CHAPTER XIV.

THE LEGACY OF THE EARLY CHURCH TO FUTURE GENERATIONS.

It is my object in this chapter to show the great Christian ideas which

the fathers promulgated, and which have proved of so great influence on

the Middle Ages and our own civilization. These were declared before the

Roman empire fell; and if they did not arrest ruin, still alleviated the

miseries of society, and laid the foundation of all that is most

ennobling among modern nations. The early church should be the most

glorious chapter in the history of humanity. While the work of

destruction was going on in every part of the world, both by vice and

violence, there was still the new work of creation proceeding with it, a

precious savor of life to future ages. If there is any thing sublime, it

is the power of renovating ideas amid universal degeneracy. They are

seeds of truth, which grow and ripen into grand institutions. These did

not become of sufficient importance to arrest the attention of

historians until they were cultivated by the Germanic nations in the

Middle Ages.

It could be shown that almost everything which gives glory to Christian

civilization had its origin in the early church. Few are aware what

giants and heroes were those fathers and saints whom this age has been

taught to despise. We are really reaping the results of those conflicts--

conflicts with bigoted Jewish sects; conflicts with the high priests of

paganism, with Greek philosophers, with Gnostic Manichaean illuminati;

with the symbolists, soothsayers, astrologers, magicians, which mystic

superstition conjured up among degenerate people. And not merely their

conflicts with the prince of the power of the air alone, but with

themselves, with their own fiery passions, and with tangible outward

foes. They were illustrious champions and martyrs in the midst of a

great Vanity Fair, in a Nebuchadnezzar fire of persecutions, an all-

pervading atmosphere of lies, impurities, and abominations which cried

to heaven for vengeance. They solved for us and for all future

generations the thousand of new questions which audacious paganism

proposed in its last struggles; they exposed the bubbles which charmed

that giddy generation of egotists; they eliminated the falsehoods which

vain-glorious philosophers had inwrought with revelation; and they

attested, with dying agonies, to the truth of those mysteries which gave

them consolation and hope amid the terrors of a dissolving world. They

absorbed even into the sphere of Christianity all that was really

valuable in the system they exploded, whether of philosophy or social

life, and transmitted the same to future ages. And they set examples, of

which the world will never lose sight, of patience, fortitude, courage,

generosity, which will animate all martyrs to the end of time. And if,

in view of their great perplexities, of circumstances which they could

not control, utter degeneracy and approaching barbarism, they lent their

aid to some institutions which we cannot endorse, certainly when

corrupted, like Manichaeism and ecclesiastical domination, let us

remember that these were adapted to their times, or were called out by

pressing exigencies. And further, let us bear in mind that, in giving

their endorsement, they could not predict the abuse of principles

abstractly good and wise, like poverty, and obedience, and chastity, and

devout meditation, and solitary communion with God. In all their conduct

and opinions, we see, nevertheless, a large-hearted humanity, a

toleration and charity for human infirmities, and a beautiful spirit of

brotherly love. If they advocated definite creeds with great vehemence

and earnestness, they yet soared beyond them, and gloried in the general

name they bore, until the fundamental doctrines of their religion were

assailed.

For two centuries, however, they have no history out of the records of

martyrdom. We know their sufferings better than any peculiar ideas which

they advocated. We have testimony to their blameless lives, to their

irreproachable morals, to their good citizenship, and to their Christian

graces, rather than to any doctrines which stand out as especial marks

for discussion or conflict, like those which agitated the councils of

Nice or Ephesus. But if we were asked what was the first principle which

was brought out by the history of the early church, we should say it was

that of martyrdom. Certainly the first recorded act in the history of

Christianity was that memorable scene on Calvary, when the founder of

our religion announced the fulfillment of the covenant made with Adam in

the Garden of Eden. And as the deliverance of mankind was effected by

that great sacrifice for sin, so the earliest development of Christian

life was the spirit of martyrdom. The moral grandeur with which the

martyrs met reproach, isolation, persecution, suffering, and death, not

merely robbed the grave of its victory, but implanted a principle of

inestimable power among all future heroes. Martyrdom kindled an heroic

spirit, not for the conquest of nations, but for the conquest of the

soul, and the resignation of all that earth can give in attestation of

grand and saving truths. We have a few examples of martyrs in pagan

antiquity, like Socrates and Seneca, who met death with fortitude,--but

not with faith, not with indestructible joy that this mortal was about

to put on immortality. The Christian martyrdoms were a new development

of humanity. They taught the necessity of present sacrifice for future

glory, and more, for the great interests of truth and virtue, with which

good men had been identified. They brought life and immortality to the

view of the people, who had not dared to speculate on their future

condition. Their martyrs inspired a spirit into society that nothing

could withstand; a practical belief that the life was more than meat;

that the future was greater than the present: and this surely is one of

the grand fundamental principles of Christianity. They incited to a

spirit of fortitude and courage under all the evils of life, and gave

dignity to men who would otherwise have been insignificant. The example

of men who rejoiced to part with their lives for the sake of their

religion, became to the world the most impressive voice which it yet

heard of the insignificance of this life when compared with the life to

come. "What will it profit a man to gain the whole world and lose his

own soul?" became thus one of the most stupendous inquiries which could

be impressed on future generations, and affected all the relations of

society. Martyrdom was one solution of this mighty question which

introduced a new power upon the earth, for we cannot conceive of

Christianity as an all-conquering influence, except as it unfolds a new

and superior existence, in contrast with which the present is worthless.

The principle of martyrdom, setting at defiance the present, led to

unbounded charity and the renunciation of worldly possessions. What are

they really worth? Every martyr had the comparative worthlessness of

wealth and honor and comfort profoundly impressed upon his mind, in view

of the greatness of the Infinite and the importance of the future.

The early martyrdoms thus brought out with immeasurable force the

principle of faith, without which life can have no object,--faith in

future destinies, faith in the promises of God, faith in the power of

the Cross to subdue finally all forms of evil. The sacrifice of Christ

introduced into the world sentiments of unbounded love and gratitude,

that He, the most perfect type of humanity, and the Son of God himself,

should come into this world to bear its sins upon the cross, and thus

give a heaven which could not be bought by expiatory gifts. It was love

which prompted the crucifixion of Jesus; and love produced love, and

stimulated thousands to bear with patience the evils under which they

would have sunk. The martyrdoms of the early Christians did not indeed

kindle sentiments of gratitude; but they inspired courage, and led to

immeasurable forms of heroism. The timid and the shrinking woman, the

down-trodden slave, and the despised pauper, all at once became serene,

lofty, unconquerable, since they knew that though their earthly

tabernacle would be destroyed, they had a dwelling in the heavens free

from all future toil and sorrow and reproach. Martyrdoms made this world

nothing and heaven everything. They proved a powerful faith in the

ultimate prevalence of truth, and created an invincible moral heroism,

which excited universal admiration; and they furnished models and

examples to future generations, when Christians were subjected to bitter

trials.

We cannot but feel that martyrdom is one of the most impressive of all

human examples, since it is the mark of a practical belief in God and

heaven. And while we recognize it as among the most interesting among

spiritual triumphs, we are persuaded that the absence of its spirit, or

its decline, is usually followed by a low state of society. Epicureanism

is its antagonistic principle, and is as destructive as the other is

conservative. The moment men are unwilling to sacrifice themselves to a

great cause, they virtually say that temporal and worldly interests are

to be preferred to the spiritual and the future. The language of the

Epicurean is intensely egotistic. It is: "Soul, take thine ease; eat,

drink, and be merry;" to which God says, "Thou fool." Christianity was

sent to destroy this egotism, which undermined the strength of the

ancient world; and it created a practical belief in the future, and a

faith in truth. Without this faith, society has ever retrograded; with

it there have been continual reforms. It is an important element of

progress, and a mark of dignity and moral greatness.

Shall we seek a connection between their martyrdoms and civilization?

They bore witness to a religion which is the source of all true progress

upon earth; they attested to its divine truth amid protracted agonies;

they were illustrious examples for all ages to contemplate.

Perhaps the most powerful effect of their voluntary sacrifice was to

secure credence to the mysteries of Christianity. Socrates died for his

own opinions; but who was ever willing to die for the opinions of

Socrates? But innumerable martyrs exulted in the privilege of dying for

the doctrines of Him whose sacrifice saved the world. Nor to these had

death its customary terrors, since they were assured of a glorious

immortality. They impressed the pagan world with a profound lesson that

the future is greater than the present; that there is to be a day of

rewards and punishments. Amid all the miseries and desolations of

society, it was a great thing to bear witness to the reality of future

happiness and misery. The hope of immortality must have been an

unspeakable consolation to the miserable sufferers of the Roman Empire.

It gave to them courage and patience and fortitude. It inspired them

with hope and peace. Amid the ravages of disease, and the incursions of

barbarians, and the dissolution of society, and the approaching eclipse

of the glory of man, it was a great and holy mystery that the soul

should survive these evils, and that eternal bliss should be the reward

of the faithful. Nothing else could have reconciled the inhabitants of

the decaying empire to slavery, war, and pillage. There was needed some

powerful support to the mind under the complicated calamities of the

times. This support the death and exultation of the martyrs afforded. It

was written on the souls of the suffering millions that there was a

higher life, a glorious future, an exceeding great reward. It was

impossible to see thousands ready to die, exulting in the privilege of

martyrdom, anticipating with confidence their "crown," and not feel that

immortality was a certitude brought to light by the Gospel. And the

example of the martyrs kindled all the best emotions of the soul into a

hallowed glow. Their death, so serene and beautiful, filled the

spectators with love and admiration. Their sufferings brought to light

the greatest virtues, and diffused their spirit into the heart of all

who saw their indestructible joy. Is it nothing, in such an age, to have

given an impulse to the most exalted sentiments that men can cherish?

The welfare of nations is based on the indestructible certitudes of

love, friendship, faith, fortitude, self-sacrifice. It was not Marathon

so much as Thermopylae which imparted vitality to Grecian heroism, and

made that memorable self-sacrifice one of the eternal pillars which mark

national advancement. So the sufferings of the martyrs, for the sake of

Christ, warmed the dissolving empire with a belief in Heaven, and

prepared it to encounter the most unparalleled wretchedness which our

world has seen. They gave a finishing blow to Epicureanism and skeptical

cynicism; so that in the calamities which soon after happened, men were

buoyed with hope and trust. They may have hidden themselves in caves and

deserts, they may have sought monastic retreats, they may have lost

faith in man and all mundane glories, they may have consumed their lives

in meditation and solitude, they may have anticipated the dissolution of

all things, but they awaited in faith the coming of their Lord. Prepared

for any issue or any calamity, a class of heroes arose to show the moral

greatness of the passive virtues, and the triumphs of faith amid the

wrecks of material grandeur. Were not such needed at the close of the

fourth century? Especially were not such bright examples needed for the

ages which were to come? Polycarp and Cyprian were the precursors of the

martyrs of the Middle Ages, and were of the Reformation. Early

persecutions developed the spirit of martyrdom, which is the seed of the

church, impressed it upon the mind of the world, and prepared the way

for the moral triumphs of the Beckets and Savonarolas of remote

generations. Martyrdoms were the first impressive facts in the history

of the church, and the idea of dying for a faith one of the most signal

evidences of superiority over the ancient religions. It was a new idea,

which had utterly escaped the old guides of mankind.

Another great idea which was promulgated by the church long before the

empire fell, was that of benevolence. Charities were not one of the

fruits of paganism. Men may have sold their goods and given to the poor,

but we have no record of such deeds. Hospitals and eleemosynary

institutions were nearly unknown. When a man was unfortunate, there was

nothing left to him but to suffer and die. There was no help from

others. All were engrossed in their schemes of pleasure or ambition, and

compassion was rare. The sick and diseased died without alleviation.

"The spectator who gazed upon the magnificent buildings which covered

the seven hills, temples, arches, porticoes, theatres, baths and

palaces, could discover no hospitals and asylums, unless perchance the

temple of Aesculapius, on an island in the Tiber, where the maimed and

sick were left in solitude to struggle with the pangs of death." But the

church fed the hungry, and clothed the naked, and visited the prisoner,

and lodged the stranger. Charity was one of the fundamental injunctions

of Christ and of the Apostles. The New Testament breathes unbounded

love, benevolence so extensive and universal that self was ignored.

Self-denial, in doing good to others, was one of the virtues expected of

every Christian. Hence the first followers of our Lord had all things in

common. Property was supposed to belong to the whole church, rather than

to individuals. "Go and sell all that thou hast" was literally

interpreted. It devolved on the whole church to see that strangers were

entertained, that the sick were nursed, that the poor were fed, that

orphans were protected, that those who were in prison were visited. For

these purposes contributions were taken up in all assemblies convened

for public worship. Individuals also emulated the whole church, and gave

away their possessions to the poor. Matrons, especially, devoted

themselves to these works of charity, feeding the poor, and visiting the

sick. They visited the meanest hovels and the most dismal prisons. But

"what heathen," says Tertullian, "will suffer his wife to go about from

one street to another to the houses of strangers? What heathen would

allow her to steal away into the dungeon to kiss the chain of the

martyr?" And these works of benevolence were not bestowed upon friends

alone, but upon strangers; and it was this, particularly, which struck

the pagans with wonder and admiration--that men of different countries,

ranks, and relations of life, were bound together by an invisible cord

of love. A stranger, with letters to the "brethren," was sure of a

generous and hearty welcome. There were no strangers among the

Christians; they were all brothers; they called each other brother and

sister; they gave to each other the fraternal kiss; they knew of no

distinctions; they all had an equal claim to the heritage of the church.

And this generosity and benevolence extended itself to the wants of

Christians in distant lands; the churches redeemed captives taken in

war, and even sold the consecrated vessels for that purpose on rare

occasions, as Ambrose did at Milan. A single bishop, in the third

century, supported two thousand poor people. Cyprian raised at one time

a sum equal to four thousand dollars in his church at Carthage, to be

sent to the Manichaean bishops for the purposes of charity. Especially in

times of public calamity was this spirit of benevolence manifested, and

in striking contrast with the pagans. [Footnote: Neander, vol. i.

Section 3.] When Alexandria was visited with the plague during the

reign of Gallienus, the pagans deserted their friends upon the first

symptoms of disease; they left them to die in the streets, without even

taking the trouble to bury them when dead; they only thought of escaping

from the contagion themselves. The Christians, on the contrary, took the

bodies of their brethren in their arms, waited upon them without

thinking of themselves, ministered to their wants, and buried them with

all possible care, even while the best people of the community,

presbyters and deacons, lost their own lives by their self-sacrificing

generosity. [Footnote: Eusebius, 1. vii. chap. 22.] And when Carthage

was ravaged by a similar pestilence in the reign of Gallus, the pagans

deserted the sick and the dying, and the streets were filled with dead

bodies, which greatly increased the infection. No one came near them

except for purposes of plunder; but Cyprian, calling his people together

in the church, said: "If we do good only to our own, what do we more

than publicans and heathens." Animated by his words, the members of the

church divided the work between them, the rich giving money, and the

poor labor, so that in a short time the bodies which filled the streets

were buried.

And this principle of benevolence has never been relinquished by the

church. It was one of the foundation-pillars of monastic life in the

Middle Ages, when monasteries and convents were blessed retreats for the

miserable and unfortunate, where all strangers found a shelter and a

home; where they diffused charities upon all who sought their aid. The

monastery itself was built upon charities, upon the gifts and legacies

of the pious. In pagan Rome men willed away their fortunes to favorites;

they were rarely bestowed upon the poor. But Christianity inculcated

everywhere the necessity of charities, not merely as a test of Christian

hope and faith, but as one of the conditions of salvation itself. One of

the most glorious features of our modern civilization is the wide-spread

system of public benevolence extended to missions, to destitute

churches, to hospitals, to colleges, to alms-houses, to the support of

the poor, who are not left to die unheeded as in the ancient world.

Every form of Christianity, every sect and party, has its peculiar

charities; but charities for some good object are a primal principle of

the common creed. What immeasurable blessings have been bestowed upon

mankind in consequence of this law of kindness and love! What a

beautiful feature it is in the whole progress of civilization!

The early church had set a good example of patience under persecution,

and practical benevolence extended into every form of social life which

has been instituted in every succeeding age, and to which the healthy

condition of society may in a measure be traced.

The next mission of the church was to give dignity and importance to the

public preaching of the Gospel, which has never since been lost sight

of, and has been no inconsiderable element of our civilization. This was

entirely new in the history of society. The pagan priest did not exhort

the people to morality, or point out their religious duties, or remind

them of their future destinies, or expound the great principles of

religious faith. He offered up sacrifices to the Deity, and appeared in

imposing ceremonials. He wore rich and gorgeous dresses to dazzle the

senses of the people, or excite their imaginations. It was his duty to

appeal to the gods, and not to men; to propitiate them with costly

rites, to surround himself with mystery, to inspire awe, and excite

superstitious feelings. The Christian minister had a loftier sphere.

While he appealed to God in prayer, and approached his altar with

becoming solemnity, it was also his duty to preach to the people, as

Paul and the Apostles did throughout the heathen world, in order to

convert them to Christianity, and change the whole character of their

lives and habits. The presbyter, while he baptized believers and

administered the symbolic bread and wine, also taught the people,

explained to them the mysteries, enforced upon them the obligations,

appealed to their intellects, their consciences, and their hearts. He

plunged fearlessly into every subject bearing upon religious life, and

boldly presented it for contemplation.

What a grand theatre for the development of mind, for healthy

instruction and commanding influence, was opened by the Christian

pulpit. There was no sphere equal to it in moral dignity and force. It

threw into the shade the theatre and the forum. And in times when

printing was unknown, it was almost the only way by which the people

could be taught. It vastly added to the power of the clergy, and gave

them an influence that the old priests of paganism could never exercise.

It created an entirely new power in the world, a moral power, indeed,

but one to which history presents no equal. The philosophers taught in

their schools, they taught a few admiring pupils; but the sphere of

their teachings was limited, and also the number whom they could

address. The pulpit became an institution. All the Christians were

required to assemble regularly for public instruction as well as

worship. On every seventh day the people laid aside their secular duties

and devoted themselves to religious improvement. The pulpit gave power

to the Sabbath; and what an institution is the Christian Sabbath. To the

Sabbath and to public preaching Christendom owes more than to all other

sources of moral elevation combined. It is true that the Jewish

synagogue furnished a model to the church; but the Levitical race

claimed no peculiar sanctity, and discharged no friendly office beyond

the precincts of the temple. In the synagogue the people assembled to

pray, or to hear the Scriptures read and expounded, not to receive

religious instruction. The Jewish religion was as full of ceremonials as

the pagan, and the intellectual part of it was confined to the lawyers,

to the rabbinical hierarchy. But the preaching of the great doctrines of

Christianity was made a peculiarly sacred office, and given to a class

of men who avoided all secular pursuits. The Christian priest was the

recognized head of the society which he taught and controlled. In

process of time, he became a great dignitary, controlling various

interests; but his first mission was to preach, and his first theme was

a crucified Saviour. He ascended the pulpit every week as an authorized

as well as a sacred teacher, and, in the illustration of his subjects,

he was allowed great latitude in which to roam. It is not easy to

appreciate what a difference there was between pagan and Christian

communities from the rise of this new power, and we might also say

institution, since the pulpit and the Sabbath are interlinked and

associated together. Whatever the world has gained by the Sabbath, that

gain is intensified and increased vastly by public teaching. It placed

the Christian as far beyond the Jew, as the Jew was before beyond the

pagan. It also created a sacerdotal caste. The people may have had the

privilege of pouring out their hearts before the brethren, and of

speaking for their edification, but all the members were not fitted for

the secular office of teachers. Christianity claims the faculties of

knowledge, as well as those of feeling. Teaching was early felt to be a

great gift, implying not only superior knowledge, but superior wisdom and

grace. Only a few possessed the precious charisma to address profitably

the assembled people, [Greek: charisma didaskalias], and those few

became the appointed guides of the Christian flocks, [Greek: didaskaloi].

Other officers of the new communities shared with them the administration,

but the teacher was the highest officer, and he became gradually the

presbyter, whose peculiar function it was to discourse to the people on

the great themes which it was their duty to learn. And even after the

presbyter became a bishop, it was his chief office to teach publicly,

even as late as the fourth and fifth centuries. Leo and Gregory, the

great bishops of Rome, were eloquent preachers.

Thus the church gradually claimed the great prerogative of eloquence.

Eloquence was not born in the church, but it was sanctified, and set

apart, and appropriated to a thousand new purposes, and especially

identified with the public teaching of the people. The great mysteries,

the profound doctrines, the suggestive truths, the touching histories,

the practical duties of Christianity were seized and enforced by the

public teacher; and eloquence appeared in the sermon. In pagan ages,

eloquence was confined to the forum or the senate chamber, and was

directed entirely into secular channels. It was always highly esteemed

as the birthright of genius--an inspiration, like poetry, rather than an

art to be acquired. But it was not always the handmaid of poetry and

music; it was brought down to earth for practical purposes, and employed

chiefly in defending criminals, or procuring the passage of laws, or

stimulating the leaders of society to important acts. The gift of tongue

was reserved for rhetoricians, lawyers, politicians, philosophers; not

for priests, who were intercessors with the Divine. Now Christianity

adopted all the arts of eloquence, and enriched them, and applied them

to a variety of new subjects. She carried away in triumph the brightest

ornament of the pagan schools, and placed it in the hands of her chosen

ministers. The pulpit soon began to rival the forum in the displays of a

heaven-born art, which was now consecrated to far loftier purposes than

those to which it had been applied. As public instruction became more

and more learned, it also became more and more eloquent, for the

preacher had opportunity, subject, audience, motive, all of which are

required for great perfection in public speaking. He assembled a living

congregation at stated intervals; he had the range of all those lofty

inquiries which entrance the soul; and he had souls to save--the

greatest conceivable motive to a good man who realizes the truths of the

Gospel. All human enterprises and schemes become ultimately insipid to a

man who has no lofty view of benefiting mankind, or his family, or his

friend. We were made to do good. Take away this stimulus, and energy

itself languishes and droops. There is no object in life to a seeker of

pleasure or gain, when once the passion is gratified. What object of

pity so melancholy as a man worn out with egotistical excitements, and

incapable of being amused. But he who labors for the good of others is

never ennuied. The benevolent physician, the patriotic statesman, the

conscientious lawyer, the enthusiastic teacher, the dreaming author, all

work and toil in weary labors, with the hope of being useful to the

bodies, or the intellects, or the minds of the people. This is the great

condition of happiness. There is an excitement in gambling as in

pleasure, in money-making as in money-spending; but it wears out, or

exhausts the noble faculties, and ends in ennui or self-reproach and

bitter disappointment. It is not the condition of our nature, which was

made to be useful, to seek the good of others. They are the happiest and

most esteemed who have this good constantly at heart. There can be no

unhappiness to a man absorbed in doing good. He may be poor and

persecuted like Socrates; he may walk barefooted, and have domestic

griefs, and be deprived of his comforts--but he is serene, for the soul

triumphs over the body. Now, what motive so grand as to save the

immortal part of man. This desire filled the ancient Christian orator

with a preternatural enthusiasm, as well as gave to him an unlimited

power, and an imposing dignity. He was the most happy of mortals when

led to the blazing fire of his persecutors, and he was the most august.

The feeling that he was kindling a fire which should never be quenched,

even that which was to burn up all the wicked idols of an idolatrous

generation, unloosed his tongue and animated his features. The most

striking examples of seraphic joy, of a sort of divine beauty playing

upon the features, are among orators. In animated conversation, a person

ordinarily homely, like Madame de Stael, becomes beautiful and

impressive. But in the pulpit, when the sacred orator is moving a

congregation with the fears and hopes of another world, there is a

majesty in his beauty which is nowhere else so fully seen. There is no

eloquence like that of the pulpit, when the preacher is gifted and in

earnest. Greece had her Pericles and Demosthenes, and Rome her

Hortensius and Cicero. Many other great orators we could mention. But

when Greece and Rome had an intellectual existence such as that to which

our modern times furnish no parallel, in our absorbing pursuit of

pleasure and gain, and amid the wealth of mechanical inventions, there

were, even in those classic lands, but few orators whose names have

descended to our times; while, in the church, in a degenerated period,

when literature and science were nearly extinct, there were a greater

number of Christian orators than what classic antiquity furnished. Yea,

in those dark and miserable ages which succeeded the fall of the Roman

empire, there were in every land remarkable pulpit orators, like those

who fanned the Crusades. There was no eloquence in the Middle Ages

outside the church. Bernard exercised a far greater moral power than

Cicero in the fullness of his fame. And in our modern times, what

orators have arisen like those whom the Reformation produced, both in

the Roman Catholic church, and among the numerous sects which protested

against her? What orator has Germany given birth to equal in fame to

Luther? What orator in France has reached the celebrity of Bossuet, or

Bourdaloue, or Massillon? Even amid all the excitements attending the

change of government, who have had power on the people like a Lacordaire

or Monod? In England, the great orators have been preachers, with a very

few exceptions; and these men would have been still greater in the arts

of public speaking had they been trained in the church. In our day, we

have seen great orators in secular life, but they yield in fascination

either to those who are accustomed to speak from the sacred desk, or to

those whose training has been clerical, like many of our popular

lecturers. Nothing ever opened such an arena of eloquence as the

preaching of the Gospel, either in the ancient, the mediaeval, or the

modern world, not merely from the grandeur and importance of the themes

discussed, but also from the number of the speakers. In a legislative

assembly, where all are supposed to be able to address an audience, and

some are expected to be eloquent, only two or three can be heard in a

day. Only some twenty or thirty able speeches are delivered in Congress

or Parliament in a whole session; but in England, or the United States,

some thirty thousand preachers are speaking at the same time, many of

whom are far more gifted, learned, and brilliant than any found in the

great councils of the nation. Nor is this eloquence confined to the

Protestant church; it exists also in the Roman Catholic in every land.

There are no more earnest and inspiring orators than in Italy or France.

Even in rude and unlettered and remote districts, we often hear

specimens of eloquence which would be wonderful in capitals. What chance

has the bar, in a large city, compared with the pulpit, for the display

of eloquence? Probably there are more eloquent addresses delivered every

Sunday from the various pulpits of Christendom than were pronounced by

all the orators of Greece during the whole period of her political

existence. Doubtless there are more touching and effective appeals made

to the popular heart every Sunday in every Christian land, than are made

during the whole year beside on subjects essentially secular. Then what

an impulse has pulpit oratory given to objects of a strictly

philanthropic character! The church has been the nurse and mother of all

schemes of benevolence since it was organized. It is itself a great

philanthropic institution, binding up the wounds of the prisoner,

relieving the distressed, and stimulating great enterprises. For all of

this the pulpit has been called upon, and has lent its aid; so that the

world has been more indebted to the eloquence of divines than to any

other source. Who can calculate the moral force of one hundred and fifty

thousand to two hundred thousand Christian preachers in a world like

ours, most of whom are arrayed on the side of morality and learning. It

may be said that these benefits may more properly be considered to flow

from Christianity as revealed in the Bible; that the Bible is the cause

of all this great impulse to civilization. We do not object to such an

interpretation; nevertheless, in specifying the influence of the church,

even before the empire fell, the creation of pulpit eloquence should be

mentioned, since this has contributed so much to the moral elevation of

Christendom. Christianity would be shorn of half her triumphs were it

not for the public preaching of her truths. Paganism had no public

teachers who regularly taught the people and stimulated their noblest

energies. It was a new institution, these Sabbath-day exercises, and has

had an inconceivable influence on the progress and condition of the

race. The power of the Gospel was indeed the main and primary cause; but

the church must have the credit of appropriating what was most prized in

the intellectual centres of antiquity, and giving to it a new direction.

Christian oratory is also an interesting subject to present in merely

its artistical relations. Its vast influence no one can question.

Again, who can estimate the debt which civilization, in its largest and

most comprehensive sense, owes to the fathers of the early church, in

the elaboration of Christian doctrine. They found the heathen world

enslaved by a certain class of most degrading notions of God, of deity,

of goodness, of the future, of rewards and punishments. Indeed, its

opinions were wrong and demoralizing in almost every point pertaining to

the spiritual relations of man. They met the wants of their times by

seizing on the great radical principles of Christianity, which most

directly opposed these demoralizing ideas, and by giving them the

prominence which was needed. Moreover, in the church itself, opinions

were from time to time broached, so intimately allied with pagan

philosophies and oriental theogonies, that the faith of Christians was

in danger of being subverted. The Scriptures were indeed recognized to

contain all that is essential in Christian truth to know; but they still

allowed great latitude of belief, and contradictory creeds were drawn

from the same great authority. If the Bible was to be the salvation of

man, or the great thesaurus of religious truth, it was necessary to

systematize and generalize its great doctrines, both to oppose dangerous

heathen customs and heretical opinions in the church itself. And more

even than this, to set forth a standard of faith for all the ages which

were to come; not an arbitrary system of dogmas, but those which the

Scriptures most directly and emphatically recognized. Christian life had

been set forth by the martyrs in the various forms of teaching, in the

worship of God, in the exercise of those virtues and graces which Christ

had enjoined, in benevolence, in charity, in faith, in prayer, in

patience, in the different relations of social life, in the sacraments,

in the fasts and festivals, in the occupations which might be profitably

and honorably carried on. But Christianity influenced thought and

knowledge as well as external relations. It did not declare a rigid

system of doctrines when first promulgated. This was to be developed

when the necessity required it. For two centuries there were but few

creeds, and these very simple and comprehensive. Speculation had not

then entered the ranks, nor the pagan spirit of philosophy. There was

great unity of belief, and this centered around Christ as the Redeemer

and Saviour of the world. But, in process of time, Christianity was

forced to contend with Judaism, with Orientalism, and with Greek

speculation, as these entered into the church itself, and were more or

less embraced by its members. With downright Paganism there was a

constant battle; but in this battle all ranks of Christians were united

together. They were not distracted by any controversies whether idolatry

should be or should not be tolerated. But when Gnostic principles were

embraced by good men, those which, for instance, entered into monastic

or ascetic life, it was necessary that some great genius should arise

and expose their oriental origin, and lay down the Christian law

definitely on that point. So when Manichaeism, and Arianism, and other

heretical opinions, were defended and embraced by the Christians

themselves, the fathers who took the side of orthodoxy in the great

controversies which arose, rendered important services to all subsequent

generations, since never, probably, were those subtle questions

pertaining to the Trinity, and the human nature of Christ, and

predestination, and other kindred topics, discussed with so much acumen

and breadth. They occupied the thoughts of the whole age, and emperors

entered into the debates on theological questions with an interest

exceeding that of the worldly matters which claimed their peculiar

attention. It is not easy for Christians of this age, when all the great

doctrines of faith are settled, to appreciate the prodigious excitement

which their discussion called forth in the times of Athanasius and

Augustine. The whole intellect of the age was devoted to theological

inquiries. Everybody talked about them, and they were the common theme

on all public occasions. If discussions of subjects which once had such

universal fascination can never return again, if they are passed like

Olympic games, or the discussions of Athenian schools of philosophy, or

the sports of the Colosseum, or the oracles of Dodona, or the bulls of

mediaeval popes, or the contests of the tournament, or the "field of the

cloth of gold," they still have a historical charm, and point to the

great stepping-stones of human progress. If they are really grand and

important ideas, which they claimed to be, they will continue to move

the most distant generations. If they are merely dialectical deductions,

they are among the profoundest efforts of reason in the Christian

schools of philosophy.

We cannot, of course, enter into the controversies through which the

church elaborated the system of doctrines now generally received, nor

describe those great men who gave such dignity to theological inquiries.

Clement was raised up to combat the Gnostics, Athanasius to head off the

alarming spread of Arianism, and Augustine to proclaim the efficacy of

divine grace against the Pelagians. The treatises of these men and of

other great lights on the Trinity, on the incarnation, and on original

sin, had as great an influence on the thinking of the age and of

succeeding ages, as the speculations of Plato, or the syllogisms of

Thomas Aquinas, or the theories of Kepler, or the expositions of Bacon,

or the deductions of Newton, or the dissertations of Burke, or the

severe irony of Pascal. They did not create revolutions, since they did

not labor to overturn, but they stimulated the human faculties, and

conserved the most valued knowledge. Their definite opinions became the

standard of faith among the eastern Christians, and were handed down to

the Germanic barbarians. They were adopted by the Catholic church, and

preserved unity of belief in ages of turbulence and superstition. One of

the great recognized causes of modern civilization was the establishment

of universities. In these the great questions which the fathers started

and elaborated were discussed with renewed acumen. Had there been no

Origen, or Tertullian, or Augustine, there would have been no Anselm, or

Abelard, or Erigena. The speculations and inquiries of the Alexandrian

divines controlled the thinking of Europe for one thousand years, and

gave that intensely theological character to the literature of the

Middle Ages, directing the genius of Dante as well as that of Bernard.

Their influence on Calvin was as marked as on Bossuet. Pagan philosophy

had no charm like the great verities of the Christian faith. Augustine

and Athanasius threw Plato and Aristotle into the shade. Nothing more

preeminently marked the great divines whom the Reformation produced,

than the discussion of the questions which the fathers had systematized

and taught. Nor was the interest confined to divines. Louis XIV.

discussed free will and predestination with Racine and Fenelon, even as

the courtiers of Louis XV. discussed probabilities and mental

reservations. And in New England, at Puritan firesides, the passing

stranger in the olden times, when religion was a life, entered into

theological discussions with as much zest as he now would describe the

fluctuations of stocks or passing vanities of crinoline and hair dyes.

Nor is it one of the best signs of this material age that the interest

in the great questions which tasked the intellects of our fathers is

passing away. But there is a mighty permanence in great ideas, and the

time, we trust, will come again when indestructible certitudes will

receive more attention than either politics or fashions.

The influence of the fathers is equally seen in the music and poetry

which have come down from their times. The church succeeded to an

inheritance of religious lyrics unrivaled in the history of literature.

The _Magnificat_ and the _Nunc dimittis_ were sung from the

earliest Christian ages. The streets of the eastern cities echoed to the

seductive strains of Arius and Chrysostom. Flavian and Diodorus

introduced at Antioch the antiphonal chant, which, improved by Ambrose,

and still more by Gregory, became the joy of blessed saints in those

turbulent ages, when singing in the choir was the amusement as well as

the duty of a large portion of religious people. So numerous were the

hymns of Ambrose, Hilary, Augustine, and others, that they became the

popular literature of centuries, and still form the most beautiful part

of the service of the Catholic church. Who can estimate the influence of

hymns which have been sung for fifty successive generations? What a

charm is still attached to the mediaeval chants! The poetry of the early

church is preserved in those sacred anthems. They inspired the

barbarians with enthusiasm, even as they had kindled the rapture of

earlier Christians in the church of Milan. The lyrical poets are

immortal, and exert a wide-spread influence. The fervent stanzas of

Watts, of Steele, of Wesley, of Heber, are sung from generation to

generation. The hymns of Luther are among the most valued of his various

works. "From Greenland's icy mountains"--that sacred lyric--shall live

as long as the "Elegy in a Country Church-yard," or the "Cotter's

Saturday Night," yea, shall survive the "Night Thoughts," and the

"Course of Time." There is nothing in Grecian or Roman poetry that fills

the place of the psalmody of the early church. The songs of Ambrose were

his richest legacy to triumphant barbarians, consoling the monk in his

dreary cell and the peasant on his vine-clad hills, speaking the

sentiment of a universal creed, and consecrating the most tender

recollections. So that Christian literature, in its varied aspects, its

exegesis, its sermons, its creeds, and its psalmody, if not equal in

artistic merit to the classical productions of antiquity, have had an

immeasurable influence on human thought and life, not in the Roman world

merely, but in all subsequent ages.

But the great truths which the fathers proclaimed in reference to the

moral and social relations of society are still more remarkable in their

subsequent influence.

The great idea of Christian equality struck at the root of that great

system of slavery which was one of the main causes of the ruin of the

empire. Christianity did not break up slavery; it might never have

annihilated it under a Roman rule, but it protested against it so soon

as it was clothed with secular power. As in the sight of heaven there is

no distinction of persons, so the idea of social equality gained ground

as the relations of Christianity to practical life were understood. The

abolition of slavery, and the general amelioration of the other social

evils of life, are all a logical sequence from the doctrine of Christian

equality,--that God made of one blood all the nations of the earth, that

they are equally precious in his sight, and have equal claims to the

happiness of heaven. All theories of human rights radiate from, and

centre around, this consoling doctrine. That we are born free and equal

may not, practically, be strictly true; but that the relations of

society ought to be viewed as they are regarded in the Scriptures, which

reveal the dignity of the soul and its glorious destinies, cannot be

questioned; so that oppression of man by man, and injustice, and unequal

laws militate with one of the great fundamental revelations of God.

Impress Christian equality on the mind of man, and social equality

follows as a matter of course. The slave was recognized to be a man, a

person, and not a thing. Whenever he sat down, as he did once a week,

beside his master, in the adoration of a common Lord, the ignominy of

his hard condition was removed, even if his obligations to obedience

were not abrogated. As a future citizen of heaven, his importance on the

earth was more and more recognized, until his fetters were gradually

removed.

From the day when Christian equality was declared, the foundations of

slavery were assailed, and the progress of freedom has kept pace with

Christian civilization, although the Apostles did not directly denounce

the bondage that disgraced the ancient world. It was something to

declare the principles which, logically carried out, would ultimately

subvert the evil, for no evil can stand forever which is in opposition

to logical deductions from the truths of Christianity. Moral philosophy

is as much a series of logical deductions from the doctrine of loving

our neighbor as ourself as that great network of theological systems

which Augustine and Calvin elaborated from the majesty and sovereignty

of God. Those distinctions which Christ removed by his Gospel of

universal brotherhood can never return or coexist with the progress of

the truth. A vast social revolution began when the eternal destinies of

the slave were announced. It will not end with the mere annihilation of

slavery as an institution; it will affect the relations of the poor and

the rich, the unlucky and the prosperous, in every Christian country

until justice and love become dominant principles. What a stride from

Roman slavery to mediaeval serfdom! How benignant the attitude of the

church, in all ages, to the poor man! The son of a peasant becomes a

priest, and rises, in the Christian hierarchy, to become a ruler of the

world. There was no way for a poor peasant boy to rise in the Middle

Ages, except in the church. He attracts the notice of some beneficent

monk; he is educated in the cloister; he becomes a venerated brother, an

abbot, perhaps a bishop or a pope. Had he remained in service to a

feudal lord, he never could have risen above his original rank. The

church raises him from slavery, and puts upon his brow her seal and in

his hands the thunderbolts of spiritual power, thus giving him dignity

and consideration and independence. Rising, as the clergy did in the

Middle Ages, in all ages, from the lower and middle classes, they became

as much opposed to slavery as they were to war. It was thus in the bosom

of the church that liberty was sheltered and nourished. Nor has the

church ever forgotten her mission to the poor, or sympathized, as a

whole, with the usurpations of kings. She may have aimed at dominion,

like Hildebrand and Innocent III., but it was spiritual domination,

control of the mind of the world. But she ever sympathized with

oppressed classes, like Becket, even as he defied the temporal weapons

of Henry II. The Jesuits, even, respected the dignity of the poor. Their

errors were trust in machinery and unbounded ambition, but they labored

in their best ages for the good of the people. And in our times, the

most consistent and uncompromising foes of despotism and slavery are in

the ranks of the church. The clergy have been made, it is true,

occasionally, the tools of despotism, and have been absurdly

conservative of their own privileges, but on the whole, have ever lifted

up their voices in defense of those who are ground down.

The elevation of woman, too, has been caused by the doctrine of the

equality of the sexes which Christianity revealed; not "woman's rights"

as interpreted by infidels; not the ignoring of woman's destiny of

subservience to man, as declared in the Garden of Eden and by St. Paul,

but her glorious nature which fits her for the companionship of man.

Heathendom reduces her to slavery, dependence, and vanity. Christianity

elevates her by developing her social and moral excellences, her more

delicate nature, her elevation of soul, her sympathy with sorrow, her

tender and gracious aid. The elevation of woman did not come from the

natural traits of Germanic barbarians, but from Christianity. Chivalry

owes its bewitching graces to the influence of Christian ideas. Clemency

and magnanimity, gentleness and sympathy, did not spring from German

forests, but the teachings of the clergy. Veneration for woman was the

work of the church, not of pagan civilization or Teutonic simplicity.

The equality of the sexes was acknowledged by Jerome when he devoted

himself to the education of Roman matrons, and received from the hand of

Paula the means of support while he, labored in his cell at Bethlehem.

How much more influential was Fabiola or Marcella than Aspasia or

Phryne! It was woman who converted barbaric kings, and reigned, not by

personal charms, like Eastern beauties, but by the solid virtues of the

heart. Woman never occupied so proud a position in an ancient palace as

in a feudal castle. When Paula visited the East, she was welcomed by

Christian bishops, and the proconsul of Palestine surrendered his own

palace for her reception, not because she was high in rank, but because

her virtues had gone forth to all the world; and when she died, a great

number of the most noted people followed her body to the grave with

sighs and sobs. The sufferings of the female martyrs are the most

pathetic exhibitions of moral greatness in the history of the early

church. And in the Middle Ages, whatever is most truly glorious or

beautiful can be traced to the agency of woman. Is a town to be spared

for a revolt, or a grievous tax remitted, it is a Godiva who intercedes

and prevails. Is an imperious priest to be opposed, it is an Ethelgiva

who alone dares to confront him even in the king's palace. It is

Ethelburga, not Ina, who reigns among the Saxons--not because the king

is weak, but his wife is wiser than he. A mere peasant-girl, inspired

with the sentiment of patriotism, delivers a whole nation, dejected and

disheartened, for such was Joan of Arc. Bertha, the slighted wife of

Henry, crosses the Alps in the dead of winter, with her excommunicated

lord, to remove the curse which deprived him of the allegiance of his

subjects. Anne, Countess of Warwick, dresses herself like a cook-maid to

elude the visits of a royal duke, and Ebba, abbess of Coldingham, cuts

off her nose, to render herself unattractive to the soldiers who ravage

her lands. Philippa, the wife of the great Edward, intercedes for the

inhabitants of Calais, and the town is spared.

The feudal woman gained respect and veneration because she had the moral

qualities which Christianity developed. If she entered with eagerness

into the pleasures of the chase or the honor of the banquet, if she

listened with enthusiasm to the minstrel's lay and the crusader's tale,

her real glory was her purity of character and unsullied fame. In

ancient Rome men were driven to the circus and the theatre for amusement

and for solace, but among the Teutonic races, when converted to

Christianity, rough warriors associated with woman without seductive

pleasures to disarm her. It was not riches, nor elegance of manners, nor

luxurious habits, nor exemption from stern and laborious duties which

gave fascination to the Christian woman of the Middle Ages. It was her

sympathy, her fidelity, her courage, her simplicity, her virtues, her

noble self-respect, which made her a helpmeet and a guide. She was

always found to intercede for the unfortunate, and willing to endure

suffering. She bound up the wounds of prisoners, and never turned the

hungry from her door. And then how lofty and beautiful her religious

life. History points with pride to the religious transports and

spiritual elevation of Catharine of Sienna, of Margaret of Anjou, of

Gertrude of Saxony, of Theresa of Spain, of Elizabeth of Hungary, of

Isabel of France, of Edith of England. How consecrated were the labors

of woman amid feudal strife and violence. Whence could have arisen such

a general worship of the Virgin Mary had not her beatific loveliness

been reflected in the lives of the women whom Christianity had elevated?

In the French language she was worshiped under the feudal title of Notre

Dame, and chivalrous devotion to the female sex culminated in the

reverence which belongs to the Queen of Heaven. And hence the qualities

ascribed to her, of Virgo Fidelis, Mater Castissima, Consolatrix

Afflictorum, were those to which all lofty women were exhorted to

aspire. The elevation of woman kept pace with the extension of

Christianity. Veneration for her did not arise until she showed the

virtues of a Monica and a Nonna, but these virtues were the fruit of

Christian ideas alone.

We might mention other ideas which have entered into our modern

institutions, such as pertain to education, philanthropy, and missionary

zeal. The idea of the church itself, of an esoteric band of Christians

amid the temptations of the world, bound together by rules of discipline

as well as communion of soul, is full of grandeur and beauty. And the

unity of this church is a sublime conception, on which the whole

spiritual power of the popes rested when they attempted to rule in peace

and on the principles of eternal love. However perverted the idea of the

unity of the church became in the Middle Ages, still who can deny that

it was the mission of the church to create a spiritual power based on

the hopes and fears of a future life? The idea of a theocracy forms a

prominent part of the polity of Calvin, as of Hildebrand himself. It is

the basis of his legislation. He maintained it was long concealed in the

bosom of the primitive church, and was gradually unfolded, though in a

corrupt form, by the popes, the worthiest of whom kept the idea of a

divine government continually in view, and pursued it with a clear

knowledge of its consequences. And those familiar with the lofty schemes

of Leo and Gregory, will appreciate their efforts in raising up a power

which should be supreme in barbarous ages, and preserve what was most to

be valued of the old civilization. The autocrat of Geneva clung to the

necessity of a spiritual religion, and aimed to realize that which the

Middle Ages sought, and sought in vain, that the church must always

remain the mother of spiritual principles, while the state should be the

arm by which those principles should be enforced. Like Hildebrand, he

would, if possible, have hurled the terrible weapon of excommunication.

In cutting men off from the fold, he would also have cut them off from

the higher privileges of society. He may have carried his views too far,

but they were founded on the idea of a church against which the gates of

hell could not prevail. Who can estimate the immeasurable influence of

such an idea, which, however perverted, will ever be recognized as one

of the great agencies of the world? A church without a spiritual power,

is inconceivable; nor can it pass away, even before the material

tendencies of a proud and rationalistic civilization. It will assert its

dignity when thrones and principalities shall crumble in the dust.

Such are among the chief ideas which the fathers taught, and which have

entered even into the modern institutions of society, and form the

peculiar glory of our civilization. When we remember this, we feel that

the church has performed no mean mission, even if it did not save the

Roman empire. The glory of warriors, of statesmen, of artists, of

philosophers, of legislators, and of men of science and literature in

the ancient world, still shines, and no one would dim it, or hide it

from the admiration of mankind. But the purer effulgence of the great

lights of the church eclipses it all, and will shine brighter and

brighter, until the seed of the woman shall bruise the serpent's head.

This is the true sun which shall dissipate the shadows of superstition

and ignorance that cover so great a portion of the earth, and this shall

bring society into a healthful glow of unity and love.

* * * * *

In another volume I shall present, more in detail, the labors of the

Christian Fathers in founding the new civilization which still reigns

among the nations. And in the creation which succeeded destruction we

shall be additionally impressed with the wisdom and beneficence of the

Great First Cause, through whose providences our fallen race is led to

the new Eden, where truth and justice and love reign in perpetual beauty

and glory.

THE END.

[Transcriber's Note: The spellings "panygeric," "beauitful," and

"sytematically" occurred as such on lines 2285, 2473, and 10763,

respectively, and were corrected.]

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