1561 AND 1562.
[Sidenote: Sussex returns and invades Ulster.]
Sussex landed on June 2, and advanced within three weeks to Armagh, where
he fortified the cathedral and posted a well-provided garrison of 200
men. Shane could do nothing in the field, but withdrew with his cattle to
the border of Tyrconnel. Calvagh O'Donnell was hurried about from one
lake-dwelling to another; and Hutchinson, the confidential agent of
Sussex in Scotland and Ulster, retired to Dublin in despair. Believing
that the possession of Armagh would give him an advantage in negotiation,
Sussex made overtures through the Baron of Slane; but O'Neill refused to
come near him until he had seen the Queen, who had given his messenger a
superlatively gracious answer. In the meantime he demanded withdrawal of
the garrison, maintaining that the war was unjust and unprovoked. He had
not, he said, libelled the Lord-Lieutenant, and had he done so he would
have scorned to deny his authorship. He professed great readiness to go
to London, but repeated that money was necessary, and laid upon the
Viceroy the whole responsibility of nullifying the Queen's good
intentions. In future, he grandly declared, he would communicate only
with head-quarters, and he hoped that her Majesty would support his
efforts to civilise his wild country. He was not such a fool as to put
himself in the power of an Irish Government, and he gave a long list of
Irishmen who had suffered torture or death through their reliance on
official promises. Sussex replied that the money was ready for Shane if
he would come for it before the campaign began, and he issued a
proclamation calling on the O'Neills to support the young heir to the
Earldom of Tyrone. Shane merely warned the Baron of Slane to look out
for something unpleasant; for Earl of Ulster he intended to be. That
great dignity had long been merged in the Crown, and the Baron could
hardly fail to see what Shane was aiming at.[27]
[Sidenote: Shane surprises the Viceregal army.]
When all was ready the army encamped near Armagh, which it was proposed
to make a store-house for plunder. Five hundred cows and many horses were
taken in a raid northwards; but the Blackwater was flooded, and nothing
more could be done for several days. Not to be quite idle, Sussex sent
Ormonde to Shane, who offered worthless hostages for his prompt departure
to England, but refused to give up O'Donnell. An attempt was then made
against some cattle which were discovered on the borders of Macmahon's
country. In compliance with a recognised Irish custom, Macmahon was
probably obliged to support a certain number of his powerful neighbour's
stock. Sir George Stanley, with Fitzwilliam and Wingfield, went on this
service with 200 horse, seven companies and a half of English foot, 200
gallowglasses, 100 Scots, and all the kerne in camp. Ormonde was ill, and
Sussex in an evil hour, as he himself says, stayed to keep him company.
The cattle were driven off, and no enemy appeared. On their return Shane
overtook the troops with twelve horse, 300 Scots, and 200 gallowglasses.
Wingfield, who commanded the rear guard of infantry, allowed himself to
be surprised, and for a time all was confusion. The column was long, and
some time passed before Stanley and Fitzwilliam knew what had happened.
They at once attacked the Irish in flank, and Shane in turn suffered some
loss; indeed, the annalists say, with a fine rhetorical vagueness, that
countless numbers were slain on both sides. But the cattle, the original
cause of the expedition, were not brought into Armagh. The moral effect
of the check was disastrous, and Sussex, though he put the best face on
the matter when writing to Elizabeth, exaggerating Shane's losses and
making light of his own, did not conceal the truth from Cecil. 'By the
cowardice of some,' he wrote, 'all were like to have been lost, and by
the worthiness of two men all was restored.' Wingfield was chiefly
blamed, but the Lord-Lieutenant bitterly reproached himself for remaining
behind when so large a force was in the field. Fifty of his best men were
killed and fifty wounded, and it was impossible to take that prompt
revenge which alone can restore the reputation of an army when defeated
in a hostile country by a barbarian enemy. 'This last July,' said the
unhappy Viceroy, 'having spent our victuals at Armagh, we do return to
the Newry to conduct a new mass of victuals to Armagh.'[28]
[Sidenote: Anger of the Queen.]
When Cecil heard the evil tidings he says himself that he was so appalled
that he had much ado to hide his grief, the rather that Lord Pembroke
being away there was no one with whom he could share it. To the Queen he
spoke as lightly as he could of a little bickering in which Shane had the
greater loss, which to the letter was true. For the benefit of the
general public Cecil gave out that Shane had been overthrown with the
loss of two or three captains. Privately he urged Sussex to use strong
measures with those who had shown cowardice. But it was seldom possible
to hide the truth from Elizabeth, and she soon knew all. She gave orders
that Wingfield should be deprived of all his offices, and dismissed her
service with ignominy. But the wrath of Sussex soon cooled, or perhaps
his conscience made him generous. It was discovered that Wingfield's
patent as Master of the Ordnance could not be voided, because he had
acted only as a simple captain. His services among the O'Byrnes were
remembered, and both Sussex and Ormonde interceded for him. At his own
urgent request he was summoned to Court, when he probably succeeded in
rebutting the charge of actual cowardice, and he remained Master of the
Ordnance till his death in 1587.[29]
[Sidenote: Shane again proposes to go to the Queen.]
Having driven the English out of his country, Shane O'Neill proposed to
treat with Ormonde, no doubt with the deliberate intention of insulting
Sussex. To Ormonde accordingly he sent his messenger, Neal Gray, with
power to make terms. Shane was ready to go to the Queen, and to repair
the church at Armagh. But he would not make peace while the soldiers
remained there, and he declared that no one in his senses would believe
in the peace while such a sign of war remained. To show his own idea of
peace and friendship he asked Sussex to be his gossip, and to give him
his sister's hand. The Lord-Lieutenant declined to withdraw the garrison
until the Queen's pleasure should be known. Fitzwilliam had gone to her,
and Ormonde, knowing that nothing would be done till his return, had gone
home. If Shane hurt any of his neighbours in the meantime, he was warned
that he could never hope to see the Queen's face. Sussex marvelled at the
constant changes in Shane's answers. 'O'Neill desired me to procure the
Queen's pardon and protection, for the which at his request we have
already sent Mr. Treasurer, and now he desireth to send his own
messengers, whereby it seemeth he should seek delays, for that his
messengers cannot go and return with such speed as Mr. Treasurer will do.
And we know not to what other purpose he should send his messenger
thither. Therefore we will him to send us word by writing directly
whether he will go to the Queen's Majesty, according his oath taken, if
Mr. Treasurer bring him the Queen's pardon and protection.' To this Shane
haughtily answered that he would make no peace with any of his vassals
(urraghs) but at his own time and in his own way, and that he would
receive neither pardon nor protection from the Queen unless they were
delivered to his own messenger. In his natural anger at such an answer,
Sussex called loudly for strong measures: 'if Shane be overthrown, all is
settled; if Shane settle, all is overthrown.' It was no fault of his that
the arch-rebel would not go to the Queen. Indeed, it was well known that
Kildare had first advised that step to gain time, and then prevented its
being taken for the same reason.[30]
[Sidenote: Renewed preparations.]
Fitzwilliam was instructed to ask for an immediate aid of 200 men, and
3,000_l._ The men were ordered from Berwick, and 2,000_l._ of the money
was sent. Transports were pressed upon the Lancashire coast, and the
Queen wrote in her best style to encourage Sussex. His ill success, she
was sure, had come from no want of goodwill, and the chances of war were
to be borne patiently; but she marvelled that the General had not
punished those who showed cowardice. Traitors and cowards were to be sent
to gaol without favour or affection. The Queen impressed the value of
patience upon Sussex, her own principle being rather to recover the
subject by persuasion than force. She was willing to give Ormonde a
reasonable sum for Shane's expenses, leaving the question of security to
Sussex. She would not withdraw the garrison, but would undertake that it
should molest no one except notorious traitors proclaimed before last
March. In the meantime Sussex was to prepare for war by discharging
unserviceable men, and by withholding the pay of runaways. The
Lord-Lieutenant was required to forget his private dislike to Kildare,
and to work with him loyally for the good of the service.[31]
[Sidenote: Sussex proposes to have Shane O'Neill killed.]
Stung by failure, and fearing to be outwitted after all, Sussex now
devised a safer and surer method than either war or diplomacy. There had
perhaps already been one attempt to stab O'Neill, which he attributed to
Sussex; but we are not bound to believe this, for a chief who punished
unsuccessful agents by torturing them and slitting their ears was not
likely to gain much affection. Neill Gray now declared that he was ready
to serve the Queen, if Sussex would write to her on his behalf. The
nature of the service required was not such as could be publicly avowed,
and Gray swore on the Bible to keep it secret, on pain of death, if it
became known during the continuance of the Earl's government. 'For the
benefit of his country and his own assurance,' he agreed to do whatever
Sussex wished, and 'in fine I brake with him to kill Shane, and bound
myself by my oath to see him have 100 marks of land by the year to him
and his heirs for his reward. He seemed desirous to serve your Highness,
and to have the land, but fearful to do it, doubting his own escape
after. I told him the way how he might do it, and how to escape after
with safety;' and at last Gray promised to do it if he saw a prospect of
security. Sussex assured the Queen that his accomplice might do it
without danger if he chose, 'and if he will not do what he may in your
service, there will be done to him what others may. God send your
Highness a good end.' To hire a man to murder your enemy, and to
determine to murder that hireling in the event of failure, are hardly
matters deserving of divine favour, and it is deeply to be regretted that
no letter is extant from Elizabeth expressing horror at the scheme. Such
a letter may nevertheless have been written, for it would have been the
interest of Sussex to destroy all evidence of the contemplated crime. On
the same day that the Lord-Lieutenant attempted to make his sovereign an
accessory before the fact, he informed her of the way in which he had
received Shane's matrimonial proposal. 'I told him he should at his
coming find my sister at the Court, and if I liked the other, I would
further it as much as I could.' The treachery of Judas was hardly more
dramatically complete. It must not, however, be forgotten that Shane was
a proclaimed traitor, and that the political morality of the day was very
different from ours. Sussex may have thought he was doing little more
than putting a price upon an outlaw's head.[32]
[Sidenote: General disaffection.]
Nothing came of the plot; but Neill Gray was too deeply implicated to
venture on a double treason, and the Lord-Lieutenant's secret was kept.
But 'slanderous bruits' against him were rife on other accounts; for the
feeling on the border was in Shane's favour, and there was a general
hesitation about putting him down effectually. It was said that Sussex
would be superseded, and the date of his intended departure was named
positively. The hundred tongues of rumour were busy in giving the sword
to one man to-day and to another to-morrow. Everything was believed but
the truth, and as a natural consequence orders were badly obeyed. Sussex
urged strongly that the campaign must be prosecuted, or that everything
must be left to Shane, who claimed jurisdiction over all inhabitants of
the northern province, including those who held direct of the Queen, and
had never been subject to any O'Neill. 'So as we see, Ulster is the scope
he challengeth,' and if he once gained that there was no reason why he
should not shoot even higher. Amid the general disaffection Sussex was
afraid to carry out the Queen's orders about punishing Wingfield and the
other delinquents in the affair of July, when, as common report affirmed,
the army was overthrown with small loss to Shane.[33]
[Sidenote: Sussex again takes the field.]
With a heavy heart the Lord-Lieutenant led an unusually large force to
Armagh. The magnitude of the effort may be estimated from the fact that
four out of the five earls then in Ireland took part in the expedition,
Thomond and Clanricarde being left to defend the principal camp, eight
miles north of Dundalk. From Armagh Sussex made a rapid march across
Slieve Gullion to the head of Glenconkein, a wild forest tract near the
southern boundary of what is now the county of Londonderry. No resistance
was offered, and 4,000 head of cattle, with many ponies and stud mares,
were driven back, 'so that they might see them who would otherwise have
been hard of belief.' Knowing by experience how hard it was to progress
when thus encumbered, the Lord-Lieutenant ordered all the beasts to be
slaughtered, except a few which were kept for provisions. All the country
between Armagh and the mountains was destroyed, and the army then
proceeded to Omagh, and thence to Lough Foyle, where Con O'Donnell and
others were expected to appear, and where a victualling fleet was
supposed to be in waiting. But the ill fortune which attended Sussex in
Ireland did not desert him here. The ships, which had been forty days at
sea, were not to be seen, and the Earl, having had the poor satisfaction
of seeing Lough Foyle, returned to Newry with 500 cows which he picked up
on the march. 'Man,' he said, 'by his policy doth propose, and God at His
will doth dispose.' Con O'Donnell and Maguire, who were already well
affected, had been sworn to continue so; but no general confederacy had
been formed against Shane, and the impotence of the military
administration had been demonstrated once more. Yet Sussex thought
himself justified in saying that the credit of the army had been
restored, though no enemy had been seen, because Shane had lost 5,000
cows, and had been forced to fly from wood to wood. The cunning chief was
only waiting till the transient effort of civilisation was exhausted, and
he soon attacked Meath, in fulfilment of his promise to Lord Slane. Some
villages were burned, and Sir James Garland, a gentleman of importance
who had ventured to stray from his armed company, was taken prisoner. A
brother of Macmahon was with Shane, and we are told that 1,000 cows were
taken from his tribe in revenge; but the result of all the operations was
to prove that Sussex could neither conquer Ulster nor even defend the
Pale.[34]
[Sidenote: Kildare makes a truce with Shane.]
When Shane was returning practically victorious to Tyrone, Kildare
brought a letter authorising him to treat and coax O'Neill to visit
England. Fitzwilliam had already brought a conditional pardon. Sussex was
ordered to co-operate cordially with the Earl, who lost no time in
seeking a meeting with Shane. Accompanied by Lords Baltinglass, Slane,
and Louth, he came to Carrickbradagh, the usual place of meeting; but
Shane was in bad humour, and would listen to nothing. Next day he proved
more amenable, and the conversation resulted in his making a written
offer of terms, to which Kildare agreed with a readiness for which he was
afterwards blamed. The arrangement was generally condemned in official
circles, and was, with difficulty, accepted by the Lord-Lieutenant and
Council. Yielding everything and suggesting nothing, it was said that
Kildare had shown no regard for the Queen's honour, taken no pains to
fight her battle, and consented to abandon Armagh, for the retention of
which he should have held out to the last. The Earl merely answered that
the thing was done and could not be undone, and he had certainly full
power to treat.[35]
[Sidenote: Arrangement for Shane's visit to England.]
It was agreed that Kildare and Ormonde should meet Shane, and remain in
his company till he came to the Queen's presence. His passport to go and
return safely was to be signed by the five Irish Earls, who were to
undertake for the safety of his dependents in his absence. Kildare in
particular undertook that the soldiers of Armagh, upon whose immediate
withdrawal Shane did not insist, should do no harm until after the
appointed meeting. A sum of money was to be advanced by Ormonde and
Kildare, and paid through the latter. No Irishman owing Shane allegiance
was to be maintained against him, and if such a person drove his cattle
into the Pale it was to be restored. In return he was to go to the Queen,
giving the very hostages which had been before rejected, and to forbear
taking vengeance on Maguire and others. Shane refused any alteration in
these terms; what he had written he had written. It was retorted that
'seeing he would put no more in writing than was in writing already, he
should look for the performance of all things written and of nothing
else.' Shane's own terms were granted, but there was little goodwill or
sincerity on either side.[36]
[Sidenote: Shane sails for England, 1561,]
Having practically humiliated the Lord-Lieutenant, Kildare had enough
address to give the Queen the appearance of a diplomatic triumph. It had
been agreed that the garrison should be withdrawn from Armagh, but the
Earl persuaded Shane that by not insisting strictly on this article he
would put her Majesty in good humour and make her favourable to his
suits. After expressing some indignation that any attempt should be made
to vary the written letter, Shane was at last graciously pleased to
humour the Queen, 'but as to th'erle of Sussex he would not molefye one
yoote of his agrements; and hereupon sent his man the garison to
remaynge.' Five hundred pounds were paid over to Shane before starting,
1,000_l._ awaited him at Chester, and a second 500_l._ in London.
[Sidenote: visiting Sussex on the way.]
Shane came to Dublin and waited upon Sussex, who received him graciously;
but this outward politeness scarcely concealed the real feelings of the
two men. Shane perhaps feared that the Lord-Lieutenant, who now had him
in his power, might after all send him over as a prisoner. For the same
reason an encouraging letter from Mary Stuart, which only reached him in
Dublin, had not the desired effect of preventing his journey. And thus,
accompanied by Kildare and Ormonde, without whose escort he had
positively refused to stir, and with a train suitable to his pretensions,
the uncrowned monarch of Ulster took ship to visit that great princess
whose authority even he was ready to acknowledge, upon the sole condition
that she should never exercise it. Shane afterwards complained that he
was treated as a prisoner on the journey, and that Sussex had charged the
Earls on their allegiance to secure him by handcuffs.[37]
[Sidenote: Unpopularity of English rule.]
Sussex did not conceal from the Queen his mortification at the treaty
which he had been obliged to sign, at the powers given to Kildare, and at
the abandonment of the campaign, from which so much had been hoped, and
for which such great preparations had been made. Her Majesty's letters
had contained expressions of disgust which not only reflected on himself,
but discredited the whole English interest of which he was the head, and
he bitterly resented the small thanks given him for five years of arduous
service. 'Our nation in this realm,' he said, 'is likened to the French
in Scotland. We be railed on at tables with terms not sufferable. The
people be incensed to wax mad, and this is hoped to be the jubilee year.'
He complained that the Queen's Irish policy was as useless and
unprogressive as Penelope's web, woven by one governor only to be picked
to pieces by the next. It would be for the Queen's honour either to
support her representative cordially, or to recall him honourably and
employ him in some other place, 'where I can do her better service than I
can now do here.' These criticisms were well deserved. The peace with
Shane was of Elizabeth's own making, and yet, with that want of
generosity which she sometimes showed, she tried to make out that its
terms were not sufficiently favourable to her. Sussex showed conclusively
that he had done the best thing possible under the circumstances which
the Queen had thought proper to create.[38]
[Sidenote: Shane O'Neill at Court, 1562.]
No sooner was Shane gone than Sussex obtained leave to follow him. The
Government was left to Fitzwilliam, whose expenses were to be borne out
of the pay and allowances of the absent Lord-Lieutenant, and who was
directed to give all possible help to Brian O'Neill. It was perhaps
thought profound policy to support the boy's claim to the Earldom of
Tyrone while the real chief of Ulster was out of the way. Sussex rightly
observed that if the Queen wished to support the young Earl she could
best do so by treating Shane coldly at first, and by keeping him at arm's
length till he himself arrived. This advice, which was not only sound in
itself but calculated to restore the credit of Sussex in Ireland, came
too late to be of much use; for Kildare had already presented Shane to
the Queen. The bare rough heads of his gallowglasses, who did not lay
aside their axes, their long curls, their wide-sleeved saffron shirts,
their short tunics, and their shaggy cloaks of fur or frieze, which in
Ireland covered a multitude of sins, made Englishmen stare; not less,
says Camden, than they now stare at Chinamen or American Indians. The
Ambassadors of Sweden and Savoy were present, and doubtless shared in the
general astonishment created by her Majesty's distinguished subject.
Shane prostrated himself before the Queen, and then on his knees
'confessed his rebellion with howling,' and made his submission in Irish,
which few or none could understand. The language was perhaps less humble
than the posture. But Cecil was not to be put off thus; the supposed
meaning of the speech was engrossed in English, and two days afterwards
was signed and sealed by Shane. 'For lack of education and civility,' he
is made to say, 'I have offended.' He thanked the Queen for his pardon,
promised to deserve well for the future, begged her favour for the
gentlemen of his company, his kinsmen and friends, and admitted in
writing that he had done homage on his knees to Elizabeth as Queen of
England, France, and Ireland. Shane's pretensions were so extraordinary
that the courtiers exercised their wit in inventing a style for him, and
they dubbed him 'O'Neill the great, cousin to St. Patrick, friend to the
Queen of England, enemy to all the world besides.'[39]
[Sidenote: Negotiations with Shane in England.]
Sussex received a copy of Shane's submission at Holyhead, forwarded it to
Fitzwilliam, and then went on to London; a journey which bad weather and
bad roads extended to about ten days. On his arrival he had to defend
himself against those who had tied his hands by the commission to
Kildare, and who now blamed him for not using them more vigorously
against Shane. He showed very conclusively that he had done his best
under the circumstances, and threw the blame on the Irish Earl, who was
entirely responsible for the terms of the treaty. Either Kildare made
good his case, or it was not thought prudent to follow the matter up
closely; for there seems no reason to suppose that he was censured. With
the help of Sussex, Cecil immediately set himself to discover the points
on which Shane differed from the Government. Written interrogatories were
drawn up and answered by Shane; and then the Lord-Lieutenant replied. The
nature of the controversy will be best understood from an abstract of the
papers, which bring out very clearly how entirely different were the
English and Irish points of view.
[Sidenote: Interrogatories administered.]
1. What petitions did Shane intend to make to the Queen when he first
proposed to come over?
_A._ To acknowledge my duty, to become known to her Highness as a
protection against unjust Governors, and to become civilised by the sight
of her Majesty's nobility.
_R._ The implied accusation is too vague.
2. Shane has been profuse in offering his services--what are they?
_A._ To help the Governor in preventing foreign enemies from landing in
the North. Sussex has brought in the Redshanks 'to the great danger of
the Crown of Ireland.' Their lands should be restored to loyal subjects
such as me, O'Neill, and my friends.
_R._ Judging from Shane's antecedents, is he likely to perform such a
promise?
3. Why should not the Baron's son be Earl according to his patent?
_A._ That Kelly was born in wedlock and reputed the son of John Kelly and
Alison his wife until sixteen. He was adopted by my father 'contrary to
all order of law and to the old proverb "who bulleth my cow the calf is
mine."' Matthew Kelly was then a trader in Dundalk called 'Matthew the
seller of salt.' My father rechristened Matthew, 'Ferdoragh,' who then
tried to usurp the headship of the O'Neills. Even if I were out of the
way there are one hundred of my name who would not allow Matthew's
pretensions.
Any patent must be void, for Con had no estate in the country, which was
held only by consent of the Lords and inhabitants.
By the law of the Pale no letters patent took effect without inquisition,
which could not be held in Tyrone because it was no shire. If 'the
Queen's law' is to prevail, then I am heir-at-law.
_R._ The Baron's son claims by letters patent, not by legitimation, and
the freeholders were consenting parties. Shane's Pale law is 'used in
shire-ground and not in the Irishry, where the Prince holdeth by
conquest, and ever hath done, and the breach thereof overthrows all the
new Earls' states in Ireland.'
4. How he proves his title to be O'Neill, having never been admitted by
the sovereign?
_A._ In Tyrone and most Irish countries the people assemble on the death
of a chief and choose 'the most ablest and the worthiest of the headmen.'
Shane was so elected without the usual contest. His ancestors never used
to be confirmed by the Crown, 'yet none the less do I mean to be as good
and true a subject as though any such confirmation were had in that
behalf.'
_R._ The eldest is not accounted the worthiest, but the strongest. Shane
forced the country to elect him. There are many precedents for the
admission of captains of countries by letters patent, and the practice
should of right be universal.
5. What authority and jurisdiction does Shane claim by virtue of tribal
election?
_A._ What my ancestors have always claimed and no more. Most of them have
held the pre-eminence by indenture, and the old men of the country will
not deny the extent of the jurisdiction.
_R._ The claim is bad, and more particulars are required.
[Sidenote: Shane's 'Urraghs,' according to himself.]
6. What countries doth Shane claim to rule thereby?
_A._ Magennis, MacMahon, Maguire, O'Kane, O'Hanlon, MacCartane, Dufferin,
the Savages, and many O'Neills are under my rule. Clandeboye and the
Rowte should belong to me, 'which the Scot engageth by the means
aforesaid.' I have also ancient rights over O'Reilly's country, and
rents out of 'other lords of small reputation which it were prolix to
write.' The old black rent of 40_l._ out of Louth was remitted by my
father. Whatever men may say, I mean to spend all my power in the Queen's
service.
_R._ Fuller particulars are required, and records are extant to disprove
all these claims.
7. What obedience and service hath O'Neill hitherto borne to the Crown of
Ireland?
_A._ Bare allegiance only to the Lords of Ireland, and peace with the
Pale. My father first acknowledged Henry VIII. King of England, France,
and Ireland; I do the same 'with a more perfection' to serve her Majesty
than my ancestors. When I undertook to come I fully knew what influence
the Earl of Sussex had with the nobility. Nevertheless, I had 'hope in
the Queen's Highness and the uprightness of her honourable Council, and
my own truth.' I now crave favour and despatch.
_R._ All this is false. O'Neill owes great service to the Crown of
Ireland as appears by record.[40]
[Sidenote: Personal differences between Shane and Sussex.]
Other controversies there were of a more personal character between Shane
and Sussex; a study of which shows how hopeless it was to suppose that
they would ever act together, or be anything but enemies to each other.
Shane declared truly enough that Sussex had designs on his life. His
charges may be summed up in the statement that he thoroughly mistrusted
the Lord-Lieutenant, 'by reason of which mistrust he hath escaped his
traps, by the help of God and grace of the Queen, and now at length come
to her gracious presence, which he hath long wished.' Refuting some
charges and denying others, the Earl concentrates his wrath in the
supposition 'that Shane's nature is so accustomed to lying, as after her
Majesty's gracious dealing with him he is not ashamed to show the same
now in her presence;' and is therefore much less to be trusted when
absent.[41]
[Sidenote: Consequences of Shane's detention.]
That Cecil was anxious to do right in O'Neill's case may be inferred from
the great labour which he evidently took to understand both the legal and
moral aspect of the question. The 'Tower Records' were searched for
precedents as to the Earldom of Ulster, through which Edward IV. and all
his successors were entitled to Tyrone, and as to the relations of the
Crown with Irish captains. Inquiries into Irish customs were also set on
foot with special reference to Shane's claims under them. His proved
rights there was clearly no intention of withholding. But there was
culpable procrastination, a hope that something might turn up, and an
idea that it was well to keep Shane away from his own country and to
accustom his country to do without him. O'Neill clamoured for his
release, and produced evidence of the distractions of his country in his
absence. Many spoils were taken to the Pale, and many disturbances raised
by the Baron of Dungannon's sons and by other enemies. Tirlough Luineach
took too much on himself; 'and the sept of the Neills,' said the chief's
correspondent, 'do not maintain one another but are scattered abroad,
every one doing for himself, and the "kereaghts" of the country (the
nomad herdsmen of Ulster) in every side are dropping away to eschew the
trouble of the country ... every man spake largely for the defence of the
country at your being with them, yet is the country now evil defended. It
is easier to redress now than hereafter, therefore come in haste and do
as the proverb says, "Principiis obsta; sero medicina paratur," come with
haste and you shall be welcome.'[42]
[Sidenote: Murder of the Baron of Dungannon.]
The Queen not unreasonably declared that she could not decide fairly in
the young Baron's absence; but this should have been thought of before.
About the time the order to send him reached Ireland the question was
settled as between Shane and his nephew, or supposed nephew, by the
murder of the younger claimant to the Earldom of Tyrone. Tirlough
Luineach, who was probably tanist, and was certainly the second man among
the O'Neills, waylaid the unfortunate boy before daybreak with 100 horse
and 200 foot, somewhere between Carlingford and Newry. The victim had no
more than twenty with him. He hid in a thicket, and stripped off his
clothes, intending to swim the river, when the pursuit slackened. But one
of his followers who was taken offered, to save his own life, to betray a
better person. His hiding-place was soon found, and he was killed, 'not
far, as I think,' said Fitzwilliam, 'from the spot where his father had
the like friendship of his men.' Brian O'Neill left a brother behind him,
who was neglected on account of his youth, but who lived to be the most
formidable of all Elizabeth's Irish enemies. The murder could not be
traced to Shane; and indeed Tirlough, as his presumptive successor, had
an interest of his own in getting rid of a pretender who relied on
letters patent. Under Tirlough's leadership the O'Neills did nearly as
much harm as when Shane was present, and the last crime was considered
evidence that no one but the latter could keep order.[43]
[Sidenote: What Shane did in London.]
We have but scanty information as to how Shane spent his time in London.
He was present at a Court hunting party, where he saw a brother of Guise,
who was on his way home from Scotland, kill two stags with a single
arrow. A diarist of the time has recorded that one day 'John O'Neill, the
wild Irishman, came riding into Cheapside, and dined at St. John's Head,
at Master Daniel's, the goldsmith;' and that on another day he ran at the
ring beyond St. James's in the field. No doubt Shane rode well enough in
the field; but probably he did not shine in the tilt-yard; for he asked
the Queen, until she had found him an English wife to amuse him, to
appoint him 'to attend on the Lord Robert, that I may learn to ride after
the English fashion, to run at the tilt, to hawk, to shoot, or use such
other good exercises as I perceive my said good lord to be meet unto.'
This may not have been unpleasing to the Queen, and was certainly not so
to the favourite, who afterwards corresponded with Shane. O'Neill sent
him hawks, horses, and greyhounds, and thanked him for his gentle and
loving letters. Shane did not get the wife 'to be chosen by the Queen
such as she and I may agree,' and he may have ceased to press the matter
when he found that he might be expected to 'change his garments, and go
like an Englishman.' Nothing was further from his thoughts than to
conform to English customs, either in dress or religion, and he was in
constant communication with the Spanish ambassador De Quadra, who
encouraged him to hope for Philip's favour, and took care that he should
not want the means of confession and absolution, which he must have
required pretty often. The interpreter at these interviews was an Irish
priest, who afterwards went to Louvain, and thence to Spain or Rome. One
supposed consequence of his journey was that the Holy See gave Shane all
the ecclesiastical patronage in his country.[44]
[Sidenote: Shane returns to Ireland.]
Shamed or frightened by the death of the young Baron, the Queen at last
let her barbarous subject go. He was acknowledged, with a formal
reservation of young Hugh O'Neill's claims, as actual captain not only of
Tyrone, but of O'Cahan's county, and of the greater part of what is now
the county of Antrim; but with a proviso that he should not levy Irish
exactions outside of his own proper district. He promised to do his best
to persuade the chiefs thus placed under him to come to Dublin and do
homage, and to support those who thus evinced their loyalty against those
who refused to do so. Shane agreed to attend all general hostings in
Ulster, and to keep the peace with O'Donnell, O'Reilly, and the rest for
six months, during which a board of arbitration, consisting of the Earls
of Kildare and Ormonde, and of four members of the Irish Privy Council,
two named by himself and two by the opposite party, should sit and
determine all differences. O'Neill promised to retain no mercenaries
born out of Tyrone, and to take no pledges beyond the same limits.
Phelim Roe's sons, and others in Tyrone who had done the Queen service,
were not to be molested, and internal disputes were to be settled by
arbitrators; the powers of an umpire being retained by the Council, who
might send Commissioners to the border. Shane covenanted not to molest
the garrison of Armagh, on condition that they were victualled out of the
Pale. He consented to bring Calvagh O'Donnell into the presence of the
Earls of Ormonde, Kildare, Thomond, and Clanricarde, and to submit to
their decision as to Calvagh's liberation, and as to other matters in
dispute. Such was the general tenor of the treaty: it was one which could
not work well without complete good faith on both sides. The Queen
probably acted under the advice of Sidney and of his brother-in-law
Dudley, and this may have laid the foundation of the bad feeling
afterwards existing between Sidney and Sussex. Shane was indeed
completely triumphant. He left three hostages in London, but as they were
all persons of no importance, he probably made the sacrifice with great
equanimity.[45]
[Sidenote: The Queen puzzled.]
Unfortunately, good faith existed on neither side. Elizabeth dismissed
Shane with honour because she knew not what else to do, and Shane agreed
to her terms because he was in the net and saw no other means of escape.
Three hundred pounds certainly, perhaps more, was lent, or rather given,
for the return journey, and the Queen issued a proclamation declaring
Shane's virtues, and appointing Commissioners to determine his
controversies with the Pale.
[Sidenote: Desmond and Ormonde.]
Shortly before Sussex left Ireland Munster was disturbed by the chronic
jealousy between Butlers and Geraldines. Desmond accused Ormonde of
waylaying him on his return from the great hosting, and thereupon invaded
his country; but a peremptory order from the Lord-Lieutenant averted a
collision for the time. Ormonde went to Sussex when sent for, but
Desmond, while professing his readiness to obey, kept out of reach, and
made Lord Roche and Lord Barry swear allegiance to him. Sussex
recommended that both the Earls should be sent for to England as the only
means to save the whole South-West from disorder, which nothing short of
a regular campaign could repress. Ormonde was willing to incur the
expense of the journey, for he was in an awkward dilemma. Either he must
allow his country to be wasted with impunity, or he must incur the
Queen's displeasure by attempting to defend it.[46]
[Sidenote: Desmond shows signs of insubordination.]
On receiving his patent as Lord Justice, Fitzwilliam was able to say that
Shane's departure had made an instantaneous peace. Ormonde had shown
extraordinary obedience and forbearance, or his rival's wilfulness and
pride would have made great work. The usual causes of disturbance were
still present, and the vacillation of the English Government confirmed
the evil disposition of a people who, in Sir H. Radclyffe's opinion, were
naturally 'addicted to sedition, desirous of alteration, contented with
nothing but will and liberty.' Desmond was at war with all the gentlemen
of the West, and they with him. The outlaws maintained by him burned
towns and carried all their plunder into his country, where there was no
danger of rescue. Ormonde had been ready to accompany Shane O'Neill to
England, but the Queen had ordered him to wait for Desmond, lest he might
leave his country exposed. The Geraldine Earl urged as a reason for
staying at home that he was at war with his uncle Maurice, who bore the
significant title of 'na totane,' or the incendiary, and whose
propensities age had not tamed. The pretext was taken away by Thomas
Fitzmaurice, who went to England and promised for himself and for his
father to keep the peace during Desmond's absence. The Earl was reported
to have said that he would never be in England at the same time with
Kildare and O'Neill, the inference being that they had all an interest in
disorder. Summoned by a letter from the Queen herself, Desmond did not
answer for nearly a month, and then put in mere dilatory pleas, while he
burned villages and robbed Ormonde's people of 500_l._ collected for his
expenses in England. The two Earls met Fitzwilliam at Waterford, and
Desmond dared the Lord Justice to interfere with the pirates who infested
the Blackwater. He promised, however, that they should do no harm, and
the Corporations of Cork, Kinsale, and Youghal declared that he was their
only defence. The Lord Deputy and Council, said the Kinsale people, were
so far off that they would rather lose their rights than hazard their
lives to maintain them, and they made this their excuse for addressing
the Queen directly. Desmond promised to go to England at Easter, and with
this Fitzwilliam had to be content. Like Shane O'Neill, the Geraldine was
willing to keep some order, provided he was not interfered with when he
proposed to build a castle in Lord Roche's country. Fitzwilliam could see
only rebellious intentions, but the people probably preferred one tyrant
to many, and the known shortcomings of Desmond to the fluctuating policy
of Lords-Lieutenant and Lords Justices. Determined to show no politeness
to Fitzwilliam, Desmond slipped away at last without his knowledge, and
Ormonde went over about the same time. In spite of his professions of
poverty, Desmond was accompanied by an immense retinue.[47]
[Sidenote: Fitzwilliam's gloomy view of Ireland.]
Fitzwilliam took a very gloomy view of the country committed to his
charge. He was, he said, a banished man wearing himself out among unkind
people, a people most accursed, who lusted after every sin. Murder and
incest were everyday matters, and a lying spirit brooded over all the
land. It was difficult to make out any man's pedigree or title; for
heraldry was discountenanced, records destroyed or embezzled, and
everyone greedy for the reputation conferred by rhymers, whose trade was
to set forth 'the most beastliest and odious parts of men's doings and
their own likewise, for whom the rhymes be made; such be cherished,
defended, and rewarded with garments till they leave themselves naked,
besides the best piece of plate in the house, and chiefest horse away
with them, not altogether departing empty-handed when they come among the
Earls and others the nobility of English race.' The English Pale was,
indeed, in a dreadful state, every one prophesying a total change of
policy, and refusing to obey any law. Pirates infested the sea,
blockading Cork and Kinsale, and even lying openly under Lambay, while
the Queen's ships were nowhere visible. Robbery and arson were commonly
committed with impunity. Thus Richard Keating, whose family had for
generations given their service as swordsmen to the Earls of Kildare,
amassed great wealth by preying on the property of the English settlers
in Wexford. No one exerted himself to make the Keatings disgorge their
ill-gotten gains, fearing the vengeance of their great patron, and even
Ormonde was unwilling to press them hard. 'There be such with us,' said
Fitzwilliam, 'as can serve two masters, and neither truly.'[48]
[Sidenote: The Irish lawyers. Jobbing.]
Most important families had friends in official circles, and among the
lawyers the jobbing was frightful. Records were made away with or
altered, so that of seven attainders affecting the Crown's title to land,
not one could be proved by documentary evidence. The judges were not
above suspicion, and public justice had little chance against
well-connected individuals. 'There is,' said the Lord Justice, 'neither
judge, counsellor-at-law, nor any gentleman who is not by blood or
marriage very near linked together, and though I cannot accuse any for
doing things contrary to their conscience or corruptly, yet have I seen
such things pass, whether for kindred's sake or neighbourhood I know not,
but sure I am no man out of Ireland in the like case but would have made
some stay for colour sake at least.' Where private interests were to be
forwarded, decisions were given with indecent haste, while Crown business
was systematically delayed. Fitzwilliam saw and described abuses clearly,
but he had too much experience of Ireland to dream of a speedy reform. He
had come with sanguine expectations, but had learned that a man may wear
to skin and bones without effecting anything. The English Government had
aggravated the difficulty by sending over officials of small parts or
credit, far inferior to those born in Ireland. 'Let those sent
hereafter,' he said, 'be as good as the best here,' and let 'every one
that comes bid farewell to peace and quiet.'[49]
FOOTNOTES:
[27] Sussex to the Queen, July 16, and the enclosures there; to Cecil,
June 23. In his letter of June 28 to Sussex, Shane talks of the Queen's
'suavissima et benevola et gratiosa responsio;' as to the libels he says,
'si scriberem non renuntiassem meæ sententiæ.' Fitzwilliam to Cecil, June
22. _Four Masters_, 1561.
[28] Lord-Lieutenant and Council to the Queen, July 31, the official
account for Elizabeth's eye. The fuller and truer account is in a letter
of the same date from Sussex to Cecil. _Four Masters_, 1561.
[29] Instructions to Sussex in _Carew_, July 4, 1562. Sussex to Cecil,
Aug. 23, 1562, and Jan. 11, 1563; to the Queen, Aug. 23, 1562; Ormonde to
Cecil, Jan. 11, 1563. Sussex was much blamed for not punishing Wingfield
himself, but in the end his view prevailed, for the disgraced officer
carried confidential instructions on his return to Ireland. See the Queen
to the Lord-Lieutenant, July 19, 1563. See also two letters from Cecil in
Wright's _Queen Elizabeth_, Aug. 21 and Dec. 18, 1561.
[30] Shane O'Neill to the Lord-Lieutenant, Aug. 9, 'from his
woods:'--'Pacem tractare non queo modo solidarii manebunt in aliquâ parte
terrarum mearum, nam nemo sanæ mentis intelligat tranquillam pacem esse
inter me et amplitudinem vestram si dicti solidarii manebunt in patriâ
meâ.' The 'Urraghs' whom Shane claimed as vassals were in fact all the
chiefs of Ulster except O'Donnell. The word is given in O'Reilly's
Dictionary as 'a chief next to a king;' as used by Shane O'Neill, it
means any chieftain over whom he claimed jurisdiction. Memorial for an
answer to Shane's letters, Aug. 12.
[31] The Queen to Sussex, Aug. 20.
[32] Sussex to the Queen, Aug. 24. In his answer to Cusack, dated Sept.
10, 1563, Shane talks of an attempt to kill him 'tempore parliamenti.'
The Parliament was in 1559, but the words may mean merely 'in a time of
negotiation.' 'Parliament' was sometimes so used even in English.
[33] Lord-Lieutenant and Council to the Queen, Sept. 1.
[34] Lord-Lieutenant and Council to the Queen, Sept. 21; Sussex to Cecil,
Oct. 3 and 6. Kildare did not land in Ireland till Oct. 5.
[35] Sussex to the Queen, Nov. 21; to Cecil, Oct. 23, Nov. 3, 16, and 21;
Kildare to Cecil, Dec. 3. Shane was persuaded to let the garrison of
Armagh remain, though against the treaty.
[36] Sussex to Cecil, Nov. 21.
[37] Articles whereupon the Earl of Kildare is to be spoken with, Feb. 1,
1562 (in Cecil's hand); Kildare to Cecil, Dec. 3, 1561; 'Causes and
matters moving Shane O'Neill' in 1565, in _Carew_ (No. 248). Ware says
Shane sailed Dec. 3, 1561; he was at Court by Jan. 6. The terms virtually
granted are in Shane's letter to Sussex of Oct. 18, 1561. For the
intention of Sussex to interpret them literally and narrowly, see his
letter to Cecil, Nov. 21. For Shane's fears, see Arnold to Cecil, Sept.
23, 1562, and Ware's _Annals_.
[38] Sussex to Cecil, Oct. 19 and 23, and Nov. 3; to the Queen, Oct. 23,
and Nov. 21.
[39] For Shane's reception at Court, see Machyn's _Diary_, Jan. 4,
1561-2; his submission, with the names of those present, Jan. 6; Camden;
and Campion. Spenser afterwards characterised the Irish mantle as 'a fit
house for an outlaw, a meet bed for a rebel, an apt cloak for a thief.'
[40] Articles to be answered by Shane O'Neill, Feb. 7, 1562. His answers,
same date. The Earl of Sussex's reply, Feb. 14.
[41] Shane's answers to the Articles of Treason, &c., of June 8, 1561;
Feb. 7. Confutation of same, Feb. 14.
[42] Brief collection of material points, Feb. 14; Private Memoranda by
Cecil, March 1562 (No. 43); nameless correspondent to Shane O'Neill,
March 21, with a note by Shane for the Council referring to other
letters.
[43] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, April 23, 1562. The murder is not mentioned by
the _Four Masters_.
[44] Machyn's _Diary_, Feb. 13 and 14; Shane's complaints to the Queen,
March 13; Private Memoranda by Cecil, March (No. 43); Shane O'Neill to
Lord Robert Dudley, Nov. 2, 1562; to the Cardinals of Lorraine and Guise,
Feb. 1, 1567; Sir Nicholas Arnold to Cecil, Nov. 23, 1562. See Froude's
_History of England_, Elizabeth, chaps. v. and vii. The 'Marquis' alluded
to by Shane, in his letter to the Cardinals, would seem to be
D'Elboeuf; but was he in England with Shane?
[45] Indentures between Queen Elizabeth and Shane O'Neill, April 30,
1562; Sidney's opinion, April 11, substantially agreeing with the above.
In his letter of Jan. 2 to Cecil, Sussex wrote that no man of credit
accompanied Shane to England. Shane was back in Ireland by the end of
May.
[46] Lord-Lieutenant and Council to the Queen, Oct. 23 and Nov. 23, 1561;
Sussex to Cecil, Dec. 20, 1561, and Jan. 2, 1562; to the Queen, Jan. 2.
[47] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, Jan. 15, Feb. 13, April 23, May 4; to the
Queen, March 13 and 27; Sir H. Radclyffe to Cecil, Jan. 12; Ormonde to
Sussex, Feb. 2; Kinsale, Cork, and Youghal to the Queen, April 8, 10, and
18; the Queen to the Lord Justice and Council, March 20.
[48] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, April 14 and 29; Lord Justice and Council to
the Queen, April 17.
[49] Fitzwilliam to Cecil, May 13, with the enclosures; Matthew King to
Cecil, May 7. King was Clerk of the Check, and of course saw a good deal.