estate of six hundred acres, a mile and a half south-east from Lexington
court-house. A spacious brick mansion, with flower gardens and groves,
made it in time one of the most attractive places in the South. Here,
later, Clay entertained Lafayette, Webster, Monroe, and other famous men
from Europe and America.
Mr. Clay began his political life when but twenty-two. Kentucky, in
1799, in revising her constitution, considered a project for the gradual
abolition of slavery in the State. Clay was an ardent advocate of the
measure. He wrote in favor of it in the press, and spoke earnestly in
its behalf in public. He, however, received more censure than praise for
the position he took, but his conduct was in keeping with his
declaration years later: "I had rather be right than be President."
All his life he rejoiced that he had thus early favored the abolition of
slavery. He said, thirty years later, "Among the acts of my life which I
look back to with most satisfaction is that of my having cooperated with
other zealous and intelligent friends to procure the establishment of
that system in this State. We were overpowered by numbers, but submitted
to the decision of the majority with that grace which the minority in a
republic should ever yield to that decision. I have, nevertheless, never
ceased, and shall never cease, to regret a decision the effects of which
have been to place us in the rear of our neighbors, who are exempt from
slavery, in the state of agriculture, the progress of manufactures, the
advance of improvements, and the general progress of society."
From this time Clay spoke on all important political questions. Once,
when he and George Nicholas had spoken against the alien and sedition
laws of the Federalists, so pleased were the Kentuckians that both
speakers were placed in a carriage and drawn through the streets, the
people shouting applause. Thus foolishly are persons--usually young
men--willing to be considered horses through their excitement!
When Clay was twenty-six, so effective had been his eloquence that he
was elected to the State Legislature. Who would have prophesied this
when he carried meal to Mrs. Darricott's mill! Reading evenings, when
other boys roamed the streets, had been an important element in this
success; friendship with those older and stronger than himself had given
maturity of thought and plan.
When he was thirty he was chosen to the United States Senate, to fill
the unexpired term of another. At once, despite his youth, he took an
active part in debate, was placed on important committees, and advocated
"internal improvements," as he did all the rest of his life, desiring
always that America become great and powerful. He was happy in this
first experience at the national capital. He wrote home to his wife's
father: "My reception in this place has been equal, nay, superior to my
expectations. I have experienced the civility and attention of all I was
desirous of obtaining. Those who are disposed to flatter me say that I
have acquitted myself with great credit in several debates in the
Senate. But, after all I have seen, Kentucky is still my favorite
country. There amidst my dear family I shall find happiness in a degree
to be met with nowhere else."
As soon as Clay was home again, Kentucky sent him to her State
Legislature, where he was elected speaker. Already the conflicts between
England and France under Napoleon had seriously affected our commerce
by the unjust decrees of both nations. Mr. Clay strongly denounced the
Orders in Council of the British, and praised Jefferson for the embargo.
He urged, also, partly as a retaliatory measure, and partly as a measure
of self-protection, that the members of the Legislature wear only such
clothes as were made by our own manufacturers. Humphrey Marshall, a
strong Federalist, and a man of great ability, denounced this resolution
as the work of a demagogue. The result was a duel, in which, after Clay
and Marshall were both slightly wounded, the seconds prevented further
bloodshed. Once before this Clay had accepted a challenge, and the duel
was prevented only by the interference of friends. Had death resulted at
either time, America would have missed from her record one of the
brightest and fairest names in her history.
When Clay was thirty-three he was again sent to the Senate of the United
States, to fill an unexpired term of two years. At the end of that time
Kentucky was too proud of him to allow his returning to private life. He
was therefore elected to the House of Representatives, and took his seat
November 4, 1811. He was at once chosen speaker, an honor conferred for
seven terms, fourteen years.
"Henry Clay stands," says Carl Schurz, "in the traditions of the House
of Representatives as the greatest of its speakers. His perfect mastery
of parliamentary law, his quickness of decision in applying it, his
unfailing presence of mind and power of command in moments of excitement
and confusion, the courteous dignity of his bearing, are remembered as
unequalled by any one of those who had preceded or who have followed
him."
Here in the excitement of debate he was happy. He could speak at will
against the British, who had seized more than nine hundred American
ships, and the French more than five hundred and fifty. When several
thousand Americans had been impressed as British seamen, the hot blood
of the Kentuckian demanded war. He said in Congress, "We are called upon
to submit to debasement, dishonor, and disgrace; to bow the neck to
royal insolence, as a course of preparation for manly resistance to
Gallic invasion! What nation, what individual was ever taught in the
schools of ignominious submission these patriotic lessons of freedom and
independence?... An honorable peace is attainable only by an efficient
war. My plan would be to call out the ample resources of the country,
give them a judicious direction, prosecute the war with the utmost
vigor, strike wherever we can reach the enemy, at sea or on land, and
negotiate the terms of a peace at Quebec or at Halifax. We are told that
England is a proud and lofty nation, which, disdaining to wait for
danger, meets it half way. Haughty as she is, we once triumphed over
her, and, if we do not listen to the counsels of timidity and despair,
we shall again prevail. In such a cause, with the aid of Providence, we
must come out crowned with success; but if we fail, let us fail like
men, lash ourselves to our gallant tars, and expire together in one
common struggle, fighting for FREE TRADE AND SEAMEN'S RIGHTS."
The War of 1812 came, even though New England strongly opposed it. The
country was poorly prepared for a great contest by land or by sea, but
Clay's enthusiasm seemed equal to a dozen armies. He cheered every
regiment by his hope and his patriotism. When defeats came at Detroit
and in Canada, Josiah Quincy of Massachusetts, leader of the
Federalists, said, "Those must be very young politicians, their
pin-feathers not yet grown, and, however they may flutter on this floor,
they are not fledged for any high or distant flight, who think that
threats and appealing to fear are the ways of producing any disposition
to negotiate in Great Britain, or in any other nation which understands
what it owes to its own safety and honor."
Clay answered in a two-days speech that was never forgotten. He scourged
the Federalists with stinging words: "Sir, gentlemen appear to me to
forget that they stand on American soil; that they are not in the
British House of Commons, but in the chamber of the House of
Representatives of the United States; that we have nothing to do with
the affairs of Europe, the partition of territory and sovereignty there,
except so far as these things affect the interests of our own country.
Gentlemen transform themselves into the Burkes, Chathams, and Pitts of
another country, and forgetting, from honest zeal, the interests of
America, engage with European sensibility in the discussion of European
interests.... I have no fears of French or English subjugation. If we
are united we are too powerful for the mightiest nation in Europe, or
all Europe combined. If we are separated and torn asunder, we shall
become an easy prey to the weakest of them. In the latter dreadful
contingency, our country will not be worth preserving.
"The war was declared because Great Britain arrogated to herself the
pretension of regulating our foreign trade, under the delusive name of
retaliatory orders in council--a pretension by which she undertook to
proclaim to American enterprise, 'Thus far shalt thou go, and no
further'--orders which she refused to revoke, after the alleged cause of
their enactment had ceased; because she persisted in the practice of
impressing American seamen; because she had instigated the Indians to
commit hostilities against us; and because she refused indemnity for her
past injuries upon our commerce. I throw out of the question other
wrongs. The war in fact was announced on our part to meet the war which
she was waging on her part."
The speech electrified the country. The army was increased, the nation
encouraged, and the war carried to a successful issue. Such a power had
Clay become that Madison talked of making him commander-in-chief of the
army, but Gallatin dissuaded him, saying, "What shall we do without
Clay in Congress?"
When the war was nearing its end--before Jackson had fought his famous
battle at New Orleans--and a treaty of peace was to be effected, the
President appointed five commissioners to confer with the British
government: John Quincy Adams, Clay, Bayard, Jonathan Russell, Minister
to Sweden, and Albert Gallatin.
They reached Ghent, in the Netherlands, July 6, 1814, a company of
earnest men, not always in accord, but desirous of accomplishing the
most possible for America. Adams was able, courageous, irritable, and
sometimes domineering; Clay, impetuous, spirited, genial, making friends
of the British commissioners as they played at whist--he never allowed
cards to come into his home at Ashland; Gallatin, discreet, a
peace-maker, and dignified counsellor.
For five months the commissioners argued, waited to see if their
respective countries would accede to the terms proposed, and finally
settled an honorable peace. Then Clay, Adams, and Gallatin spent three
months in London negotiating a treaty of commerce. Clay had meantime
heard of the battle of New Orleans, and said, "Now I can go to England
without mortification." In Paris he met Madame de Stael. "I have been in
England," said she, "and have been battling for your cause there. They
were so much enraged against you that at one time they thought seriously
of sending the Duke of Wellington to lead their armies against you."
"I am very sorry," replied Clay, "that they did not send the duke."
"And why?" she asked.
"Because if he had beaten us, we should have been in the condition of
Europe, without disgrace. But if we had been so fortunate as to defeat
him, we should have greatly added to the renown of our arms."
When Clay returned to America, he was welcomed in New York and Lexington
with public dinners. That the war had produced good results was well
stated in his Lexington address. "Abroad, our character, which, at the
time of its declaration, was in the lowest state of degradation, is
raised to the highest point of elevation. It is impossible for any
American to visit Europe without being sensible of this agreeable change
in the personal attentions which he receives, in the praises which are
bestowed on our past exertions, and the predictions which are made as to
our future prospects. At home, a government, which, at its formation,
was apprehended by its best friends, and pronounced by its enemies to be
incapable of standing the shock, is found to answer all the purposes of
its institution."
Clay was now famous; commanding in presence, with a winsome rather than
handsome face, exuberant in spirits, generous by nature, polite to the
poorest, self-possessed, with a voice unsurpassed, if ever equalled,
for its musical tone; a man who made friends everywhere and among all
classes, and never lost them; who was always a gentleman, because always
kind at heart. Manner, which Emerson calls the "finest of the fine
arts," gave Clay the "mastery of palace and fortune" wherever he went.
That voice and hand-grasp, that remembrance of a face and a name, won
him countless admirers.
President Madison offered him the mission to Russia, which he declined,
as also a place in the Cabinet, as Secretary of War, preferring to speak
on all those matters which helped to build up America. On the question
of the United States Bank he made a strong speech against its
constitutionality, which Andrew Jackson said later was his most
convincing authority when he destroyed the bank. Clay's views changed in
after years, and made him at bitter enmity with Andrew Jackson and John
Tyler, both of whom vigorously opposed a bank, with its vast capital and
consequent power in politics.
Clay's desire for the rapid development of America led him to become a
"protectionist," and the leader of the so-called "American system," as
opposed to Free Trade or the Foreign System. He believed that only as we
encourage our own manufactures can we become a powerful nation, paying
high wages, shutting out the products of the cheap labor of Europe,
increasing our home market, and becoming independent of the foreign
market. Clay's speeches were read the country over, and won him
thousands of followers.
Like others in public life, he now and then gave offence to his
constituents. He had voted for a bill to increase the pay of members of
Congress from six dollars a day to a salary of fifteen hundred dollars a
year. To the farmers of Kentucky this amount seemed far too great. He
one day met an old hunter who had always voted for him, but was now
determined to vote against a man so extravagant in his ideas!
"My friend," said Clay, "have you a good rifle?"
"Yes."
"Did it ever flash?"
"Yes; but only once."
"What did you do with the rifle when it flashed?--throw it away?"
"No; I picked the flint, tried again, and brought down the game."
"Have I ever flashed, except upon the compensation bill?"
"No."
"Well, will you throw me away?"
"No, Mr. Clay; I will pick the flint and try you again."
Mr. Clay was returned to Congress, and voted for the repeal of the
fifteen hundred dollar salary.
The subject which was to surpass all other subjects in interest, and
well-nigh destroy the Union, was coming into prominence--slavery. Henry
Clay, from a boy, when George Wythe, the Virginia chancellor, freed his
slaves, had looked upon human bondage as a curse. He used to say, "If I
could be instrumental in eradicating this deepest stain from the
character of our country, and removing all cause of reproach on account
of it, by foreign nations; if I could only be instrumental in ridding of
this foul blot that revered State that gave me birth, or that not less
beloved State which kindly adopted me as her son, I would not exchange
the proud satisfaction which I should enjoy for the honor of all the
triumphs ever decreed to the most successful conqueror.
* * * * *
"When we consider the cruelty of the origin of negro slavery, its
nature, the character of the free institutions of the whites, and the
irresistible progress of public opinion throughout America, as well as
in Europe, it is impossible not to anticipate frequent insurrections
among the blacks in the United States; they are rational beings like
ourselves, capable of feeling, of reflection, and of judging of what
naturally belongs to them as a portion of the human race. By the very
condition of the relation which subsists between us, we are enemies of
each other. They know well the wrongs which their ancestors suffered at
the hands of our ancestors, and the wrongs which they believe they
continue to endure, although they may be unable to avenge them. They are
kept in subjection only by the superior intelligence and superior power
of the predominant race."
At the North, anti-slavery sentiments had intensified; at the South,
where slavery was at first regarded as an evil, the consequent ease and
wealth from slave labor had changed public opinion, and had made the
people jealous of northern discussion. Through the invention of the
cotton-gin, by Eli Whitney, the value of cotton exports had quadrupled
in twenty years, and the value of slaves had trebled. Comparatively good
feeling was maintained by the two sections of the country as long as for
every slave State admitted to the Union a free State was also admitted.
In 1818, the people of Missouri desired to be admitted to the Union. Mr.
Tallmadge of New York proposed that the further introduction of slavery
should be prohibited, and that all children born within the said State
should be free at the age of twenty-five years. The discussion grew
strong and bitter. Two years later the inhabitants of the State
proceeded to adopt a constitution which forbade free negroes from coming
into the territory or settling in it. The discussion grew more bitter
still. Threats of disunion and civil war were heard. Jefferson wrote
from his Monticello home, "The Missouri question is the most portentous
one that ever threatened the Union. In the gloomiest moments of the
Revolutionary War I never had any apprehension equal to that I feel from
this source."
A senator from Illinois, Mr. Thomas, proposed that no restriction as to
slavery be imposed upon Missouri, but that in all the rest of the
territory ceded by France to the United States, north of 36 deg. 30',
this being the southern boundary of Missouri, there should be no slavery.
Then Mr. Clay, with his intense love for the Union, bent all his
energies to effect this compromise suggested by Thomas. He spoke
earnestly in its behalf, and went from member to member, persuading and
beseeching with all his genius and winsomeness. When Clay had effected
the passage of the bill, the "great pacificator" became more beloved
than ever. He had saved the Union, and now was talked of as the
successor to President Monroe.
Clay was now forty-seven, the polished orator, the consummate leader,
one of the great trio whom all visitors to Washington wished to look
upon: Clay, Webster, and Calhoun. Kentucky was earnest in her support of
Clay as President.
When the time came for voting, six candidates were before the people:
John Quincy Adams, Jackson, Clay, Calhoun, Clinton of New York, and
Crawford of Georgia. Hon. Thomas H. Benton of Missouri was an ardent
supporter of Clay, and travelled over several States speaking in his
behalf.
Clay was anxious for the position, but would do nothing unworthy to
obtain it. He wrote to a friend, "On one resolution, my friends may rest
assured, I will firmly rely, and that is, to participate in no
intrigue, to enter into no arrangements, to make no promises or pledges;
but that, whether I am elected or not, I will have nothing to reproach
myself with. If elected, I will go into the office with a pure
conscience, to promote with my utmost exertions the common good of our
country, and free to select the most able and faithful public servants.
If not elected, acquiescing most cheerfully in the better selection
which will thus have been made, I will at least have the satisfaction of
preserving my honor unsullied and my heart uncorrupted."
After the vote had been taken, as no candidate received a clear
majority, the election necessarily went to the House of Representatives.
Though Jackson received the most electoral votes, Clay, not friendly to
him, used his influence for Adams and helped obtain his election. Clay
was, of course, bitterly censured by the followers of Jackson, and when
Adams made him Secretary of State the cry of "bargain and sale" was
heard throughout the country. Though both Adams and Clay denied any
promise between them, the Jackson men believed, or professed to believe
it, and helped in later years to spoil his presidential success. Adams
said, "As to my motives for tendering him the Department of State when I
did, let the man who questions them come forward. Let him look around
among the statesmen and legislators of the nation and of that day. Let
him then select and name the man whom, by his preeminent talents, by his
splendid services, by his ardent patriotism, by his all-embracing
public spirit, by his fervid eloquence in behalf of the rights and
liberties of mankind, by his long experience in the affairs of the
Union, foreign and domestic, a President of the United States, intent
only upon the honor and welfare of his country, ought to have preferred
to Henry Clay."
Returning to Kentucky before taking the position of Secretary of State,
his journey thither was one constant ovation. Public dinners were given
him in Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Ohio. In the midst of this
prosperity, sorrow laid her hand heavily upon the great man's heart. His
children were his idols. They obeyed him because they loved him and were
proud of him. Lucretia, named for her mother, a delicate and much
beloved daughter, died at fourteen. Eliza, a most attractive girl, with
her father's magnetic manners, died on their journey to Washington. A
few days after her death, another daughter, Susan Hart, then Mrs.
Durolde of New Orleans, died, at the age of twenty.
There was work to be done for the country, and Mr. Clay tried to put
away his sorrow that he might do his duty. As Secretary of State he
helped to negotiate treaties with Prussia, Denmark, Austria, Russia, and
other nations. The opposition to Adams and Clay became intense. The
Jackson party felt itself defrauded. John Randolph of Virginia was an
outspoken enemy, closing a scathing speech with the words, "by the
coalition of Blifil and Black George--by the combination, unheard of
till then, of the Puritan with the blackleg."
Clay was indignant, and sent Randolph a challenge, which he accepted. On
the night before the duel, Randolph told a friend that he had determined
not to return Clay's fire. "Nothing," he said, "shall induce me to harm
a hair of his head. I will not make his wife a widow and his children
orphans. Their tears would be shed over his grave; but when the sod of
Virginia rests on my bosom, there is not in this wide world one
individual to pay this tribute upon mine."
The two men met on the banks of the Potomac, near sunset. Clay fired and
missed his adversary, while Randolph discharged his pistol in the air.
As soon as Clay perceived this he came forward and exclaimed, "I trust
in God, my dear sir, that you are unhurt; after what has occurred, I
would not have harmed you for a thousand worlds." Years afterward, a
short time before Randolph's death, as he was on his way to
Philadelphia, he stopped in Washington, and was carried into the Senate
chamber during its all-night session. Clay was speaking. "Hold me up,"
he said to his attendants; "_I have come to hear that voice._"
At the presidential election of 1828 Andrew Jackson was the successful
candidate, and Clay retired to his Ashland farm, where he took especial
delight in his fine horses, cattle, and sheep. But he was soon returned
to the Senate by his devoted State.
The tariff question was now absorbing the public mind. The South, under
Calhoun's leadership, had been opposed to protection, which they
believed aided northern manufacturers at the expense of southern
agriculturists. When the tariff bill of 1832 was passed, and South
Carolina talked of nullification and secession, Clay said: "The great
principle which lies at the foundation of all free government is that
the majority must govern, from which there can be no appeal but the
sword. That majority ought to govern wisely, equitably, moderately, and
constitutionally; but govern it must, subject only to that terrible
appeal. If ever one or several States, being a minority, can, by
menacing a dissolution of the Union, succeed in forcing an abandonment
of great measures deemed essential to the interests and prosperity of
the whole, the Union from that moment is practically gone. It may linger
on in form and name, but its vital spirit has fled forever."