CHAPTER XIII

Castles and Country-Houses

'As Marly's bright green leaves give place

To tints of rich and mellowed glow;

As close the shortening autumn days,

Whilst summer lingers, loth to go;

Quick rises each familiar scene,

And fancy homewards turns her gaze;

Such are the hues in Oakford seem,

And such a light o'er Iddesleigh plays--

Methinks the oaks of dear old Pynes

With richer brown delight the eye;

Nor would I take these reddening vines

For our wild cherry's crimson dye.'

EARL OF IDDESLEIGH.

Powderham Castle is a fine building in a lovely setting. On the east the

park leads down towards the marshy edge of the broad rippling estuary,

on either side there spread trees and bracken, with the deer feeding

among them, and hills sloping gradually upwards make a very pretty

background.

The Castle is difficult to describe, for one century after another has

added a wing or pulled down a corner, and the result is an irregular

building of very varying architecture. Even the exact colour is not easy

to tell, but different shades of grey prevail. The north tower, the

earliest part, is built of small and uneven stones. There is a tradition

that Powderham was begun by William of Eu soon after the Conquest, and

another story is that it existed before that date, and was built by a

Saxon to prevent the Danes sailing up the river to Exeter; but the

oldest portion now standing is probably due to Sir Philip Courtenay, who

was born about A.D. 1337.

The Castle was strongly fortified, and in the Civil War withstood an

attack planned by General Fairfax himself. The General, says Sprigg,

ordered 'a design in hand against Pouldrum-house, by water and land,

which, being on Friday, December 12, was immediately put in

execution.... The design against Pouldrum-house was this, and thus

carried: Lord's Day, December 14, nine of the clock at night, Captain

Deane (the comptroller of the ordnance) was commanded over Ex with 200

foot and dragoons, to possess Pouldrum-castle, but the enemy had some

few hours before got 150 into it, unto those that were there before,

which our men not discovering before they had landed, would not return

without attempting something. The church at Pouldrum being not far

distant from the castle, they resolved to possess and make the best of

it, and accordingly did so, and the next morning they got provisions

from Nutwell-house unto them into the church, and began to fortify the

same. The enemy at Excester, much startled hereat, fearing the castle

would be lost, as well as the river blocked up by the fortifying of this

church, sent therefore, on Monday, the 15th, a party of 500 foot, who

joining with 200 from the castle assaulted our men about seven at night,

threw in many hand granadoes amongst them, and so continued storming

till ten, but were beaten off with much loss, leaving their dead on the

place, and carrying with them many wounded, as appeared by the snow,

that was much stained with blood as they retreated.' The Parliamentary

soldiers remained in the church, and Sprigg, not unnaturally, vaunts

their stoicism a little. 'They were resolved to continue in their duty;

and notwithstanding the extremity of the cold, by reason of the great

frost and snow, and want of all means to resist or qualify the same in

the church, having no firing there, they would not quit the same till

they received orders to do so; which hard service (hard in every

respect) ... they were not immediately discharged of.' However, the next

day, 'the general considering further the bitter coldness of the

weather, and the hardness of the duty they would necessarily be put

unto, if they should make good the church, sent orders to them to draw

off, w^h that they might do with the more safety, two regiments were

appointed to draw down and alarm the enemy on that side Excester, while

they made good their retreat over the river.'

Powderham held out gallantly for more than another month,

notwithstanding that 'Colonel Hammond was set down with some force'

about it; and Fairfax, on his return from his victory at Dartmouth,

'marched to Chidley, endeavouring first to take a view of Pouldrum,'

meditating a fresh attack. But the garrison had reached their limit of

endurance, and the same night (January 24, 1646) the Castle was

surrendered.

About the year 1700 great alterations were made, and now battlemented

towers and French windows, iron balconies, and loopholes in massive

walls many feet thick, in strange juxtaposition, show how it has been

adapted to the taste and needs of its successive owners. On the west is

a large courtyard, the Castle itself forming one side of the quadrangle;

on the east, a broad terrace, set with little box-edged beds, high

vases, and clipped cypresses, and little turrets at the angles. Smaller

terraces run north and south of the Castle, and along the south terrace

is a magnificent thick, high, and very dense yew-hedge. The centre of

the east front is a low tower, and at each end are projecting wings. In

the south wing is the present chapel, once a granary. Perhaps its most

uncommon feature is the number of old bench-ends, most of whose panels

are carved with heads, some of which were shaped piously, though others

are grotesque. Through the chapel is the priest's room, a large and

delightful one, lighted on three sides; with Pope Gregory in stained

glass, and the Courtenay arms beneath, in one window.

The walls of the 'staircase hall' are a pale blue-green, and show a bold

and very elaborate decoration, a belated example of the manner of

Grinling Gibbons. Long white garlands, holding together flowers, fruit,

spears, a quiver of arrows, birds, beasts, trumpets, and a mass of

intricate designs, hang down the walls in high relief. The fine

banqueting-hall has a carved and vaulted roof, and high at one end is a

gallery. Deep panelling runs all round the hall, and at the head of the

panels are little shields, the coats of arms of the English and French

branches of the Courtenays, and of the ladies whom the successive heads

of the family have married--with, in every case, the shields of her

parents and grandparents as well. The heraldic chimneypiece is high and

very elaborate. In the long drawing-rooms hang two examples of the few

life-size groups that Richard Cosway painted. Both pictures are of three

daughters of the house; the dresses are white, and the whole colouring

extremely delicate. In the most delightful of the two the ladies are

standing, and their figures and attitudes are extremely graceful. In the

second picture all three are sitting on the ground, and though very

pretty, this group has not the particular charm of the first. The large

'music-room' has been arranged to suit its name, for on the walls are

tiny frescoes representing the triumph of Music, musical instruments are

sculptured in marble on the chimneypiece, and even pattern the Aubusson

carpet. In the panelled entrance-hall is some fine carving, and here

hang the rather melancholy portraits of the unhappy Marquis of Exeter

and his unfortunate son, and a large picture of a Lord and Lady Devon,

most of their fourteen daughters, and their only son.

Powderham was brought to the Courtenays as the dowry of Margaret Bohun,

daughter of the Earl of Hereford, and she left it to her fifth son, Sir

Philip Courtenay, the ancestor of the present owner.

It would be impossible here to attempt the most imperfect outline of the

changing fortunes of this 'imperial family,' even from the date at which

they settled in England, and without any reference to the days when

Courtenays were Kings of Jerusalem and Emperors of Constantinople.

Members of this family have played important parts in different crises

of the nation's history, and very many have been eminent in peace and

war. From the chronicle of their lives and losses, battles and honours,

I am able to quote here only a few scattered instances.

Sir Hugh Courtenay, born 1327, was often 'employed by the King in his

wars in _France_ and _Scotland_,' and fought at the battle of Crecy. The

next year, among other 'brave Martialists,' he diverted himself by mimic

battles at Eltham, and it is recorded that at this tournament the King

gave him 'an Hood of White Cloth, embroidered with men in the posture of

Dancers, buttoned with large Pearls.' Authorities are divided as to

whether he or his father, the Earl of Devonshire, was one of the

founders of the Order of the Garter. Sir Hugh's son of the same name

married Matilda, daughter of the Earl of Kent, and his wife--usually

known as the Fair Maid of Kent, Lady Matilda Courtenay--inherited her

mother's beauty--'"the fairest lady in England," saith Froissard.' Hugh

Courtenay died young, and his widow fell in love with 'Lord _Valeran_,

Earl of _St Paul_, who, having been taken Prisoner in the Marches of

_Calais_, was kept in the English Court, and by his winning Behaviour

did much engage the Ladies Affections to him. The Princess her Mother

[who as a widow had married the Black Prince] was at first much against

the match, but at last she yielded, and the king her brother gave his

consent, and for her dowry bestowed upon the Earl the Manor of Byfleet.

_Walsington_ says that this marriage was celebrated on the Octaves of

Easter, at Windsor, with great Pomp, and the Earl got from France a

great many Musicians and Dancers for that purpose.'

Sir Hugh was the eldest of seventeen children, and several of the sons

were distinguished men. On the eve of the Battle of Navaretto, Sir Hugh,

Sir Philip, and Sir Peter were knighted together by the Black Prince.

Their eagerness to fight on land or sea led, on one occasion, to an

unfortunate result. In 1378 the Duke of Lancaster was exasperating the

fleet under his orders by his 'slow Proceedings and unnecessary delays,'

and a part of it set out without him. 'Sir Philip and Sir Peter

Courtenay, two brothers who had the Command of some ships, espying some

vessels belonging to the enemy, inconsiderately assaulted them, being

the whole Spanish Fleet, and though they bravely fought, and defended

themselves, yet in the end were beaten, most of them who were good

gentlemen of Devonshire and Somersetshire being slain. Sir Peter with

some others were taken Prisoners, and Sir Philip was sore wounded but

escaped the hands of his enemies.'

Later on Sir Philip was Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and must have

wrestled with enough turbulence and riot to satisfy anyone. His manner

of governing seems, at any rate, to have pleased the King, who, whilst

Sir Philip was still in office, showered honours upon him--'the Park of

Bovey Tracey ... Dartmoor Forest, and the Manour of Bradnich.' He was

made 'Steward of all the King's Manours and Stannaries in the county of

Cornwall,' and later on was appointed to other posts of importance.

Unluckily, Sir Philip's chief principle of action seems to have been

that might is right, and complaints being made to the King that he had

expelled two of his neighbours from parts of their lands, and imprisoned

the Abbot of Newenham, and two of his monks, 'with great force,' the

intrepid knight was sent to the Tower. However, after a little while,

'at the request of the Lords and Commons, he was restored to his place

and good name.'

William Courtenay, a brother to Sir Philip, was Bishop of London at the

critical time when Wyclif's doctrines were first stirring men's minds,

and after the murder of Archbishop Sudbury, Bishop Courtenay was

translated to Canterbury, and began to take very severe measures against

the heretics. A strange event marked a meeting of many dignitaries of

Church and State, who had gathered to censure Wyclif's teaching and find

means for its extermination. 'When they were just going to begin their

business a wonderful and terrible earthquake happened throughout all

England, whereupon differs of the suffragans being affrighted thought

fit to leave off their business, but the Archbishop encouraged them to

go on, and they proceeded to examine Articles of Wickliff, and to give

their censure upon them.'

The Archbishop persuaded Parliament to pass an Act against certain

preachers of heresy, that they might be arrested and kept 'in strong

Prison until they shall justify themselves according to the Law of the

Holy Church,' and brought the Chancellor of Oxford literally to his

knees, begging the Archbishop's pardon for having shown favour to the

Lollards against special commands.

His strong will was exercised in all matters, great and small, and

offenders were punished in the most conspicuous fashion. The Archbishop

took a high hand in dealing with affairs of the Diocese of Exeter, and

the Bishop of Exeter greatly resented it, and appealed against him to

Rome. The Archbishop then 'cited' Bishop Brantyngham 'to answer certain

Articles to be proposed to him in the Visitation,' but some of the

'Bishop's Officers' met the bearer at Topsham, and 'did beat him, and

forced him to eat the Citation, Parchment, Wax, and all.' The contempt

of his commands, and the maltreatment of his messenger, naturally roused

the Archbishop to wrath, and he inflicted this very heavy penance: 'That

in the Church of _Canterbury_, _St Paul's_ in _London_, and the

Cathedral Church of _Exeter_, they should upon three Holy Days named,

being in their shirts only, in a Procession going before the Cross,

carry Wax Tapers burning in their hands, and then that they should give

to the Priest a Salary to say Mass every day at the Tomb of the Earl of

Devonshire; and lastly, every one of them was enjoined to pay a sum of

money, for repairing the Walls of the City of _Exeter_.' In addition to

the public disgrace, the trouble and cost of this penance must have been

immense.

The sixth of these brothers, Sir Peter Courtenay, was, says Fuller, 'a

true son of Mars and actuated with such heroic fire, that he wholly

addicted himself unto feats of arms.' It has been already mentioned that

he fought in the Spanish wars, and in milder moments he distinguished

himself at 'justs and tournaments now justled out of fashion by your

carpet knights.' As a prisoner of war in France, his captivity was

lightened by the attentions he received, even from the King of France

himself, and he was on such good terms with his captors that after his

release he gained leave of Richard II 'to send into France, by

Northampton Herald, and by Anlet Pursuivant, as a return for the

civilities he received in France ... eight cloths of Scarlet, Black and

Russet, to give to certain Noblemen of that Realm; as also two Horses,

six saddles, six little bows, one sheaf of large Arrows and another

sheaf of Cross-bow Arrows; likewise a Greyhound, and other dogs for the

King of France's Keeper.'

The Wars of the Roses were especially fatal to the House of Courtenay,

no less than three Earls of Devon losing their lives for King Henry, and

in consequence the elder branch of the family became extinct.

A pleasanter time to look back upon was the beginning of the reign of

Henry VIII. Henry VII had married Elizabeth, the elder, and the Earl of

Devonshire Katherine, the younger, of Edward IV's daughters, and after

Henry VIII's accession to the throne the Earl of Devonshire seems to

have been much at Court. In the early months of 1509 preparations were

made for 'solemn Justs in Honour of the Queen. The King was one, and

with him three Aids: the King was called _Coeur Loial_, and the Earl

of _Devonshire_, _Bon Voloire_, Sir _Thomas Nevet_, _Bon Espoire_, Sir

_Edward Nevil_, _Valiant Desire_, and their Names were put in a fine

Table, and the Table was hung on a Tree curiously wrought, and they were

called _Les Chevaliers de le Forest Salvigne_, and they were to run at

the Tilt with all comers.'

The irony of the King's choice of a _nom de guerre_ seems to have

escaped the historian.

'On the 1st day of _May_ 1510, 2 Henry VIII, the King, accompanied with

a great many valiant Nobles, rode upon managed Horses to the Wood to

fetch May, where he and three others, viz., Sir _Edward Howard_,

_Charles Brandon_, and _Edward Nevil_, which were Challengers, shifted

themselves, and did put on coats of green Sattin, guarded with crimson

Velvet; and on the other side were the Earls of _Essex_ and

_Devonshire_, the Marquis of _Dorset_, and the Lord _Howard_, and they

were all in crimson Sattin, guarded with a pounced Guard of green

Velvet. On the third Day the Queen made a great Banquet for the King and

those who had justed, and after the Banquet she gave the Chief Prize to

the King, the second to the Earl of _Essex_, the third to the Earl of

_Devonshire_, and the Fourth to the Marquess of _Dorset_. Then the

Heralds cried aloud, _My Lords, For your noble Feats in Arms, God send

you the Love of the Ladies whom you most admire_.'

The next year the Earl of Devonshire died, and was succeeded by his son,

Henry, who for a time was high in the favour of his royal cousin. He

seems also to have taken part in many 'Justs and Tourneys.' One summer

'the Queen desired the King to bring to his Manour of Havering in Essex,

to the Bower there, the Gentlemen of _France_ that were Hostages, for

whose Welcome she provided all things in a liberal manner.' The

entertainment seems to have taken the shape of a small masked ball, and

'the King gave many gifts where he liked.' At the Field of the Cloth of

Gold, the Earl of Devonshire had the honour of tilting with the French

King, 'and they ran so hard together that both their Spears broke, and

so they maintained their Courses nobly.'

The next year 'the King kept his _Christmas_ at _Greenwich_ in great

splendour'; and there was another tournament and many challenges. 'Noble

and rich was their Apparel, but in Feats of Arms the King excelled the

rest.'

In the year 1525 the Earl was created Marquis of Exeter, and seven years

later, before starting for France, the King formally named his cousin

Heir Apparent to the Crown. After this Fortune turned her back on him,

and though, at the King's bidding, he dealt with the northern rebels,

taking with him 'a jolly company of Western Men, well and completely

appointed,' it was thought that his power, shown by 'so sudden raising

divers thousands,' awoke the King's jealousy. The influence of the

Marquis 'over the west was second only to the hold which the Duke of

Norfolk had upon the eastern counties'; and therefore, when two years

later it was reported he had said, 'Knaves rule about the King. I trust

to give them a buffet one day,' Cromwell was glad to seize the

opportunity of simultaneously striking at feudalism in the West, and of

dealing a blow at the inflexible Cardinal Pole, the Courtenays' kinsman.

The Marquis was at once arrested on the charge of being an accomplice of

the Cardinal, and was beheaded on Tower Hill.

Edward, his son, who was only twelve years old at the time of his

father's death, was committed to the Tower, 'lest he should raise

Commotions by revenging his Father's Quarrel,' and here he remained for

twenty-seven years. There is a pretty account of Queen Mary coming to

the Tower, soon after her accession, where '_Thomas_, Duke of _Norfolk_,

Dr _Gardiner_, late Bishop of _Winchester_, _Edward Courtenay_, son and

heir to _Henry Marquis_ of _Exeter_, the _Dutchess of Somerset_,

Prisoners in the Tower, kneeling on the Hill, within the same Tower,

saluted her Grace, and she came to them and kissed them, and said,

"These be my prisoners," and caused them presently to be set at

liberty.'

The very next day the Queen restored to her cousin the title of Earl of

Devon (forfeited by his father's attainder), and soon after all his

lands that remained in her possession, and also showed him other

favours. In fact, 'it was reported that she carried some good affections

towards the Earl, from the first time that she saw him.... Concerning

which, there goes a story that the young Earl petitioning the Queen for

leave to travel, she advised him to marry and stay at home, assuring him

that no lady in the land, how high soever, would refuse to accept of him

for a husband, by which words, she pointed out herself to him, as

plainly as might either stand with the Modesty or Majesty of a Maiden

Queen.' But, says Fuller with extreme candour, 'either because his long

durance had some influence on his brain, or that naturally his face was

better than his head, or out of some private fancy and affection (which

is most probable) to the Lady Elizabeth,' who, another writer declares,

'of that moderate Share of Beauty that was between them, had much the

better of her,' the Earl evaded the honour hinted to him, and begged

leave to pay his addresses to the younger Princess. The Queen's feelings

and vanity were deeply wounded, and, on a suspicion that the Princess as

well as himself were concerned in Wyatt's rebellion, they were both sent

to the Tower.

Cleaveland tells a charming story of the Princess and of a child who

lived in the Tower. 'During the time that the Lady Elizabeth and the

Lord Courtenay were in Prison, a little boy, the son of a Man that lived

in the Tower, did use to resort unto their chambers and did often bring

her Grace Flowers, as he did to the other Prisoners that were there,

whereupon some suspicious heads, thinking to make something of it, on a

Time called the Child unto them, promising him Figs and Apples, and

asked him when he had been with the Earl of _Devonshire_, knowing that

he did use to go to him: The Boy answered, _That he would go by and by

thither_. Then they demanded of him, when he was with the Lady

_Elizabeth_? He answered _Every Day_. Then they asked him, what the

Lord _Devonshire_ sent by him to her Grace? The Child said, _I will go

and know what he will give to carry to her_; such was the discretion of

the child (says Mr _Fox_), being but four Years of Age. _This same is a

crafty Boy_, said the Lord Chamberlain; _How say you, my lord Shandois?

I pray you, my Lord_, says the Boy, _give me the Figs you promised me;

No_, quoth the Lord, _thou shalt be whipt, if thou come any more to the

Lady Elizabeth or the Lord Courtenay_. The Boy answered, _I will bring

my Lady and Mistress more flowers_, whereupon the Child's Father was

commanded to permit the Boy to come no more up into the chambers. The

next Day, as her Grace was walking in the Garden, the Child peeping in

at a Hole in the Door, cried unto her, _Mistress, I can bring no more

flowers_: Whereat she smiled, but said nothing, understanding thereby

what they had done. Soon after the Chamberlain rebuked highly his

Father, commanding him to put him out of the House; _Alas! poor Infant_,

said the Father: _It is a crafty Knave_, quoth the Lord Chamberlain,

_let me see him here no more_.'

Soon after Queen Mary's marriage, her husband tried hard to persuade her

to release her sister and the Earl, 'and nothing, says _Heylin_, did

King _Philip_ more Honour amongst the _English_.' It is to be remembered

to his good, that he interceded very earnestly, and in the end

successfully, for another Devonshire conspirator in Wyatt's rising, Sir

Peter Carew.

The Earl, fearing that he might, 'upon the first disorder, be committed

to the Tower, to which his Stars seemed to condemn him,' prudently

resolved to go abroad; but he must have been born under a very unlucky

planet, for the next year he was seized with illness, and died at Padua.

With him the title became extinct for about two hundred and fifty years;

then Lord Courtenay, a descendant of the Powderham branch of Courtenays,

established his claim to the earldom. As the attainder of the Marquis of

Exeter was never reversed, that title was never revived in this family.

Among the 'Roxburghe Ballads' is one relating to the Courtenays, called

'The Stout Cripple of Cornwall.' No notes throw any light upon the

possible origin of the story or offer any opinion as to the probability

of the ballad being an account of a true incident, or 'founded on fact,'

or wholly imaginary.

'Of a stout Cripple that kept the highway,

And beg'd for his living all time of the day,

A story I'll tell you that pleasant shall be--

The Cripple of Cornwall sirnamed was he.

'He crept on his hands and his knees up and downe,

In a torn jacket and ragged patcht gowne;

For he had never a leg to the knee--

The Cripple of Cornwall sirnamed was he.

'He was of stomake courageious and stout,

For he had no cause to complaine of the gout;

To go upon stilts most cunning was he,

With a staff on his neck most gallant and free.

'Yea, no good-fellowship would he forsake,

Were it in secret a purse to take,

His help was as good as any might be,

The Cripple of Cornwall sirnamed was he.

'When he upon any such service did go,

The crafty young Cripple provided it so,

His tools he kept close in an old hollow tree,

That stood from the city a mile, two or three.

'Thus all the day long he beg'd for relief,

And late in the night he play'd the false theefe,

And seven years together this custom kept he,

And no man thought him such a person to be.

'There were few graziers who went on the way,

But unto the Cripple for passage did pay.

And every brave merchant that he did descry,

He emptied their purses ere they passed by.

'The gallant Lord Courtenay, both valiant and bold,

Rode forth with great plenty of silver and gold,

At Exeter there (for) a purchase to pay,

But that the false Cripple his journey did stay.

'For why, the false Cripple heard tidings of late,

As he lay for almes at this noble-man's gate,

What day and what houre his journey should be;

"This is," quoth the Cripple, "a booty for me."

'Then to his companions this matter he moved,

Which he in like actions before-time had proved;

They make themselves ready, and deeply they sweare,

This money's their own, before they come there.

'Upon his two stilts the Cripple doth mount,

To have the best share he makes his account;

All clothed in canvas downe to the ground,

He takes up his standing, his mates with him round.

'Then comes the Lord Courtenay, with half a score men,

That little suspected these thieves in their den,

And they (thus) perceiving them come to their hand,

In a darke (winter's) evening, they bid him to stand.

'"Deliver thy purse," quoth the Cripple, "with speed--

For we be good fellows and thereof have need."

"Not so," quoth Lord Countenay, "but this I'll tell ye,

Win it and wear it, else get none of me."

'With that the Lord Courtenay stood on his defence,

And so did his servants; but ere they went hence,

Two of the true men were slain in the fight,

And four of the thieves were put to the flight.

'And while for their safeguard they run thus away,

The jolly bold Cripple did hold the rest play,

And with his pikestaff he wounded them so,

As they were unable to run or to go.

'With fighting the Lord Courtney was driven out of breath,

And most of his servants were wounded to death,

Then came other horsemen riding so fast,

The Cripple was forced to flye at the last.

'And over a river that ran there beside,

Which was very deep and eighteen foot wide,

With his long staff and his stilts leaped he,

And shifted himself in an old hollow tree.

'Then through the country was hue and cry made,

To have these bold thieves apprehended and staid;

The Cripple he creep on his hands and his knees,

And on the hieway great posting he sees.

'And as they came riding, he begging doth say,

"O give me one penny, good masters, I pray;"

And thus on to Exeter creeps he along,

No man suspecting that he had done wrong.

'Anon the Lord Courtney he spies in the street,

He comes unto him and he kisses his feet,

Saying, "God save your honour and keep you from ill,

And from the hands of your enemies still!"

'"Amen!" quoth Lord Courtney, and therewith flung downe

Unto the poor Cripple an English crowne;

Away went the Cripple, and thus did he thinke,

"Five hundred pound more would make me to drinke."

'In vain that hue and cry it was made,

They found none of them, though the country was laid;

But this grieved the Cripple both night and by day,

That he so unluckily mist of his prey.

'Nine hundred pound this Cripple had got,

By begging and thieving--so good was his lot--

"A thousand pound he would make it," he said,

"And then he would quite give over his trade."

'But as he (thus) strived his mind to fulfill.

In following his actions so lewd and so ill,

At last he was taken, the law to suffice,

Condemned and hanged at Exeter 'size.

'Which made all men greatly amazed to see,

That such an impotent person as he

Should venture himself in such actions as they,

To rob in such sort upon the hye-way.'

On a hill about two miles east of Totnes stand the ruins of Berry

Pomeroy, at a little distance almost hidden in the thick woods around

them. Vistas of green leaves without end open from the road to the

castle, long lines of beeches and oaks stretching out of sight and

broken by glades chequered with flickering lights and shadows. On the

north and east side of the walls the ground falls away precipitously to

a great depth, and a stream runs along the valley beneath. The ruins are

covered with ivy, saplings and bushes spread their fresh shoots and

sprays among the crumbling stones, and all is open to the sky; but

enough remains to show what a noble building Berry Pomeroy must have

been. The outer walls of the Castle were built by the Pomeroys--it is

thought probable by Henry de Pomeroy, in the reign of King John, though

the Castle was granted them by William the Conqueror. A hexagonal tower

flanks the gateway on either side. Above it is the guard-room, in which

two pillars support circular arches that are in a very perfect

condition, and the grooves in the walls for the portcullis may easily be

traced. It is usually reported that the Pomeroys' coat of arms is still

visible on the gateway, but as the lodge-keeper, who for many years has

trimmed the ivy at intervals, has never seen it, it may be that a little

imagination has come to the help of mere eyesight.

A curtain wall connects the gateway with a tower called St Margaret's

Tower, of which merely the shell remains, smothered in overhanging ivy,

brambles, long grass, and a tapestry of plants, and beneath the tower is

a small, dark dungeon. To the left, across the quadrangle and along the

western wall, are a number of rooms more or less imperfect that belonged

to the Pomeroys' castle. They lead one into another, and contain

enormous fireplaces and chimneys. Opposite the gateway the ruins are

much more broken down, in parts hardly more than fragments and tall

trees peer over a low wall, the crowning point of a very steep ascent.

Just inside the gateway, on the right, is the skeleton of the splendid

west front, due to Sir Edward Seymour. The inner buildings, which rose

in Tudor days, are of a character entirely different from that of the

older remains, and the Seymours' spacious ideas were reflected in the

magnificence of their castle. The windows and traces of fireplaces in

the walls show that it must have been four stories high and held a maze

of rooms. One becomes confused wandering through enclosed spaces,

cell-like, for the great height, unbroken by floor or ceiling, gives an

impression that the rooms are small. Over all is an uncomfortable sense

of desertion, and the high empty windows, with stone mullions and square

labels, somehow give a skull-like appearance to the frame of the west

front. There is not the feeling of repose that there is about some

ruins, which seem to disown their debt to man, and to be bent on

pretending that they are as entirely a work of Nature as any

lichen-covered boulder lying near them. I do not know if Berry Pomeroy

is said to be haunted, but it awakens an uneasy sensation that it is

itself a ghost--the ghost of an unsatisfied ambition, the creation of

many minds who planned and toiled, soared and fell.

As a matter of fact, the Seymours' castle was never finished, and it is

curious that, as it was destroyed in comparatively recent times, there

should be no account of such an important event. The theory most usually

accepted is that it was burned by lightning; but there is no absolute

proof that this was the case.

Of the Pomeroys of Berry Pomeroy few records of much importance remain.

Ralph de la Pomerai was so 'greatly assistant to William the Conqueror'

in subduing this kingdom, that no less than fifty-eight lordships in

Devonshire were awarded him. Henry de Pomeroy, in the reign of King

John, was a powerful and rebellious noble, who must have been a terror

to his weaker neighbours. Occasional glimpses of this family are given

by old deeds and papers, as, for instance, in 1267, when a 'Pardon' was

granted by 'Edward, eldest son of the king, to Sir Henry de la Pomeroy,

who was against the king in the late disturbances in the kingdom.' About

the same date is a grant by Sir Henry, 'for the health of his soul,' of

the Manor of Canonteign, the advowsons of four churches, and 'other

possessions to the Prior and Convent of the Blessed Mary of Martin ...

by ordinance of Walter, Bishop of Exeter.'

Some years later Edward I, now King, sent a second pardon to Sir Henry

'and Joan, his wife, for detaining Isabella, daughter and one of the

heirs of John de Moles, deceased, and marrying her against the king's

will to William de Botreaux, the younger.' So that he appears to have

followed his own pleasure with extreme independence.

A note on a more peaceful subject is extracted from the Testa de Nevil:

'Geoffrey de la Worthy holds one tenement, four acres of land and a

half, and two gardens of Henry de la Pomeroye, in Bery, rendering at

Easter and Midsummer four shillings and nine pence, and one pound of wax

and three capons, the price of the wax sixpence, and the capons one

penny.' One penny!

The terms of settling several other disputes are preserved--in one case

at great length. In the reign of Henry VII, Sir Edward Pomeroy fell out

with 'the Mayor of Totnes and his brethren'; several gentlemen

arbitrated between them, and eventually 'awarded that the said Sir

Edward Pomeroy shall clearly exclude, forgive, and put from him all

malice and debates ... and from hensforth to be loving unto theym,' and

the same conciliatory spirit was to be shown by the other side. As a

really satisfactory conclusion, Sir Edward was desired to send the Mayor

and his brethren a buck to be eaten in state, 'Provided that the same

Sir Edward be at the etyng of the same bucke, in goodly manner.

Furthermore we award that the said maiour and his brethren shal paye for

the wyne which shal be dronke at the etyng of the same bucke.'

Sir Thomas Pomeroy, the last of this family to own the Castle, fell into

disgrace through joining in the Western rebellion against the

Prayer-Book, and his estate passed to the Protector Somerset.

It would be absurd in this chapter to attempt to touch on more than a

very few points in the history of the great family of the Seymours, or

to touch on any that are not connected with Devonshire. Amongst the Duke

of Somerset's papers are some extremely interesting letters and

documents relating to Sir Edward Seymour's descendants in this county.

The second wife of the Protector Somerset, Ann Stanhope, is described in

no flattering terms, one biographer attributing some of the Duke's later

troubles to 'the pride, the haughty hate, the unquiet vanity of a

_mannish_, or rather of a _divellish_, woman.' Haywood says she was

'subtle and violent in accomplishing her ends, and for pride,

monstrous.' It can easily be imagined, therefore, that she persuaded the

Duke to set aside her stepson in favour of her own eldest son; but all

the honours that should have passed to him were forfeited by the

attainder of the Duke. The title of Earl of Hertford was, however,

restored to Ann Stanhope's son in the reign of James I.

The true heir, Sir Edward Seymour, to whose descendants the dukedom has

now reverted, was given Berry Pomeroy by his father. His grandson,

Edward, showed great zeal in making ready the defences of the coast when

the Armada was expected, and from various letters, orders, and

'precepts,' it is obvious that these preparations brought him great

responsibility and an immense amount of work. In 1586 a letter was

forwarded to him from the Lord-Lieutenant in reference to the 'beacon

watches.' Instructions were sent that 'one, two, or three horses for

post' should be kept at a convenient place near each beacon, that one or

more might be ready to start at a moment's notice if the signal were

given. Further directions were: 'That the wisest and discreetest men of

every parish be appointed to assist the constables; ... Commandment to

every person within every parish that they do not [set any furze or]

heath on fire after seven of the clock in the afternoon.' And there were

a host of orders regarding 'the trained soldiers, and also all others

mustered and charged with armour.'

Later Colonel Seymour was called into council with the Earl of Bath, the

Lord-Lieutenant of the county, and others, to draw up orders as to

stores of 'powder, match, and lead,' that 'one moiety more of each sort'

be kept in towns than was previously ordered, and that 'armour, weapons,

horses, and other necessary furnitures for the wars be held in perfect

readiness ... for all sudden service without defect.'

His grandson, another Sir Edward, was a very loyal and devoted servant

of Charles I. In 1643 he was given full power and authority in His

Majesty's name 'to impress, raise, enroll, and retain one regiment of

1,500 foot soldiers;' and in the following August he was appointed to

the important post of Governor of Dartmouth. Besides supervising

the garrison and the defences of the town, this officer was

required to raise loans, supply ordnance, ammunition, and other

necessaries--sometimes even troops--to captains in the neighbourhood. He

was also desired to do his best to provide money and 'sea-victuals' for

ships going out in the King's service, and received particular

instructions from the King to prevent any 'ships, vessels, prizes, or

anything belonging to them,' that might be captured, from being

plundered or disposed of before they had been 'legally adjudicated by

the judge of our Admiralty there ... for the time being.'

The tone of letters that passed between certain generals, Royalist and

Puritan, about this date, furnishes an additional reason for mourning

the tragedies of the time. The following letter is from the Earl of

Warwick to Colonel Seymour:

'IN TORBAY, ABOARD THE _James_,

'1644, _July_ 18.

'I return you my serious acknowledgment of your civility, and

should most gladly embrace an opportunity to serve you, not only

for your respects, but also for that ancient acquaintance I have

had with your noble family and the honour I have borne it, the

recalling whereof to memory adds to the trouble of our present

distance, which I hope God will, in due time, reconcile, so as the

mutual freedom of conversation which we sometimes enjoyed may be

restored, which I shall the more value as it may give me advantage

of testifying my esteem of you.... It is a pity the truth should be

clouded by some mis-informations that have overspread these parts.

God will in his time scatter them and undeceive those that wait

upon him for counsel.'

A few days later, in Colonel Seymour's reply to this letter, he admits

he has been culpably generous to his adversary. 'Truly, for my own part,

I had rather err with mercy than justice, for had not my lenity made me

a delinquent to duty, your Lordship had wanted some of Dartmouth now

aboard you.'

At the beginning of the war a fine letter was written by Sir William

Waller to his friend and present adversary, Lord Hopton:

'BATH,

'1643, _July_ 16.

'The experience I have had of your work, and the happiness I have

enjoyed in your friendship, are wounding considerations to me when

I look upon this present distance between us; certainly, my

affections to you are so unchangeable that hostility itself cannot

violate my friendship to your person, but I must be true to the

cause wherein I serve. The old limitation--_usque ad alias_--holds

still, and where my conscience is interested, all other

obligations are swallowed up. I should most gladly wait upon you,

according to your desire, but that I look upon you as engaged in

that party beyond the possibility of a retreat, and, consequently,

incapable of being wrought upon by my persuasions, and I know the

conference can never be so close between us but that it would take

wind and receive construction to my dishonour. That great God who

is the searcher of my heart, knows with what a sad sense I go on

upon this service, and with what a perfect hatred I detest this war

without an enemy, but I look upon it as _opus Dei_, which is enough

to silence all passion in me. The God of Peace, in his good time,

send us the blessing of peace, and, in the mean time, fit us to

receive it. We are both upon the stage, and must act the parts that

are assigned to us in this tragedy; let us do it in a way of honour

and without personal animosities.'

Later, Colonel Seymour gave up the Governorship of Dartmouth, and was

succeeded by Sir Lewis Pollard.

Among the Seymour papers are some interesting notes, dated '1645, May

22,' relating to horses and arms raised in the Hundred of Stanborough.

'Mr Bampfield, parson, will bring a horse and arms to-morrow at

Berry.... John Key of Rattery affirms that he hath three horses in the

King's service; that he hath one mare only, which he proffers; his

estate not above 40 li. per annum, and hath no money. Dipford:--Mr

William Fowell, late of Dipford Downs, assessed a horse and arms

complete; his wife appears; says that Prince Maurice had one horse and

Captain Newton had another for a country horse very lately; all the

answer. Mr John Newton doth not appear. Buckfastleigh:--Mr Richard Cable

hath brought one gelding with all arms, only a carbine instead of

pistols, and no rider. Dortington:--Mr Champernowne brought a little

pretty fat old horse, but nothing else.'

In 1647 Colonel Seymour's lands and goods were sequestrated, and he

himself was kept either in prison or on parole all through Cromwell's

days. Letters and papers of this period shed a light on the difficulties

and hardships that in some cases befell the families of Cavaliers. Sir

Thomas Fairfax intervened on behalf of Mistress Seymour, who was then

at the estate of Maiden Bradley in Wiltshire, saying that he had

forbidden the soldiers to molest her in any way, and begging the

Committee for the County to insure that no civilian 'should prejudice

her in the enjoyment of her rights.' The lady had a humbler but very

earnest advocate, a servant of Sir Henry Ludlow's, who had been in

danger of being ruined 'had she not been means for my preservation.' She

had begged his liberty of Colonel Molesworth when the King's soldiers

were hunting for him, in order to exchange him for one of their side

taken prisoner, 'a blackamoor.' Mistress Seymour, too, gave this poor

man a good price for some wheat, 'which then none else would do, and had

she not bought it, it is very likely that it would have been taken away

by the soldiers, as the corn in the barn was.'

Mistress Seymour was evidently strong-minded as well as charitable, as

is shown in a letter written by her husband from the Marshalsea, at

Exeter,--an appeal to be given a hearing. He complains that being

'hurried away to prison and no bail taken, no crime or accusation

produced, makes me sigh when I remember the liberty due to a freeborn

subject in England'; and the thrust is followed by a threat: 'If this

request be denied, I have found a way to be even with them; for, if not

granted, I intend to send up my wife.... And I pray advise the Council

of State from me, in relation to their own quiet, let them grant my

request rather than be punished with her importunity.'

The Council were evidently impressed by Colonel Seymour's wisdom, for

two months later they granted him a pass to return home. His liberty

was, however, very much clipped, and rather more than two years later

the following 'parole' was exacted of him: 'Undertaking to remain at the

dwelling-house of Mr Holt in Exeter, and when required to deliver

himself a prisoner to Captain Unton Crooke.' _Signed._

Sir Edward Seymour died in 1659, and Colonel Seymour, now Sir Edward,

became a member of Parliament a year or so later. His letters to Lady

Seymour from London are amusing from their variety of news and gossip.

Sir Edward's style was terse, not to say jerky. One letter he begins by

bitter complaints of their 'most undutiful son,' his 'obstinacy' and

'untowardness,' and then passes on to speak of his own imminent return.

Then: 'I was this day sennight, which was the last Saturday, upon the

scaffold, where I saw Sir Henry Vane's head severed from his

shoulders.... The Queen perfectly recovered. Cherries are cried here in

the streets for a penny a pound.'

Sir Edward received scanty reward for all his sacrifices, but he was

reappointed Governor of Dartmouth, and in 1679 his son writes to tell

him that he had been 'pricked Sheriff for the County of Devon ... by the

King with all the kindness imaginable,' and an assurance that if Sir

Edward felt the work too much for him, a subordinate should be found and

the 'chargeable part' made easy. The Earl of Bath wrote by the same

post: 'His Majesty declared in Council that he made choice of you, not

only because you were the best man of your county, but also a person on

whom he could by long experience place his greatest confidence.'

Sir Edward died in the winter of 1688, and his son became the fifth Sir

Edward Seymour of Berry Pomeroy in succession.

The new Sir Edward was a very distinguished man, who in 1672 had been

unanimously chosen Speaker of the House of Commons. He was the Seymour

whose influence Lord Macaulay rated so highly, and whose support was

extremely valuable to William of Orange when he arrived in England.

Unfortunately, few of Sir Edward's papers, or papers referring to him,

are now to be found. A long and carefully balanced epitaph in Maiden

Bradley Church describes him as

A MAN OF SUCH ENDOWMENTS

AS ADDED LUSTRE TO HIS WHOLE ANCESTRY,

COMMANDED REVERENCE FROM HIS CONTEMPORARIES,

AND STANDS THE FINEST PATTERN TO POSTERITY.

* * * * *

THE SENATE, THE BULWARK OF THE ENGLISH LIBERTY,

IN WHICH HE PRESIDED FOR SEVERAL YEARS,

FOUND HIS ELOQUENCE AN ADVOCATE,

HIS INTEGRITY A GUARDIAN,

HIS VIGOUR A CHAMPION FOR ITS PRIVILEGES.

About five miles north-east of Berry Pomeroy stands Compton Castle, and

there is a tradition that they were once connected by a subterranean

passage. Compton is a very interesting example of a fortified

manor-house, built in the early part of the fifteenth century. It stands

low on the slope of a narrow, winding green valley, and on the west the

hill has been cut back to make room for the walls.

The castle faces east, a garden-plot lies in front, and the foundations

of an ancient wall divide it from the lawn beyond. Close to the central

door stands the base and broken shaft of a stone cross. The picturesque

western front of the castle is gabled and embattled, and a very high

archway is built in the centre of the wall. The colour is difficult to

describe, for the castle is very much overgrown with ivy and a faint

green lichen has crept over the stones in many parts, but the shades

pass from a rich cream colour to a soft grey. A very marked feature is

'the great number of projections carried on machicoulis, through the

openings of which stones and other missiles could be thrown on the heads

of assailants.' Both the chief doorway and a postern gate to the south

were defended by portcullises.

On the north side an Early Perpendicular window marks the chapel. The

central doorway opened into the large and almost square guard-room, and

on the north side of this room a pointed doorway leads into the chapel,

which keeps some of its special characteristics. At the east end a

square space is sunk in the wall above the spot where the altar stood,

and in this space the faint traces of a fresco can still just be seen.

In the wall that shuts off the guard-room is a cinquefoiled piscina and

a four-light window, the stonework of which is like that in the east

window, and this window allowed anyone in the guard-room to join in

Divine service. In the west wall is a hagioscope, and from a room next

the chapel a newel staircase led to the priest's room on the floor

above. A little window with two cinquefoiled openings in his wall

enabled the priest to look down into the chapel., and the height of the

sill from the floor suggests that it may have served him as a

_prie-dieu_. The moulded base of a stone cross still remains over the

ancient belfry, which rises out of a mass of ivy.

There are a bewildering number of rooms, many now inaccessible, and the

height of the walls shows that there were two or three, and in the

north-east block four, stories. The banqueting-hall, forty-two feet in

length and twenty-three in width, has utterly disappeared, and only the

gable-marks of the roof against the buildings on the south side have

enabled Mr Roscoe Gibbs to draw his very careful deductions. In the

kitchen the huge fireplace, stretching the whole width of one wall,

still keeps its great fire-bars; next the kitchen is the steward's room,

above which two stories still stand, though the upper one is absolutely

in ruins.

Outside these rooms is a large open space, now grass-grown, and the

sprays and buds of a cluster-rose tap against the massive walls. Close

by lies a heavy round of granite, slightly hollowed out towards the

centre, which is shown as one of the stones used for grinding corn. In

an upper room is a hiding-place for treasure--two long, shallow cavities

in the floor, of which there cannot have been the slightest sign when

the floor was covered with planking. A vaulted passage leads to the

south court, and in one corner of this court rises a watch-tower over a

horrible little dungeon or chamber of torture.

The walls throughout the whole building are from two and a half to four

feet thick, and a thick and solid wall nearly twenty-four feet high

protects an inner court, where even in January the turf is firm,

springy, and close. At the farther end, on steps leading into the

garden, a peacock looks wonderfully appropriate, and some white fantails

strutting in front of the heavy walls add very much to the picture.

There is scarcely any sign of the old 'pleasaunce,' except a low and

fairly broad box-hedge, which runs each side of a path in the present

garden, where a few violets and one or two strawberry-blossoms are

tokens of the softness of the air.

The Castle has changed owners many times. 'Stephen' held it of Judhael

of Totnes; then it passed to the De la Poles; Lady Alice de la Pole gave

it to the Comptons, and seven generations later a Compton heiress

brought it, in the reign of Edward II, to the family of Gilberts, of

whom Sir Humphrey Gilbert was a descendant. The Gilberts seem to have

lived alternately at Compton and on their older property, Greenway, and

with one interval the castle belonged to them till nearly the end of the

eighteenth century. The only trace of them now to be seen is in the

spandrels of a small cinquefoil-headed opening on the projecting gabled

wing to the south of the central door. Each spandrel is sculptured with

their crest, a squirrel holding a hazel branch.

Mr Eden Phillpotts has painted the ruins with a characteristic touch:

'At gloaming time, when the jackdaws make an end of day, when weary

birds rustle in the ivy ere they sleep, hearts and eyes, gifted to feel

and see a little above the level prose of working hours, shall yet

conceive these heroes of old moving within their deserted courts. Some

chambers are still whole, and bats sidle through the naked window at the

call of dusk; some are thrown open to sun and rain and storm; the chapel

stands intact; the scoop for holy water lies still within the thickness

of its wall. But aloft, where rich arras once hid the stone, and silver

sconces held the torch, Nature now sets her hand, brings spleenwort and

harts-tongue, trails the ivy, the speedwell, and the toad-flax....

'Ivy-mantled, solemn, silent, it stands like a sentient thing, and

broods with blind eyes upon ages forgotten; when these grey stones still

echoed neigh of horse and bay of hound, rattle of steel, blare of trump,

and bustle of great retinues.'

The castle of Okehampton stands about half a mile from the town, and

looks on one side over fertile hills and valleys, woods, and rich

meadows, and the gleaming waters of the West Okement, on the other

towards the bold, changeless outlines of the outer barriers of Dartmoor.

The Castle was once surrounded by its park. Risdon mentions that

originally there were 'Castle, market, and park adjoining.... The park,

which containeth a large circuit of land, King Henry the eighth, by the

persuasion of Sir Richard Pollard, disparked and alienated the same.'

The Okement, rippling over a rocky bed--the name _uisg maenic_ means the

'stony water'--hurries past the foot of a knoll on which the castle

rises out of a cloud of green leaves that shelter and half hide the

walls. Protected by the river and a steeply scarped bank on the south, a

natural ravine on the north, and a deep notch cut on the western side,

the mass of slate rock that it stands on was a point of vantage. On the

crest of the hill the keep stands on a mound, with which two sets of

buildings were connected by curtain walls. These buildings stretch down

the slope to the east, the space between the two blocks narrowing

towards the gateway.

Mr Worth observes that in Devonshire and Cornwall most of the smaller

Norman keeps were round, as at Totnes, Launceston, and Plympton; but the

stronger castles had square keeps. Okehampton, though not a large or

very strong fortress, was distinguished by its square keep, and

'occupies what may be called a middle position.'

Tradition has always held that Baldwin de Brionis, to whom the Conqueror

gave the manor, built the Castle, and Mr Worth, after a searching

examination, thinks that, as regards the lower part of the keep walls,

this may very well be the case; for they are not only Norman, but Norman

of the period in which Baldwin lived. The other buildings are later, but

vary in date, the most modern being the part of the block which contains

the chapel, and which was probably reconstructed from older buildings

towards the close of the thirteenth century.

There are gaps in the walls of the keep, but the ruins show that there

were four rooms, two above and two below; some of the windows and a

fireplace in one of the upper rooms are still to be seen. In the

northern block of buildings was the great hall--forty-five feet long and

twenty-five feet wide--lighted by two large windows to the south, and

entered by a boldly moulded granite doorway. A second doorway in one

corner led to a staircase-turret which led to the roof.

On the southern side the buildings are larger and less imperfect. Here

is the chapel, 'evidently,' says Mr Worth, 'a portion of a larger

structure, which has, perhaps, for the most part disappeared....'

East of the chapel are the guard-rooms, in a two-storied block of two

rooms on each floor. A doorway in the north-eastern corner leads into

the porter's lodge, a small room in the gate-tower with 'a loop window

in the eastern wall commanding the approach. Above this chamber there is

one precisely similar in the upper story (the floor, of course, is

gone), and it is noteworthy that this is the only part of the fabric

that retains its roof, which is supported by three massive stone ribs.'

The barony of Okehampton was one of many grants made by the Conqueror to

Baldwin de Brionis, and some generations later it passed by marriage to

the Courtenays, in which family it remained until the Marquis of Exeter

was attainted and beheaded in 1538. The Castle was among the possessions

that Queen Mary restored to the Earl of Devon, and on his death in 1556

his lands were divided amongst his heirs. Okehampton Castle fell to the

share of the Mohuns, and in 1628 John Mohun was granted a peerage and

took the title of Lord Mohun of Okehampton. The last Lord Mohun died in

1712.

To the barony of Okehampton belonged Floyer's Hayes, in the parish of St

Thomas the Apostle, near Exeter, and it was held on this curious tenure:

'That if the Courtenays, Earls of Devon, came at any time into Exe Isle,

they [the Floyers] were to attend them, decently apparelled with a clean

towel on their shoulders, a flagon of wine in one hand and a silver bowl

in the other, and offer to serve them with drink.'

About thirteen miles south-west of Okehampton, Sydenham stands in a

beautiful valley, overshadowed by woods, in which the shining green of

the laurels, the darker masses of the rhododendrons' tapering leaves,

patches of russet bracken, and feathery light green moss make a feast of

colour, even when overhead there is only the bare tracery of twigs and

branches. The coverts lie on a hill-side that is steep and fairly high,

and at the foot is a rushing stream which is crossed by a bridge exactly

opposite the front of the house.

The following notes have been most kindly sent me by Mrs. Tremayne:

'The Manor of Sidelham, or Sidraham, now called Sydenham, appears to

have been originally held by four Saxon Thanes, whose names have not

been preserved, and to have passed from them into the hands of that

powerful noble, Judhaell de Totnais. On his banishment by William Rufus,

his property was confiscated, and Sydenham gave its name to a family who

still possessed it in the reign of Henry III, and was succeeded by a

family called Mauris, from whom it passed in marriage to Trevage, and

from Trevage to Wise. Part of the house dates from the fourteenth

century, and is said to have originally formed a quadrangle or H, but in

the reign of Elizabeth it was built into the shape of an E, and is a

very perfect example of Tudor domestic architecture.

'Sir Edward Wise, in the reign of James I, very much beautified the

house, and legend says that he tried to add such height and such an

amount of granite to it that Risdon writes, "The very foundations were

ready to reel under the burthen." The house lies in a lovely wooded

valley on the banks of the River Lyd, and it has four separate

entrances, each opening on to a court or garden. Access to the

front-entrance--commonly called the Green Court--is through a fine iron

gateway, and above the central door are the Wise arms. Most of the

windows have eight rounded granite mullions and small leaded panes of

glass, and in some the original glass still remains. Two windows in the

front are of Charles I.'s date, and have quaint fan-shaped lights. Over

the large granite open fireplace in the front-hall is the date 1656,

when the house underwent repair after damage, caused, it is said, in the

Civil Wars. There is a story repeated in many histories of Devon, and

told by Lysons amongst others, that Sydenham was taken in 1644 by

Colonel Holborne; but I have every reason to believe that the Sydenham

garrisoned and taken was Combe Sydenham, in the parish of Stogumber,

near Taunton, but the fact that within the last forty years a sword and

other weapons, also seventeenth-century horseshoes, have been found may

be taken as a proof that fighting of some sort did take place.

'In making alterations in the kitchen chimney some twenty years ago, a

little hiding-place, or priest's room, was found opening out of it, and

in it was an oak table and the remains of a chair; and since then large

and small unsuspected rooms have been discovered, and it has been said

that in the largest a troop could lie hidden--as indeed it could with

ease. Quite recently a secret passage leading from the house towards the

river has been found, bearing out the legend always handed down, "that

the Lady Wise of the day escaped with a large party by a secret passage

near the river, and got into the woods undetected by the soldiers who

were round the house." It is very probable that the secret rooms

mentioned and the passage communicated.

'There is fine oak panelling in most of the rooms, and in the

dining-room the panelling is inlaid in a delicate design with an

ivory-like substance. Secret passages exist to this day in the walls,

which are of immense thickness, in some places being seven feet in

depth. There are three oak staircases, the main one being finely carved

with figures standing at the angles, and another having very fine

newels.

'In what goes by the name of the King's Room there is an ancient bed,

with fine old red silk curtains and the Prince of Wales's plumes over

it, in which Charles I and Charles II are reported to have slept. It is

quite likely that Charles II, when Prince of Wales, did come here, as he

is known to have been many weeks in the neighbourhood.'

The garden is delightful, and no change in it has been made for very

many years. A wide lawn slopes away from the house, and a very small

straight rivulet runs through it just a foot or two from the path. At

the foot of the slope is a tiny lake, which, though very narrow, divides

the lawn from end to end, and beyond the water the ground rises

gradually. Clipped bushes and a large flower-border mark the farther

edge of the lawn.

The Tremaynes were originally a Cornish family, but they came to

Devonshire early in the fourteenth century. For at this time Isabella

Trenchard of Collocombe married Thomas Tremayne, and after his death Sir

John Damarel, 'and so much gain'd the affection of her second husband

that he gave her and her heirs by Tremain (having none of his own)' some

of his estates.

Thomas Tremayne and Philippa his wife lived during the sixteenth

century, and had sixteen children, several of whom distinguished

themselves. Andrew and Nicholas were twins, and so amazingly alike 'in

all their lineaments, so equal in stature, so colour'd in hair, and of

such resemblance in face and gesture,' that they were only recognized,

'even by their near relations,' 'by wearing some several coloured riband

or the like ... yet somewhat more strange was that their minds and

affections were as one: for what the one loved the other desired: ...

yea, such a confederation of inbred power and of sympathy was in their

natures, that if Nicholas were sick or grieved, Andrew felt the like

pain, though far distant and remote in their persons.'

When Sir Peter Carew fled the country, suspected of plotting against

Queen Mary, Andrew Tremayne embarked with him at Weymouth, and later

Nicholas joined his twin in France, and they threw in their lot with a

troop of adventurers who harassed the Channel. Froude has said: 'The

sons of honourable houses ... dashed out upon the waters to revenge the

Smithfield massacres. They found help where it could least have been

looked for: Henry II of France hated heresy, but he hated Spain worse.

Sooner than see England absorbed in the Spanish monarchy, he forgot his

bigotry in his politics. He furnished these young mutineers with ships

and money and letters of marque. The Huguenots were their natural

friends; with Rochelle for an arsenal, they held the mouth of the

Channel, and harassed the communications between Cadiz and Antwerp.'

Occasionally the twins met with ill-luck, and an entry in the Acts of

the Privy Council records that: 'To be committed to several prisons, to

be kept secret, without having conference with any ... Andrew Tremayne

to the Marshalsey and Nicholas Tremayne to the Gate House, suspected of

piracy.' Afterwards they went back to their life of risks and chances on

the high seas.

But when Elizabeth came to the throne a different view was taken of

these rovers. 'Privateering suited Elizabeth's convenience,' says

Froude. 'Time was wanted to restore the Navy. The privateers were a

resource in the interval ... they were really the armed force of the

country.' So (in 1559) instructions were sent to the English Ambassador

in Paris that certain gentlemen, among whom were the Tremaynes, 'as

shall serve their country, the Ambassador shall himself comfort them to

return home. Circumspection must be used.' The postscript is

characteristically cautious.

The Queen valued Nicholas as a trustworthy messenger, where a matter

needed discreet handling, and the bearer of it was likely to be in

danger. In 1559-60 the Bishop of Aquila wrote to the King of Spain: 'The

Queen has just sent to France an Englishman called Tremaine, a great

heretic, who is to disembark in Brittany. I understand that he goes

backwards and forwards with messages to the heretics in that country.'

On one journey he was arrested when carrying letters in cipher, and

Throckmorton, the English Ambassador in Paris, wrote to the Due de

Guise, asking for his release. Nicholas was a special favourite of the

Queen, but as he loved a camp better than a court, she gave him leave

'to enter into the service of the King of Navarre, by which means he

will be better able to serve her.' The King of Navarre, however, did not

greatly appreciate Tremayne, and a short time afterwards Throckmorton

writes: 'The bearer, Mr Tremayne, came out of England with intent to see

the wars in Almain, or elsewhere, thereby to be better able to serve the

Queen. He has been here a good while to hearken which way the flame will

rise to his purpose; but now, finding all the Princes in Christendom

inclined to sit still, returns home. Desires Cecil to do something for

him to help him to live, as it will be right well bestowed. The Queen

will have a good servant in him, and Cecil an honest gentleman at his

command.'

Andrew had entered the army, and in Scotland reaped fame from the

brilliant cavalry charge which drove the French back into Leith. Lord

Grey wrote in 1560-61 that he had chosen Captain Tremayne to escort Lord

James, 'because he is a gentleman of good behaviour, courtesy, and well

trained, and also that he stands in the favour of the Lords of Scotland

by reason of his valiant service at Leith.'

In the winter of 1562-63 the Queen began openly to help the Huguenots at

Havre, and Nicholas Tremayne was sent there at the head of 'fifty

horsemen pistolliers.' In the following May Captain Tremayne's band and

some others, in a skirmish, 'repulsed the Rheingrave's whole force,

slain and taken near 400, with one ensign and seven drums. Not more than

twenty of their own were killed and wounded, none to his knowledge

taken.' Four days later Tremayne's troops, over-confident, risked too

much, and their Captain was shot, to the great grief of his

fellow-officers. Warwick wrote to Cecil: 'Whereas you write that you are

more sorry for the death of Tremain than you could be glad of the death

of a 100 Allmaynes, I assure you that there is never a man but is of the

same opinion.' The Queen was much grieved by the loss. 'She had

resented,' says Froude, 'the expulsion of the French inhabitants of

Havre ... she was more deeply affected with the death of Tremayne; and

Warwick was obliged to tell her that war was a rough game; she must not

discourage her troops by finding fault with measures indispensable to

success; for Tremayne, he said, "men came there to venture their lives

for her Majesty and their country, and must stand to that which God had

appointed either to live or die."'

Risdon concludes his account of the twins by saying that they died

together; but this is not altogether accurate, for, about a week after

the death of Nicholas, Andrew with three hundred soldiers set sail from

Berwick for Havre. It is, however, quite true that they died in the same

place, and the interval between their deaths was very short, for about

seven weeks after his twin was killed Andrew Tremayne succumbed to the

plague.

Edward Tremayne, another brother, followed the fortunes of the Marquis

of Exeter, and was 'a great sufferer for his inviolable fidelity to his

noble master.' So firm was his devotion that even torture failed to

extort from him a confession that the Marquis and 'the Lady Elizabeth'

had been involved in Wyatt's conspiracy. His 'invincible resolution'

asserted their innocence, even on the rack, and Queen Elizabeth later

recognized this splendid loyalty by making him 'one of the clerks of Her

Majesty's most honourable privy-council.'

Cecil had a high opinion of Tremayne, and in 1569 showed his faith in

Tremayne's judgment by sending him to Ireland, to sift the terrible but

conflicting stories of its miseries and rebellions, and 'to let him

know quietly the real condition of the country.' Tremayne, to begin

with, wrote hopefully of remedies for all that was wrong, but after a

year's study and experience realized that the trouble lay deeper than he

had at first understood. Nevertheless, some notes on the state of

Ireland by Edward Tremayne are endorsed by Lord Burghley 'A good

advice.' The Queen showed her confidence by entrusting to him (in 1580)

a very delicate task. The treasure that Drake brought home in the

_Pelican_ had to be registered; the examination must be made before some

public officer, but the Queen feared that it might be necessary to make

restitution to Spain, and, not objecting to a little crooked dealing,

was very anxious that the total amount of the booty should never be made

known. In obedience to the instructions he received from her, Tremayne

writes to Walsingham: 'I have at no time entered into the account, to

know more of the very value of the treasure than he made me acquainted

with. And to say the truth, I persuaded him to impart to me no more than

need, for so I saw him commanded in her Majesty's behalf, that he should

reveal the certainly to no man living.' Here follows a fine tribute to

Drake's unselfishness: 'And withal, I must say, as I find by apparent

demonstration, he is so inclined to advance the value to be delivered to

her Majesty and seeking in general to recompense all men that have been

in this case dealers with him, as I dare take an oath with him, he will

rather diminish his own portion than leave any of them unsatisfied.'

Edmund Tremayne, of a later generation, faithfully served his King in

the troubled times of the Civil Wars, 'and was several hundred pounds

deep in their books, at Haberdashers' Hall, for his loyalty. He is also

stated to have repaid a considerable portion of the money borrowed for

the necessities of the Queen during her sojourn at Exeter, at the time

of the birth of the Princess Henrietta. Later he was imprisoned and his

goods were sequestrated.'

A very treasured possession in the family is the 'tongue token,'

believed to have originally belonged to this Edmund Tremayne. These

tokens, small enough to put under the tongue in case of need, were given

to the bearers of messages from those of high rank or importance, as a

proof of the genuineness of the bearer, where there was too much danger

to risk a written word. This token is a tiny oval of gold, with the head

of King Charles on one side and his initials on the other. Edmund

Tremayne is supposed to have received this token when he carried the

news of the Princess's birth from Exeter to the King at Oxford.

Mr Tremayne's grandson, Edmund, married Arabella, the daughter and

heiress of Sir Edward Wise, who brought Sydenham to the Tremaynes.

Various traces of the Wises remain, among them a portrait of a

golden-haired Lady Wise. She is painted wearing a white satin dress, an

immense Vandyck collar, and many ornaments. Among her possessions was a

magnificent set of 'horse furniture,' made, it is supposed, for some

state occasion when she rode with her husband in the year (1633) that he

was High Sheriff. It is of very fine and rich crimson velvet, arranged

to fit over the pommels of the saddle and hang down on either side. The

furniture includes an imposing red velvet stirrup, and both this and the

saddle-cloth are elaborately and beautifully worked with silver

embroidery, and hung with silver tassels to match; and a piece of velvet

that lay over the crupper is thickly strewn with delicate little silver

cockle-shells.

About fourteen miles north-east of Exeter, in the valley of the Culm,

stands Bradfield; an avenue of cedars leads up to the house, which is an

Elizabethan one in a very perfect condition. The banqueting-hall is

panelled throughout, and its fine carved roof is supported by

elaborately carved and pierced hammer-beams. High at one end is the

minstrels' gallery, and at the other is a latticed window, which opened

on to a corridor, and is said to have been used by the lady of the

house, who could see from it anything that might be happening in the

hall. A high arch on one side of the hall divides a small panelled room,

where the guests gathered before dinner. The arch is of white stone, and

little blocks, each bearing a shield or flower, are set at intervals on

the mouldings.

The music-room is panelled, and above the panels are hangings of

Spanish leather covered with graceful designs. The fireplace and very

interesting 'porch' projecting into the room look like late Italian

Renaissance work, though, from the dresses of the carved figures on

them, they are supposed to have been actually made in England. The porch

is richly carved and painted, and slender strips of very light wood are

inlaid amongst a mass of ornamental details. The figures seem more than

a little incongruous to each other. On one panel are Adam and Eve with

the Tree of Knowledge between them, and above appear ladies and

gentlemen of the court of Queen Elizabeth--little coloured figures,

standing well out from the backs of their niches.

The fireplace is very elaborately carved and painted, and here, too, are

figures in curious juxtaposition surrounded by very rich decorations.

Amongst others may be seen a farmer and his wife, a cook, with a large

goose that she is about to kill, and a dairymaid, with a miniature cow

in her arms. High above these are the sons and daughters of Jesse in

splendid robes and crowns.

Bradfield, in ancient days Bradefelle, was once held by a family of that

name. The deed that carried it to the Walronds is not dated, but a

marginal note says that 'Fulke Paynel' was dead in 1 Henry III. The deed

runs as follows:

Fulke Paynel grants to Richard Walerond of Exeter all his land of

Bradfield in his Manor of Offeculme. Richard Walerond is to make two

suits yearly, one at 'La Hockeday,'[10] and one at Michaelmas

amercement, to consist of one sextary of wine of the value of sixpence

and not more. Grant of common pasture throughout the manor, except in

fields and meadows. One pound of pepper to be paid at Michaelmas

annually. In recognition of this grant Richard Walerond 'pays to Fulke

Paynel five marks of silver, and gives to Hande his wife' one golden

ring, and to William his heir one golden brooch.

[Footnote 10: 'La Hockeday' is commonly, but incorrectly, supposed to

commemorate the freedom of the English by the massacre of the Danes on

the Feast of St. Brice, 1002. 'Hoke-tide' began on the Monday after the

second Sunday after Easter.]

Witnesses: Simon son of Roger, Hamelin de Boulay, William de Lomene,

Walter de Tiddecomba, Simon de Baunton and Robert his brother, Peter

Comyn, Radulphus de Doddescomba, Walter de Soffewill, 'and many others.'

Among the Walrond papers is an agreement dated Michaelmas, 1261,

regarding a farm 'let for nineteen years, in consideration of four marks

paid and one mark a year for six years and rent of six shillings a year

... and two capons at Michaelmas and one bushel of winter wheat at

Christmas in each year, from one ferling of land in Cumb.'

I believe that the views held by Sir Henry Walrond of the arrival of

William of Orange are not clearly recorded, but whatever they were, a

note written by General Ginkel, during the march from Tor Bay to

Whitehall, was, considering the position of things, decidedly

peremptory:

'Sir van Ginkel, Lt.-General of the Cavalry of the United

Netherlands, in the service of his Highness, the Prince of Orange,

etc.

'We have taken up our quarters in the house of Sir Hendrie Waldron,

which quarters we desire shall be kept open as long as the troops

of His Highness shall remain in this town or neighbourhood; we have

also left in the care of the aforesaid Sr Hendries Waldron two

black horses, and likewise the gray mare, which he shall keep for

us.

'Given at Columpton the 7/17 November, 1688.

'BAR DE REAL DE GINKEL.'

A charming echo from the past sounds in a very different epistle--a

love-letter from Sir William Walrond to a Mistress Courtenay. The letter

is written on a sheet of paper covered with gold-leaf and bordered with

elaborate designs. The case belonging to it is embroidered in fine

crewel-work in (more or less) natural colours, representing figures,

scenery, and a house in the background, and it suggests the needles of

Little Gidding.

'HONOURED LADY,

'The happiness I late enjoy'd by the fruition of your sweete

society gives an incentive to mee to let you knowe how deep you are

percullest[11] in my brest, though their injurious feare [youth's

usual concomitant] obscured those larger narratives of my most

intensive love and really devoted service ... 'twas my present fate

then to be lesse expressive when I most admir'de these eminent

perfections which both art & nature have adorn'd you with and as

being doubtful of obtaining what I heartily desired remained your

captive but in confidence of your candid disposition am now your

humble petitioner to bee so far happified as to be deemed your

honouring servant. Let then, I beseech you (worthy, lady) this poor

and unpolished character of my due respects and firm affections

achieve the happiness of kissing your fairest hands and you shall

thereby engage at present and in future

'Your most honouring

'friende and servant,

'WILL WALROND.

'_Anderdon this 27th of October, 1659._'

[Footnote 11: Portcullised.]

Pynes stands in the Exe Valley, just within three miles of Exeter

Cathedral. It is of red brick with white dressings, and has many high

narrow windows. A view has been put forward that the politics of country

gentlemen in the early part of the eighteenth century may always be

traced by their trees; those who were in favour of William III set

lime-avenues, while Jacobites planted Scotch firs. There is a tradition

in the family that, while the Northcotes were for the Prince of Orange,

the Staffords were for King James, but it seems quite as likely that

political significance was not always the chief point in planting trees.

In any case, there are many Scotch firs, and a lime-avenue (peculiarly

in keeping with the style of the house) is shown by prints to have led

far over the hill to Upton Pyne, but is now, alas! represented only by

one or two aged survivors.

The manor belonged to the family of Pyne in the reign of Henry I, and

after many years was brought by an heiress to the Larders. From this

family, after another interval, it passed by marriage to the

Coplestones, of whom it was bought by Hugh Stafford.

The Staffords, or, as the name originally was, Stowfords, migrated from

Stowford in Dolton near Torrington, soon after the Restoration. Hugh

Stafford, born in 1674, was very keenly interested in the subject of

apple-growing and cider. He wrote a 'Dissertation' on the subject, and

especially on a certain apple called the Royal Wilding, from which it

had just been discovered (about 1710) a very superior kind of cider

could be produced. Unfortunately, Lord Bute's cider-tax so greatly

discouraged the manufacture that after it had been imposed farmers only

made enough for their own use and their labourers', and were not very

critical as to the quality. In consequence, the choicest kinds of fruit

were neglected, and both the Royal Wilding and the White Sour of the

South Hams, another much-prized apple, are no longer to be found.

The daughter and heiress of Mr Stafford married her neighbour, Sir Henry

Northcote. The Northcotes have been settled in Devonshire since the

reign of Henry I, when Galfridus de Northcote held the lands of

Northcote at East Down, near Barnstaple, and in the middle of the

sixteenth century Walter Northcote was living at Uton, in the parish of

Crediton. In this neighbourhood his descendants remained until Sir

Henry's marriage, when they came to Pynes.

John Northcote was one of the Devonshire justices who attended Quarter

Sessions during the later part of the reign of Elizabeth, and he lived

till within ten years of the outbreak of Civil War. From his epitaph, it

appears that he was tried by the Star Chamber; the verse has been

translated as follows:

'To him the Queen's Commission in his youth

Trusted the scales of Justice and of Truth.

Fair was the balance held, and pure his fame,

Though by Star Chamber tried, as gold by flame.'

Nothing is known of the trial, not even the charge, but it is pretty

certain that, in common with several other justices at that time, he

had showed 'a want of "forwardness"' in collecting ship-money.

Another justice, Walter Yonge, notes in his diary that in 1627 letters

were sent to the justices of Devon, 'to the Mayors of port-towns,

Exeter, Dartmouth, Totnes, Plymouth, and Barnstaple, bidding the towns

provide ships, and the country, men and victuals.' Later, letters were

sent demanding that a large sum should be raised 'to set a fleet at sea

... we having but six or seven days to raise the money, and to return it

to London; but _our county refused to meddle therein_.' John Northcote

was Sheriff just at this time, and was most probably held responsible

for the intractability of his countrymen.

Sir John Northcote, his son, was born in 1599, and became a Member of

Parliament, he and Sir Edmund Fowel representing Ashburton in the Long

Parliament. During his first few weeks in the House of Commons, Sir John

took notes of the proceedings, and the small brown volume in which they

are written still exists. The notes have been transcribed by Mr A. H. A.

Hamilton, and are very interesting, for they record threatenings of the

great storm so soon to burst over England. The pages open with

'Proceedings against the Earl of Strafford. Mr Pimm's [Pym]

Report'--which report prefaces terrible accusations with a personal

touch: 'Long known the person charged by acts of friendship.'

Many letters, reports, and commissions, refer to Jesuits and priests,

and often the Queen's name appears intervening on their behalf; laws

against them were more and more relaxed, 'signifying his Majesty's

pleasure at instance of her Majesty,' till the Commons became uneasy,

and a 'petition' was framed to the King, to remind him of his

'protestation' at the opening of his reign, that the Queen 'should not

intermeddle with matters of religion.'

The long and stubborn opposition to the exaction of ship-money, 'Voted

illegal and entered _nullo contradicente_,' is given. The Judges who had

declared the tax to be legal were supposed to have been tampered with by

Strafford, and Mr Hyde (afterwards Lord Clarendon) suggested that they

should be interviewed as to what had passed. The following is a bit of

the debate as it was taken down; as Sir John did not write shorthand, he

was naturally able to give only the gist of each speech:

'MR HIDE. That some of the house be sent to know what solicitations

[_had been made_].

* * * * *

'SIR FRANC. SEYMOUR. That proof be first made.

'MR PELHAM. That it will amount to high treason and to prepare present

charge.

'SIR JO. WRAY. The posy of his grandfather, Just and True. Sir Ed. Cook

[said] whoever shall go about to overthrow Common Law, the Common Law

will overthrow him. His motion, _Currat Lex_.

'SERGEANT EVERS. To have first the votes of the Lords.

'SIR P. STAPYLTON. That Mr Peard be sent to Judge Jones.

'SIR JO. STRANGWAYES. That Justice Crook be sent to.

'LORD FAWKLAND. That they be sent to all at once.

'SIR NEVILL POOLE. That Lord Keeper be forth coming.

'MR CONTROLLER. That respect be had to Judges. That none be urged to be

accuser, but concluded that all be sent to.

'SIR JO. CULPEPER. Of twelve one was a Judas. To send to all the Judges

that gave the Judgment, and to send immediately.'

Another debate shows the King and Parliament for the moment on unusually

good terms. Sir Benjamin Rudyard said: 'God blest his Majesty with

hopeful and fruitful progeny. To put in mind to provide for them. The

first prince born amongst us this 100 years. Queen's good affection to

Parliament. Concern her Majesty to uphold the glory and government of

this kingdom.'

When the crisis came, most of the Devonshire members seem to have

supported the Parliament, guided, no doubt, to some extent by the

wonderful influence of 'King' Pym. Pym sat for Tavistock; 'his colleague

was a son of the House of Russell. William Strode sat for Buralston, and

his elder brother for Plympton.' Northcote was slightly connected with

the Strodes, and when war broke out he followed the Earl of Bedford. In

September, 1642, Sir Hugh Pollard wrote to the Earl of Bath: 'The Earl

of Bedford is now at Taunton, in want of men and money; he hath sent to

his friends Chudleigh, Bampfield, and Northcote, for a supply of both,

whose oratory cannot get one trained man to move, nor above eight

volunteers.'

The letter receives a curious comment from the succeeding ones. At that

very time the Earl of Bedford was issuing orders for the arrest of Sir

Hugh Pollard, and four days afterwards Sir George Chudleigh and Sir John

Northcote wrote to Major Carey, expressing their approval of Captain

Dewett's conduct in capturing the Earl of Bath. Sir John was now at the

head of a regiment of twelve hundred men, and seems to have held the

command during the first two years of the Civil War. He took an active

part in the defence of Plymouth, and in 1643 at Modbury a victory was

won by the forces under Lieutenant-General Ruthen, Sir J. Bampfield, and

Sir John Northcote, over Lord Hopton's troops. Many of the

Parliamentarian gentlemen were anxious for peace, and just after this

skirmish tried to arrange an 'association' or neutrality between Devon

and Cornwall; but the idea was quashed by Commissioners from London. A

few months later Clarendon mentions that Sir John was sent by the Earl

of Bedford, the Parliamentary General of Horse, to negotiate a treaty

with the Marquis of Hertford.

Sir John was elected to the Parliament of 1656, and showed himself a

constant lover of liberty. He inveighed against the powers granted to

Cromwell's House of Peers. 'It was minded you ... that no law was

rightly made but by King, Lords, and Commons. I am sure this law was not

made so.' He lays stress on the point that the old House of Lords

ventured all that they had, and protests against their being superseded

by new-comers. 'That they should be excluded and these advanced is not

just nor reasonable.' A little later he spoke again on the same subject:

'We thought in the long Parliament we might restrain the inordinate

power of the Chief Magistrate. That was the ground of our quarrel in the

late war; but ... it seems we cannot bound these Lords' exorbitant

powers.... I did fight against an exorbitant power in the King's hands,

and _I will fight against it again to the last drop of blood_, if his

Highness command me, whenever such power shall be set up, if it be

to-morrow, and in whatever hands it be.'

John Northcote was one of the two Knights of the Shire for Devon in the

Convention Parliament, the other being the Lord General Monk. The

Restoration was gladly welcomed by him, but he 'spoke repeatedly in

favour of pardon and amnesty, and when necessity arose, he seems to have

confronted the triumphant Cavaliers in debate as boldly as he had met

them, or their fathers, in the field.' This was the last Parliament that

Sir John sat in. A little later he turned to the West, and spent most of

the days that were left him in Devon.

List of Authorities Consulted

BARING-GOULD (S.): A Book of Dartmoor.

BARING-GOULD (S.): A Book of the West.

BARING-GOULD (S.): Devonshire Characters and Strange Events.

BLOUNT (T.): Tenures of Lands.

BLUNDELL'S Worthies, edited by M. L. Banks.

BRAY (MRS.): The Borders of the Tamar and the Tavy.

BRITTON (J.) and BRAYLEY (E. W.): Beauties of England and Wales.

BRITTON (J.) and BRAYLEY (E. W.): Devonshire Illustrated.

CAMDEN (W.): Britannia.

CAREW (BAMPFYLDE MOORE): Life and Adventures.

CAREWE (SIR PETER), Dyscourse and Dyscoverye of the Lyffe of, ...

collected by John Vowell, als. Hoker, of the Citie of Excester, gent.

CARRINGTON (N. T.): Dartmoor.

CHANTER (J. F.): A History of the Parishes of Lynton and Countisbury.

CHANTER (J. R.): Lundy Island.

CHICHESTER (Sir A. P.): History of the Chichester Family.

CLEAVELAND (E.): Genealogical History of the Noble and Illustrious

Family of Courtenay.

CLERMONT (LORD): History of the Fortescues.

COTTON (R. W.): Barnstaple and the Northern Part of Devonshire

during the Great Civil War.

COTTON (W.): An Elizabethan Guild of the City of Exeter.

COTTON (W.) and WOOLLCOMBE (H.): Gleanings from Municipal and

Cathedral Records of Exeter.

DARTMOOR Preservation Association's Transactions.

DEFOE (D.): A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain.

DEVON Notes and Queries.

DEVONSHIRE Association's Transactions.

EDMONDS (Chancellor): Exeter Cathedral.

EVERITT (W.): Devonshire Scenery.

FIENNES (CELIA): Through England on a Side-Saddle in the Time of

William and Mary.

FOX (S. P.): Kingsbridge and its Surroundings.

FREEMAN (E. A.): Exeter.

FRIEND (H.): Bygone Devonshire.

FROUDE (J. A.): History of England.

FULLER (T., D.D.): Worthies of England.

GILPIN (W.): Observations on the Western Parts of England.

HARDING (W.): History of Tiverton.

HARRIS (J. H.): My Devonshire Book.

IZACKE (R. and S.): Remarkable Antiquities of the City of Exeter.

KELLY'S Directory of Devonshire.

KING (R. J.): Sketches and Studies.

KINGSLEY (C.): Miscellanies.

LELAND (J.): Itinerary.

LYSONS (D. and S.): Magna Britannia.

MOZLEY (T.): Henry VII, Prince Arthur, and Cardinal Morton.

MURRAY'S Handbook of Devon.

NORWAY (A. H.): Highways and Byways in Devon and Cornwall.

OLIVER (G., D.D.): History of the City of Exeter.

OLIVER (G., D.D.): Lives of the Bishops of Exeter.

OLIVER (G., D.D.): Monasticon Dioecesis Exoniensis.

PAGE (J. L. W.): An Exploration of Exmoor.

PEEKE (RICHARD, of Tavistock): His Three to One.

POLLOCK (Sir F.): Dartmoor and the Walkham. _Eng. Illus. Mag._, 1884.

POLWHELE (R.): History of Devonshire.

PRIDHAM (T. L.): Devonshire Celebrities.

PRINCE (J.): Worthies of Devon.

RALEIGH (SIR WALTER): Life, by Martin Hume.

RAWLE (E. J.): Annals of the Ancient Royal Forest of Exmoor.

RAWLE (E. J.): The Doones of Exmoor.

RISDON (T.): Chorographical Description or Survey of the County of Devon.

ROGERS (W. H. H.): Memorials of the West.

ROWE (C. R.): South Devon.

ROWE (J. BROOKING): History of the Borough of Plympton Erle.

ROWE (S.): A Perambulation of Dartmoor.

SNELL (F. J.): Memorials of Old Devonshire.

SPRIGG (J.): Anglia Rediviva; or, England's Recovery.

VOWELL (J., _alias_ HOKER): Antique Description of the City of Exeter.

WALKER (J.): Sufferings of the Clergy.

WALPOLE'S Universal British Traveller.

WATKINS (J.): An Essay towards a History of Bideford.

WESTCOTE (T.): View of Devonshire in MDCXXX.

WHITFELD (H. F.): Plymouth and Devonport in Times of War and Peace.

WIDECOMBE Tracts, 1638.

WIFFEN (J. H.): Historical Memoirs of the House of Russell.

WORTH (R. N.): History of Plymouth.

WORTH (R. N.): The West-Country Garland.

Index

Acland, Lady Harriot, 29;

Sir John, 29;

Sir Thomas, 270

Adams, Will, 112

Adelaide, Queen, and Honiton lace, 49

Affeton Castle, 238

Ameredith, William, 153

American prisoners at Princetown, 85

Apsley, Colonel, 211;

Sir Allen, 227

Arms and motto granted to Exeter, 9

Arlington Court, 252

Arundell, Colonel, 46

Ashburton, 121

Ashe, 68

Athelstan, monastery founded at Exeter by, 3

Atterbury, Bishop, anecdote of, 97

Audley, Lord, 128

Avant, Philip, 113

Axminster, 69

Axmouth, 66

Babb, John, 257;

Ursula, 258

Ballads, poems, and songs, local, 69, 70, 83, 87, 99, 104, 106, 109, 117,

123, 124, 125, 134, 141, 149, 170, 179, 192, 193, 195, 201, 206, 208,

218, 239, 247, 251, 261, 271, 283

Bampfylde, Bampfield, Hugh, 24;

John, 32, 33, 291;

Sir John Coplestone, 32

Bampton, 13

Barker, Pentecost, 175

Barnstaple, 224

Barun, Walter, 269

Baunton, Robert de, 307;

Simon de, 307

Bedford, Earls of, 80, 182

Beer, 65

_Bellerophon_ in Plymouth Harbour, 177

Benet, Sir Henry, 148

Benson, Thomas, 249

Berkeley, Sir John, 12, 32, 90, 211

Berry Head, 113

Berrynarbour, 249

Berry Pomeroy, 285

Bickleigh, 24

Bideford, 201

Bigbury Bay, unknown lady drowned in, 146

Blackaller, John, 8

Blackhall, Christopher, 131

Blackmore, R. D., 20

Blackpool, 151

Blake, Martin, 224, 225

Blowing-house on Dartmoor, 75

Blundell, Peter, 19

Blundell's School, Tiverton, 19

Bohun, Margaret, 275

Bolt Head and Bolt Tail, 146

Boniface, 35

Bonville, Cicely, 57;

Nicholas, 69

Botreaux, William de, 287

Boulay, Hamelin de, 307

Bradfield, 305

Bradninch, 29

Branscombe, 64

Braunton Burrows, 221

Bray, Mrs., on Wistman's Wood, 77

Brendon, 262

Brent Tor, 71, 198

Brioniis, Baldwin de, 297, 298

Briwere, Alicia de, 107;

William, Lord, 107

Bromehall, Walter de, 91

Brown, Rev. Charles, 94

Browne, Richard, 161;

William, 82, 194

Brudenell, Mr, 31

Buckfast Abbey, 122

Buckfastleigh, 122

Buck-horn, 115

Buckland Abbey, 195

Budleigh, East, 60

Budleigh Salterton, 60

Buller, Charles, 40;

John Francis, 40

Bulmer, Sir Beavis, 251

Burgoyne, General, 30

Burke, Edmund, 146

Burleigh, Lord, 161

Bussell, Nicholas, 98

Cabal Government, the, 101

Cable, Richard, 291

Calder, John, 149

Canonteign, 98, 99

Carew, Sir Alexander, 173;

Bampfylde Moore, 24;

Dorothea, 17;

Sir Gawen, 38, 52, 53, 54;

George, 52, 108;

John, 52;

Sir Peter, 38, 52, 53, 54, 152, 282, 301;

Sir William, 53

Carew arms, 52

Carey, Cary, Colonel, 153;

George, 142;

Sir Henry, 140;

John, 215;

Sir Robert, 216

Castle Hill, 240

Cecil, Sir Edward, 185;

Sir Robert, 135;

Sir William, 135

Cergeaux, John, 128

Chagford, 90

Challacombe, 285

Champernowne, Sir Arthur, 108, 128;

Henry, 62, 128;

Richard, 142;

William, 291

Chapman Burrows, 266

Chapple, Will, 237

Charles II at Plymouth, 175

Charm for staunching of blood, 150

Chesney, Sir Charles, 20;

George, 20

Chichester, Sir Arthur, 252;

John, Sir John, 252;

Robert de, Sir Robert, 252, 254

Choak-a-bone, tomb of, 67

Christmas custom at Dean Prior, 124

Christow, 97

Chudleigh, 100

Chudleigh, Sir George, 312

Churchill, Sir Winston, 68

Cider, Lord Bute's tax on, 50

Civil War, the, 11, 12, 22, 32, 50, 58, 90, 98, 139, 173, 194, 207,

226, 229, 273, 289, 312

Clements, Captain, 115

Clermont, Lady, anecdote of, 241

Clifford, Anthony, 100;

Sir Thomas, 100

Clovelly, 213

Clyst River, 45

Cocke, Captain, 162

Coffin, Richard, 212;

Sir William, 212

Colcombe, 68

Coleridge, Lord, on Ottery, 57

Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, 58

Colyton, 67

Combe Martin, 250

Common rights on Dartmoor, 79

Compton Castle, 294

Comyn, Peter, 307

Convicts at Lundy, 249

Cornish, the, their ignorance of English, 8

Cosway, Richard, 16

Countess Weir, 7

Countisbury, 260, 261

Courtenay, Lord, 54;

Edward, 280;

Lady Elizabeth, 281;

Henry, 279;

Hugh, Sir Hugh, 275, 276;

Lady Matilda, 276;

Sir Peter, 276, 278;

Sir Philip, 272, 275, 276;

Robert, 15;

William, 153, 277

Coven, John, 95

Cranbrook Castle, 92

Crediton, 34

Creedy River, 34

Crockern Tor, 78

Crofts, Sir James, 135

Cromwell, Thomas, 80

Crosses on Dartmoor, 80

Cullen, Nicholas, 248

Cullompton, 27

Culm River, 27

Damarel family, 45

Damarel, Sir John, 300

Dancing Tree at Moreton, 92

Danes, the, in Devon, 104;

at Exeter, 3;

at Northam, 210

Daniel, Tom, 17

Dart, the, 19

Dartington Hall, 127

Dartmoor Forest, 71

Dartmouth, 136

Davis, Captain John, 11, 132;

Mr, 98

De Albemarle family, 45

Dean Prior, 123

Deane, Captain, 273

Defoe, Daniel, on Honiton cider, 50;

on trade of Exeter, 10

Dennis, Sir Thomas, 153

Devon, earldom of, restored, 281

Devonport, 157

'Devonshire Boys' Courage,' 104

Dickens's, Charles, description of Clovelly, 214

Digby, Colonel, 173, 227, 229

Dittisham, 133

Dodbrooke, 142

Doddescomba, Radulphus de, 307

Doddiscombsleigh, 97

Dog Acre Orchard, Axmouth, 67

Dog buried with parson of Axmouth, 66

Dogs as fish catchers, 132

Doone Valley, the, 264

Downes, 39

Drake, Sir Francis, 11, 108, 134, 165, 185, 195, 204;

Sir John, 68

Drewsteignton, 91

Drizzlecombe, 75

Druidical remains, supposed, 76

Duel between Lord Mohun and Duke of Hamilton, 52

Dunsford, 97

Dynant, Oliver de, 217

Earls, William, 95

Easter customs on Exmoor, 268

Edgecombe, Betty, 150

Edward the Confessor in Exeter, 3

Edwards Susanna, 209

Elford Walter, 82

Eliot, Sir John, 173

Endsleigh, 199

Epigram on Sir Francis Drake, 171

Epitaphs, 16, 36, 49, 66, 203, 250, 293, 309

Escot, in Ottery, 55

Exe, the, 13

Exeter, 1;

arms and motto, 9

Exeter Canal, 8

Exeter Cathedral, 5

Exeter Guildhall, 9

Exmoor, 267

Exmoor ponies, 270

Exmouth, 45

Exmouth, Lord, 99

Fairfax, Sir Thomas, 12, 23, 58, 98, 139, 229, 272, 274, 291

Falaise, William de, 128

Fersen, Count, and Lady Clermont, 241

Fiennes, Miss Celia, 41, 246

Fingle Bridge, 91

Fingle Gorge, 92

Fires at Tiverton, 20, 21

Fitz, John, 190

Fitz-Alan, Henry, 142

Fitzford House, 190, 194

Fitz-John, Matthew, 142

Fitz-Roald, Alan, 142

Floyer's Hayes, 298

Folk-lore, 254

Forde House, 103

'Forests of the Dartmoors,' 87

Fortescue, Sir Edward, 149, 240;

Sir Faithful, 240;

Sir Henry, 240;

John, Sir John, 6, 240, 241;

Sir Nicholas, 240

Fortibus, Isabel, 7

Fossway, the, at Honiton, 48

Fowell, Sir Edmund, 310;

William, 291

Freeman, Professor, description of Exeter, 1, 12;

on Exeter's privileges, 7,

on Roman conquest of Exeter, 2

French prisoners at Crediton, 39;

at Princetown, 85

Fulford, Sir Baldwin, 93

Fuller, Thomas, on Honiton lace, 49

Garret, Captain, 167

Gates, General, 31

Gaveston, Piers, 80

Gibbs, Hon Herbert, 127;

John, 126;

Thomas, 126, 127;

William, 126, 127

Gilbert, Adrian, 251;

Sir Humphrey, 11, 61, 133, 168, 251, 295

Giles, Sir Edward, 125;

John, 125

Ginkel, General de, 307

Glanvill, Eulalia, 192;

Judge, 191

Godolphin, Sidney, 90

Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, 172

Goring, Lord, 227

Grandisson, Beatrice de, 57;

Bishop John de, 5, 56;

Sir Otho, 57

Great Fulford, 93

Greenaway, 133

Greenway, Joan, 19;

John, 16, 19

Grenville, Sir Bevil, 207;

John, 207;

Richard de, Sir Richard, 174, 191, 194, 195, 203, 204, 205, 207,

208, 227;

Thomas, 203

Grimspound, 74, 75

Grove, ----, 12

Groves, Hugh, 240

Guildhall, Exeter, 9

Guilds in Exeter, 9, 10

Gurney, Sir Richard, 202

Haccombe, 108

Hals, John, 127

Hameldon Barrow, 74

Hamilton, Duke of, 52;

Sir Robert, 51

Hammett, John, 94

Hammond, Colonel, 274

Hancock, William, 252

Harnage, Major, 30

Harper, Nicholas, 250

Harrys, Christopher, 195

Hartland, 217

Hartland Abbey, 217

Hartland Point, 216

Harvest custom in Devon, 51

Hastings, Lord, 29;

Simon, 107

Hatherleigh, 236

Haughton, Captain, 139

Hawkins, Sir John, 63, 162, 171;

Sir Richard, 164;

William, 162, 165

Hawley, John, 137

Hayes Barton, 60

Heddon's Mouth, 255

Hele, John, 195

Hembury Fort, 48

Henrietta, Princess, born at Exeter, 11

Henrietta Maria, Queen, at Exeter, 11

Herrick, William, 123

Hexter, Ann, 95

Hillersdon, John de, 27

Holborne, Colonel, 299

Hole, Robert, 150

Holland, John, 128;

Lord, 173

Holne, 121

Holt, Mr, 292

Holy wells at Hatherleigh, 236

Honiton, 47

Honiton lace, 49

Hooker, Mr, 237

Hopton, Ralph, Lord, 173, 229, 230, 231

Hounds as tin-carriers, 78

How, John, 95

Howard, Sir Charles, 191;

Lady, 190

Huguenots at Plymouth, 175

Hungerford, Lord, 29

Hunters' Lodge Inn, 55

Hut-dwellings on Dartmoor, 74

Ilfracombe, 244

Izacke's description of Exeter, 2

Jago, Dr, 191

Jewel, Bishop John, 249

Judhael de Totnes, 130, 226, 228, 295

Kennaway, Sir John, 55

Kenwith Castle, 210

Key, John, 291

Killerton, 29

Kilworthy House, 193

King, R. J., on Dartmoor, 71

Kingsbridge, 141

Kingsley, Charles, 121;

description of Clovelly, 214

Kingskerswell, 110

King's Nympton, 239

Kingsteignton, 103

Kings wear, 140

Lake, Thomas, 95

Landslip at Lyme, 67

Lane, John, 28, 150;

Richard, 150;

Thomasine, 28;

Mr, 150

Lechlade, Walter de, 56

Leofric, first Bishop of Exeter, 3

Ley, W., 95

Library, ancient, in Exeter Cathedral, 4;

in Crediton Church, 37

Lloyd, Temperance, 209

Lomene, William de, 307

Longstone, the, 266

Ludlow, Sir Henry, 292

Lundy Island, 245

Lyde, Robert, 42

Lydford, 82

Lydford Gorge, 84

Lynmouth, 259, 260

Lynton, 259

Marwood, Dr, 68

Mary Tavy, 196

Massie, General, 22, 23

Merivale, Samuel, 175

Mohun, Lord, 52;

John, 298;

Sir Reginald, 69;

Richard de, 107;

Sir William, 69

Mohun arms, 52

Moles, Mules, Isabella de, 287;

Nicholas de, 110

Molesworth, Colonel, 292

Monk, George, Duke of Albemarle, 33, 69, 232;

Sir Thomas, 232

Moore, Major, 24

Moretonhampstead, 92

Morisco, Sir William de, 247

Morton, Cardinal, 29

Morwellham, 199

Morwell Rocks, 199

Mules, see Moles

Mozley, Rev. ----, 28

National Debt, origin of the, 101

Newcomb, John, 8

Newenham Abbey, 69

Newton, John, 291

Newton Abbot, 102

Newton St Cyres, 41

Norden, John, 8

North, Lord, and cider tax, 51

Northcote, Galfridus de, 309;

Sir Henry, 309;

John, Sir John, 122, 309, 310, 312, 313;

Walter, 309

Oare, 265

Ogham inscription at Tavistock, 180

Okehampton Castle, 296

Okey, Colonel, 98

Oldbarrow Camp, 261

Orange, William, Prince of, 113

Osey, Thomas, 37

Otter River, 47

Otterton, 60

Ottery Mohun, 52

Ottery St Mary, 55

Ottery St Mary Church, 56

Oxenham, William, 238

Paignton, 110

Parker, William, 162

Parracombe, 254

Paynel, Fulke, 306

Peeke, Captain Richard, 185

Penruddocke, ----, 12;

Colonel, 240

Peryam, William, 36

Peter Tavy, 196

Peverell, Hugh, 27

Pickering, Colonel, 58

Pilchard fishery, 161

Pilgrim Fathers, the, 171

Pim, John, 184

Pinhoe, Danish fight at, 3

Pixies, the, 86

Pixies' House, 82

Pixies' Parlour, 100

Plumleigh, Captain, 248

Plymouth, 155

Plympton, 177

Plymtree, 28

Pole, Alice de la, 295

Polglas, William, 128

Pollard, Hugh, Sir Hugh, 139, 211, 239, 269, 312;

Sir Lewis, 291;

Sir Richard, 296

Pollock, Sir F., on Dartmoor, 71

Poltimore, 31

Poltimore, Lord, 32

Pomeroy, Pomerai, Sir Edward, 288;

Henry de, 182, 285, 287;

Ralph de la, 287;

Sir Thomas, 288

Porter, Endymion, 124

Portledge, 212

Potheridge, 232

Potter, Barnabas, 126

Powderham Castle, 272

Prawle Point, 145

Prayer-Book riot, 38

Priests' hole, a, 299

Princetown, 84

Pynes, 308

Pynho, Sir Robert de, 148

Quivil, Bishop Peter, 5

Raleigh, John de, 252;

Sir Walter, 60, 80, 128, 133, 153, 203, 204

Rame, Thomas, 7

Rattenbury, Jack, 65

Rattery, 126

Reay, Samuel, 17

Redvers, Baldwin de, 4, 15;

Mary de, 15;

Richard de, 14;

William de, 14

Reidesel, Baroness of, 30

Revel, the, at Kingsteignton, 103

Reynell, Lieut, 30

Richmond, Henry, Earl of, 7;

Margaret, Countess of, 231

Robin, Mr, 11

Rodge, James, 49

Roope, Mr, 153

Rougemont Castle, Exeter, 4

Rugglestone, the, 76

Russell, Lord, 9,

Rev. John, 20, 236;

John, 182;

William Lord, 184

St. Leger, Sir John, 7, 152

Salcombe, 144

Salkeld, Captain, 248

Saltram, 177

Sampford ghost, the, 26

Sampford Peveril, 26

Sandridge, 132

Schorne, Sir John, 145

Screen at Plymtree, 28

Seaton, 66

Sexton, Mary, 203

Seymour, Colonel, 153, 211, 289, 290;

Edward, Sir Edward, 116, 139, 286, 288, 289, 292, 293

Shapcote, Colonel, 46

Shebbeare, Dr, 209

Sheeps Tor, 81

Shute, 69

Sidmouth, 64

Silver mines at Combe Martin, 251

Simon, son of Roger, 307

Slapton Sands and Lea, 151

Slee, George, 16

Smuggling, 65

Snell, John, 149

Snowdon, Thomas, 95

Soffewill, Walter de, 307

South Molton, 239

South Tawton, 237

Speare, William, 94

Splatt, Hannah, 96

Sprigg, Joshua, 58

Stafford, Hugh, 309

Stanhope, Anne, 288

Stannary Parliament, 78

Stapleton, Bishop Walter de, 5

Starcross, 42

Starre, John, 66

Start Point, 151

Stevenstone, 231

Stonerows, etc., on Dartmoor, 74

Stonehouse, 157

Stonehouse, Joel de, 157

Storm at Widecombe, 80

'Stout Cripple of Cornwall, the,' 283

Strangwich, George, 192

Strode, William, 311

Stucley, Stukeley, Sir George, 238;

Sir Lewis, 218;

Thomas, 238

Suffolk, Duke of, 54

Sully, Sir John, 36

Superstitions on Dartmoor, 85;

at Whitstone, 96

Sutton, James, 94

Sydenham, 298

Talbot, Sir Gilbert, 22

Tavistock, 179

Tavy Cleave, 197

Tawstock, 228

Teign, the, 89

Teignmouth, 103

Tenure, curious, 269

Thackeray, W. M., at Ottery, 59

Thomas, Grace, 210

Thurlestone, 147

Tiddecomba, Walter de, 307

Tin trade on Dartmoor, 77

Tiverton, 14

Toby, Tryphena, 141

Tongue token, a, 305

Topsham, 41

Tor Abbey, 107

Torbay, 106

Tor Cross, 151

Torner, Major, 139

Torquay, 106

Torridge Castle, 231

Torrington, 228

Totnes, 129

Tourville, Admiral de, 104

Tracy, William de, 221

Trelawny, Rebecca, 40

Tremayne, Andrew, 301, 302, 303;

Edmund, 302, 305;

Nicholas, 301, 302, 303;

Thomas, 300

Trembles, Mary, 209

Trenchard, Isabella, 300;

Sir Thomas, 182

Tuckers' Hall, Exeter, 10

Tuckfield, John, 36

Ugbrooke, 100

Valletort, Reginald de, 160

Valley of Rocks, 258

Vane, Sir Henry, 293

Venton House, 126

Vere, Sir Francis, 135

Wade, Major, 257

Wagstaff, Sir Joseph, 240

Waldron, John, 16, 19;

Richard, 19.

_See also_ Walrond

Wallabrook, the, 89

Waller, Sir Hardress, 225;

Sir William, 290

Walrond, Walerond, Sir Henry, 307;

Richard, 306;

Sir William, 307.

_See also_ Waldron

Walsingham, Sir Francis, 135

Warbeck, Perkin, at Exeter, 7

Wardlaw, Colonel, 174

Warelwast, Bishop William, 5

Weare, Colonel, 22

Webber, Will, 116

Wesley, Samuel, 19

Westward Ho, 212

Whiddon, John, 147

White ale, 143

White bird of the Oxenhams, 237

Whitstone, 93

Whittle, John, 113

Wichehalse, Hugh, 257;

John, 257, 258;

Mary, 258;

Nicholas, 257

Widdecombe-in-the-Moor, 80

Wilford, Sir William, 162

William the Conqueror besieges Exeter, 4

Wise, Arabella, 305;

Sir Edward, 299, 305

Wistman's Wood, 76

Witchcraft, 209, 268

Witches' Stone near Honiton, 55

Woggan, Captain, 98

Wolcot, Dr John, 143

Woodbury Castle, 45

Woolacomb Tracey, 221

Worthy, Geoffrey de la, 287

Wrey, Sir Bourchier, 228, 245

Wright, Jacob, 96

Wyatt, Sir Thomas, 54

Wynfrith, St, 35

Yonge, Walter, Sir Walter, 55, 310

Young, William, 248