives some curious details of

their life in the camp, and of a remarkable escape of

Anselm.

[1662] Eadmer seems to take a certain pleasure in little

hits against Urban, which his conduct presently made not

wholly undeserved. Thus, in Hist. Nov. 46, he points out how

the Pope came to the camp “ingenti sæcularis gloriæ pompa.”

So now in the Life (ii. 5. 46) he contrasts the demeanour of

Urban with that of Anselm at some length, and ends, “Multi

ergo, quos timor prohibebat ad papam accedere, festinabant

ad Anselmum venire, amore ducti qui nescit timere. Majestas

etenim papæ solos admittebat divites, humanitas Anselmi sine

personarum acceptione suscipiebat omnes.”

[1663] Vita, ii. 5. 46. “Et quos omnes? Paganos etiam, ut de

Christianis taceam.” Eadmer then goes on to speak at some

length of the Saracens brought over by Count Roger, whom he

pointedly speaks of as the man of his nephew; “Homo ducis

Rogerus, comes de Sicilia.” We read how Anselm received and

entertained many of the Mussulmans, and how, when he passed

through their camp, “ingens multitudo eorum elevatis ad

cælum manibus ei prospera imprecarentur, et osculatis pro

ritu suo manibus propriis necne coram eo genibus flexis, pro

sua eum benigna largitate grates agendo venerarentur.”

[1664] Vita, ii. 5. 46. “Quorum etiam plurimi, velut

comperimus, se libenter ejus doctrinæ instruendos

submisissent, ac Christianæ fidei jugo sua per eum colla

injecissent, si credulitatem [crudelitatem?] comitis sui per

hoc in se sævituram non formidassent. Nam revera nullum

eorum pati volebat Christianum impune fieri.” He adds the

comment; “Quod qua industria, ut ita dicam, faciebat nihil

mea interest; viderit Deus et ipse.”

[1665] Anselm’s motives are set forth at length in Hist.

Nov. 46. One reason is that his teaching was so much more

listened to on the continent than it was in England. The

stories of William’s evil doings are brought in at this

point.

[1666] A debate on this head, in rather long speeches

between Urban and Anselm, is given in Hist. Nov. 48. The

main doctrine stands thus; “Si propter tyrannidem principis,

qui nunc ibi dominatur, in terram illam redire non

permitteris, jure tamen Christianitatis semper illius

archiepiscopus esto, potestatem ligandi atque solvendi super

eam dum vixeris obtinens.”

[1667] Ib. “Et insignibus pontificalibus more summi

pontificis utens ubicunque fueris.”

[1668] He again describes his whole struggle between the two

duties, how he believed that he could reconcile both, how

others told him that he could not, and he asks, “Et ego,

pater, inter tales quid facerem?”

[1669] Ib. 49. “De ipso rege Anglico suisque et sui

similibus qui contra libertatem ecclesiæ Dei se erexerunt.”

[1670] See above, p. 608.

[1671] Hist. Nov. 51. “Si causam quæris, hæc est. Quando de

terra sua discedere voluit, aperte minatus est se illo

discedente totum archiepiscopatum in dominium suum

accepturum. Quoniam igitur, nec his minis constrictus, quin

exiret omittere noluit, juste se putat fecisse quod fecit et

injuria reprehendi.”

[1672] Ib. 52. “Quis unquam audivit talia? pro hoc solo

primatem regni suis omnibus spoliavit, quia ne sanctam

matrem ecclesiam omnium Romanam visitaret omittere noluit?…

Et pro tali responso mirabilis homo huc te fatigasti?”

[1673] Ib. “Certissime noverit se in eodem concilio

damnationis sententia puniri quam promeruit.”

[1674] Chron. Petrib. 1123.

[1675] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 52. “Priusquam abeam, tecum

secretius agam.”

[1676] Ib. “Prudenter operam dando hos et illos suæ causæ

fautores efficere, ac, ut domini sui voluntati satisfaceret,

munera quibus ea cordi esse animadvertebat dispertiendo et

pollicendo parvi habere. Deductus ergo a sententia Romanus

pontifex est.” William of Malmesbury (Gest. Pont. 101) is

still more distinct on this head; “Arte qua peritus erat

negotium conficiens, singulos ambiendo, muneribus et

pollicitationibus, regi terminum ad festum sancti Michahelis

obtinuit. Cunctatus est multum ad id concedendum Urbanus,

quod luctarentur in ejus animo Anselmi religio et munerum

oblatio; sed prævaluit tandem pecunia. Itaque omnia superat,

omnia deprimit nummus. Indignum factum ut pectori tanti

viri, Urbani dico, vilesceret famæ cura, Dei respectus

cederet, et pecunia justitiam præverteret.”

[1677] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 52. “Quod videntes vane nos ibi

consilium, nihil auxilium operiri intelleximus.”

[1678] Will. Malms. Gest. Pont. 102. “Visum est ergo Anselmo

circa tam venalem hominem expectationem non perdere, sed

Lugdunum remeare. Sed enim licentiam impetrare non potuit,

retinente papa, ut invidiam facti aliquo levaret solatio.”

[1679] Hist. Nov. 53. “His dictis, virgam pastoralem quam

manu tenebat tertio pavimento illisit, indignationem

spiritus sui, compressis exploso murmure labiis et dentibus,

palam cunctis ostendens.”

[1680] Ib. “Oppido miratus est, sciens se nec homini de re

locutum fuisse, nec a se vel ullo suorum, ut talia diceret,

processisse.” A little characteristic touch follows;

“Sedebat ergo uti solebat, silenter auscultans.”

[1681] See above, p. 606.

[1682] Hist. Nov. 53. “Nil judicii vel subventionis,

præterquam quod diximus, per Romanum præsulem nacti.”

[1683] Eadmer, Hist. Nov. 54. “Dei odium habeat qui inde

curat.”

[1684] Ib. “Ego interim libertate potitus agam quod libet.”

END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

Transcriber’s Note

Words and phrases in italics are surrounded by underscores, _like

this_. Footnotes were renumbered sequentially and were moved to the

end of the book. There are two anchors to Footnote [1486].

Obvious printing errors, such as backwards, upside down, or partially

printed letters and punctuation, were corrected. Final stops missing

at the end of sentences and abbreviations were added. Duplicate

letters at line endings or page breaks were removed. Letters with

diacriticals not available in UTF-8 are displayed within brackets,

like this: [~s]. Elipses were standardized as … .

Sidenotes were moved to the beginning of the paragraph to which they

pertain. Some sidenotes are separated into multiple parts; these can

be identified by lack of a stop at the end of the first part, and lack

of capital letter at the beginning of the following part.

Words and phrases in Greek are followed by transliteration within

brackets. Appendices referenced in this volume are found in Volume 2.

Obsolete words, spelling variations, inconsistent hyphenation, and

misspelled words were not changed.

The following additional items were changed:

Replaced hyphen with space: lay folk.

Changed December 35 to December 25 in the Contents.

Added space in ‘u. s.’ to several footnote references for consistency.