CHAPTER X

The Tamar and the Tavy

'Tavy creeps upon

The western vales of fertile Albion;

Here dashes roughly on an aged rock,

That his intended passage doth up-lock;...

Here digs a cave at some high mountain's foot,

There undermines an oak, tears up his root:...

As (woo'd by May's delights) I have been borne

To take the kind air of a wistful morn

Near Tavy's voiceful stream (to whom I owe

More strains than from my pipe can ever flow).

Here have I heard a sweet bird never lin[7]

To chide the river for his clam'rous din;...

So numberless the songsters are that sing

In the sweet groves of that too-careless spring...

Among the rest a shepherd (though but young,

Yet hearten'd to his pipe), with all the skill

His few years could, began to fit his quill.

By Tavy's speedy stream he fed his flock,

Where when he sat to sport him on a rock,

The water-nymphs would often come unto him,

And for a dance with many gay gifts woo him.

Now posies of this flower, and then of that;

Now with fine shells, then with a rushy hat,

With coral or red stones brought from the deep

To make him bracelets, or to mark his sheep.'

W. BROWNE: _Britannia's Pastorals_.

[Footnote 7: Cease.]

Tavistock is a quiet little 'ancient borough,' which at the first glance

from the hill to the north-west suggests the early-Victorian word

'embowered,' for it looks as if the rudiments of the town had arisen in

the midst of a large wood. The town lies chiefly in a hollow, and the

trees that cover the sides surround and encroach upon the streets in the

pleasantest way, and their foliage, the hills on every side, and the

rushing Tavy through the midst, give an un-townlike air that is

charming. But to imagine, from this rustic and very still look, that the

place lacked history, would be to make a great mistake. On the contrary,

its history starts in such very early days that only a few scattered

relics remain to show the wave of human life that passed over the

country.

Between A.D. 240 and the latter half of the sixth century, the Irish

made many invasions, overran the South and West of England, and settled

colonies in parts of Devon and Cornwall, more especially along their

northern coasts. Mr Baring-Gould, in a most interesting paper, sketches

out the various descents and settlements, and traces them by their stone

monuments and by the names of the Irish saints that they left in

churches and villages and holy wells. Some of the invaders established

themselves near Tavistock, and tokens of them have been found in the

neighbourhood in the shape of three stones bearing inscriptions--one in

Ogham characters. The stones are now in the Vicarage garden. 'On one,

which is over seven feet high, occurs a name, probably of a Sept or

tribe in Kerry, where several stones inscribed with the same name are

found. On the third are the words: "Dobunii Fabri fili Enabarri...."

Dobun was a _faber_, or smith. In Celtic organizations every _tuatha_,

or tribe, had its chief smith.... Dobunii ... is the Latin for the

genitive Douvinias, also a Kerry name.... Here, then, we have written

and engraven in stone for our learning the record of an Irish settlement

from Kerry in the neighbourhood of Tavistock.'

Mr Baring-Gould further mentions briefly the different tribes and

peoples that have invaded and possessed themselves of the land, to be in

turn conquered by new-comers, and the eventual, amalgamation of races,

and quotes Professor Sullivan to the discomfiture of those who

rhapsodize over the 'pure Celt' in Great Britain or Ireland--for, after

all, it was Irish colonists and conquerors who 'gave their name to

Scotland, and at one time occupied the coast of Wales and 'West

Domnonia.'

Professor Sullivan writes: 'The Irish tenants of to-day are composed of

the descendants of Firbolgs and other British and Belgic races;

Milesians ... Gauls, Norwegians, Anglo-Saxons, Anglo-Normans, and

English.... This is a fact which should be remembered by those who

theorize over the qualities of the "pure Celt," whoever they may be.'

There are many amateurs whose views would be less tedious if they could

be convinced by Professor Sullivan.

The memory of one Irish saint clung for centuries to Tavistock, for the

abbey was dedicated jointly to St Mary the Holy Virgin, and to St Rumon,

an Irish missionary who came over to Cornwall. The abbey has

unfortunately been totally destroyed, and various buildings now stand on

its site. The old chapter-house was pulled down by a certain Saunders,

'of barbarous memory,' 'to make way for a modern house now called the

Bedford Hotel.' The refectory is used as a Unitarian chapel, and still

keeps its fine pinnacled porch. A ruined tower covered with ivy, called

Betsy Grimbal's Tower (a young woman was supposed to have been murdered

in it), stands in grounds close by, and the other chief fragments still

to be seen are the monks' still-house, a little bit of the abbey church

wall, and the remains of a battlemented wall following the line of the

river. The north gateway is the most perfect remnant and that has been

restored. Of the religious houses in the Diocese of Exeter this

monastery was the most important, and it eclipsed them all by 'the

extent, convenience, and magnificence of its buildings.' Orgar, Earl of

Devon, founded it in 961, and Ordulph, his son, completed it on such a

grand scale, that there was room for one thousand inhabitants.

The abbey had only stood for about thirty years, when a frightful blow

fell: the Danes burst upon the country, harrying it with fire and sword.

They landed in Cornwall, and here Egbert hastened with his army and

defeated them at Hingston Down; but a great horde broke away, and

crossing the border descended on Tavistock, where the inhabitants in a

body rose to meet them and a terrible battle was fought. Its deadly

nature is summed up with great directness in an old jingle:

'The blood which flowed down West Street

Would heave a stone a pound weight.'

The abbey was robbed and then burned to the ground. No time, however,

can have been lost in rebuilding it, for about thirty years later

Livingus, the Abbot, was made Bishop of Devonshire, and was specially

chosen by King Canute to accompany him on his pilgrimage to Rome.

Tavistock was a Benedictine monastery, over which forty abbots ruled in

succession. Some of the later ones were noted for their lack of

discipline--even to the point of allowing the monks 'to affect the

fashionable costume of the times, adopting the secular buttoned hoods

and beaked boots'; but the earlier abbots were both pious and learned,

and one of the earliest printing-presses set up in England was owned by

the abbey. The first statutes of the stannaries that ever were printed

were printed here: a 'Confirmation of the Charter perteynynge to all the

tynners wythyn the co[=u]ty of Devonshyre wyth their Statutes also made

at Crockeryntorre by the whole ass[=e]t and c[=o]set of al the sayd

tynners'--of the date 1510. In very early days the abbots were 'lessees

of the Devonshire stannaries ... and controllers of the issues of royal

mines in Devon and part of Cornwall,' says Dr. Oliver.

At the Dissolution the King presented the abbey and most of its estates

to the Earl of Bedford. The first trace of this great family in

Devonshire that I have been able to find is a lawsuit in regard to

certain lands, between John Russell and Rohesia his wife and Henry de

Pomeroy, which took place in the reign of King John. But there was a

much closer connection with the county in later days. Unfortunately,

space makes it impossible to touch on more than a few of the most

striking events in the career of John Russell, first Earl of Bedford, to

whom the Abbey was granted.

On January 11, 1506, the Archduke Philip of Austria was driven by a

violent storm to take shelter at Weymouth, where Sir Thomas Trenchard,

Governor of the Coast, hurried to receive him, and to offer such

entertainment as he could provide. It so happened that there was staying

with Sir Thomas a young cousin lately returned from his travels, who

combined great 'skill in foreign languages ... with his sprightly

conversation and polite address.' The Archduke was enchanted to find

someone better acquainted with his speech and customs than the

stay-at-home squires who surrounded him, and when he set out for Windsor

he would not leave Mr Russell behind. To the King the Archduke praised

his protege in glowing words, and he was given a small post at Court.

Nature had favoured him at the start, for he is said to have been of 'a

moving beauty that ... exacted a liking if not a love from all that saw

him' and to this valuable gift was added that of a 'learned discourse

and generous deportment.'

On the accession of Henry VIII, he won the good-will of the young King

by the zeal with which he threw himself into 'the dance, the Masque, the

pagent, the tourney,' in which Henry himself delighted; and he soon had

a chance for distinguishing himself in serious matters. In 1513 he

accompanied the King in his campaign in France, and on the march an

unusually large cannon was 'overturned in a lagoon.... Impatient to

signalise himself by some intrepid exploit, Mr Russell had the boldness

to attempt its recovery, in the face of ten thousand French,' and 'with

but two hundred and fifty adventurers under him as resolute as himself,

he succeeded in the effort.'

In 1517 Mr Russell was appointed Deputy-Governor of Tournay; in 1532 he

was knighted after taking part in a descent on the coast of Brittany,

and in later years he rose to positions of great and greater importance.

When Henry was supporting the Constable de Bourbon against his

Sovereign, Francis I, Sir John was entrusted with the dangerous mission

of conveying a huge sum of money through a country where many were well

affected to the French King.

One of his first steps was to leave his company at a town on the

frontier with orders to spread the news that he was ill, whilst he

hastened without escort and with the money--Henry had promised the Duke

de Bourbon 100,000 crowns a month--to Geneva. Here he heard the

comforting news that the Swiss and Frenchmen were so certain of robbing

him that they had already 'lotted every of the captains his portion of

the said money.' With great speed and secrecy he caused it to be 'packed

in bales, trussed with baggage, as oats or old clothes, to make it

bulky, and nicked with a merchant's mark.' As a further precaution he

begged the help of the Duke of Savoy, who eventually allowed muleteers

in his service to hire mules as if for his own use to take it across the

mountains, and 'so bruit it to be carried as his stuff unto the Duchess

his wife.' Arrived at Chambery, the secret of the bales was allowed to

leak a very little, and Sir John, knowing that there were 'divers

ambushes and enterprises set for to attrap me,' set out again with his

bales towards Geneva. Out of sight of the town he altered his course for

Mont Cenis. And this expedient was in itself a blind, for two or three

days before Sir John's departure the treasure had been sent very

secretly on other mules to Turin, where it arrived safely. He finishes

his account with conscious simplicity: 'Which ways was occasion, as I

think the said enterprises to fail of their purpose.'

Sir John met with many very exciting adventures, of which perhaps the

most interesting is one that happened to him at Bologna, for here he was

very skilfully rescued from an unpleasant position by the great Thomas

Cromwell, then a practically unknown soldier. Sir John was passing

through the town, when he was very treacherously stopped and surrounded

in his hotel by the municipal authorities. Cromwell managed to persuade

them that he was a Neapolitan acquaintance of Sir John, and that if he

might speak to him he would be able to induce the knight to surrender

himself into their hands. But what he actually did was to suggest to Sir

John that he should change clothes with a servant that Cromwell had

brought with him, and in this disguise he helped him to escape from the

town.

When Cromwell came to England, it was Sir John who first commended him

to Wolsey's notice.

In the reign of Charles I, William, Lord Russell (afterwards Earl of

Bedford), and Pym, the great commoner, were returned together as

co-members for Tavistock; and when war was declared the Earl of Bedford

sided with the Parliament and was appointed to raise the Devonshire

Militia for them. He was not personally hostile to the King but thought,

like others, that if Charles saw the Parliament in arms against him, he

would realize that the nation was resolute in defence of its liberty.

The Earl of Bedford, at the head of his recruits, engaged the enemy near

Sherborne Castle, and was victorious; and at the battle of Edge Hill he

'was reported by Lord Wharton to have done extraordinary service.' Later

he was among those most anxious for a treaty of peace, but he suffered

from holding too moderate views. In taking up arms against the King he

had offended the Queen too bitterly to be well received when he, in

company with some other peers, went to the Court at Oxford, and his

sympathy with the King alienated him from the Parliament. Sincerely

anxious for peace, he soon saw the hopelessness of all efforts in that

direction, and long before the struggle was over he practically withdrew

from public affairs.

Tavistock's greatest glory, Sir Francis Drake, has already been spoken

of; but among the lesser lights is a Captain fully worthy to have sailed

in the company of Queen Elizabeth's illustrious Captains, though he

lived in the less triumphant days of Charles I. Captain Richard Peeke,

or Peke, or Pike (he signs himself Peeke in his pamphlet, but in a

private letter Dr. Meddus, a contemporary, refers to him as Pike), has

left no account of his career, only that of his great adventure in

Spain.

A local schoolmaster hails him with these flamboyant lines:

'Search whither can be found again the like

For noble prowess to our Tav'stock Pike,--

In whose renowned, never-dying name

Live England's honour and the Spaniard's shame.'

In 1625 Peeke joined the force that King Charles and Queen Henrietta

helped to start from Plymouth. Sir Edward Cecil was in command, and, as

a result of this expedition, earned for himself the nickname of

Sit-Still. Peeke's account is excellent, although he begins by saying

that he knows not 'the fine Phrases of Silken Courtiers'; but 'a good

Shippe I know and a poore Cabbin and the language of a Cannon ... as my

Breeding has bin Rough (scorning Delicacy) so must my Writings be.'

The first attack was made on 'Cales' (Cadiz), and Peeke gives a vivid

description of the hot and stubborn fight that took place before the

fort of Puntal surrendered. The whole army was then landed, but Peeke

did not go with them; 'for I was no Land Soldier, and therefore all that

while kept aboard.' As the fate of the expedition has nothing to do with

his story, it is enough to say that the men got very much out of hand,

the Commander, in great alarm, hurriedly retreated, and, without

attempting to follow up his victory on land, set sail in pursuit of a

Spanish fleet that he never came up with, and three weeks later returned

in disgrace to England.

To return to Richard Peeke. After the army had all landed he thought

that 'the late storms had beaten all the Spaniards in' for a time, and

that he would go on shore for a little diversion. Meeting some

Englishmen coming back to the ships, laden with 'Oranges and Lymons'

which they had taken from some gardens not far off, he set off to find

some fruit for himself, the men assuring him that there was no danger.

Less than a mile away, however, he came, '(for all their talking of no

danger), on Three Englishmen starke dead, being slayne, lying in the

way,' and another 'not fully dead.... I then resolved (and was about it)

for Christian Charities sake, and for Countries sake, to have carried

him on my back to our Shippes, farre off though they lay.... But my good

intents were prevented; for, on a sodaine, came rushing in vpon me a

Spanish Horseman, whose name as afterwards I was informed was Don Juan

of Cales, a Knight.... Five or sixe Skirmishes wee had, and for a pretty

while fought off and on.' As the fight went on Peeke got the better of

Don Juan, who 'fell on his knees and crying out in French to me,

_Pardone moy, je vous pree. Je suie un buon Chrestien_.... Having a

Soldier's minde to Rifle him, I searched for jewels, but found only five

Pieces of Eight about him.' Here Fortune turned, for 'fourteen Spanish

Muskateers, spying me so busy about one of their Countreymen,' came to

his rescue, and Peeke was forced to yield himself prisoner. 'True Valour

(I see) goes not aluaies in good Cloathes, for Don Juan (when my hands

were in a manner bound behind me) ... wounded me through the Face, from

Eare to Eare, and had there killed me, had not the fourteen Muskateers

rescued me from his Rage.'

Peeke was again severely wounded while being led through the streets of

Cadiz, but met with better treatment in prison, though his forebodings

were gloomy. And when he was soon afterwards sent for by the Governor to

Xeres, he went 'wondrous unwilling ... because I feared I should ther be

put to Tortures.' On the day of trial he was brought before a great

assembly of nobles, 'my sword lying before them on the table. It was

reached to me; I tooke it and embraced it in mine arms, and with teares

in my eyes kist the Pommel of it. He [the Duke of Medina] then demanded

how many men I had kild with that Weapon? I told him, if I had kild one,

I had not bene there now before that Princely Assembly, for when I had

him at my foote, begging for mercy, I gave him Life, yet he then very

poorely did me a mischiefe. Then they asked Don John (my Prisoner) what

Woundes I gave him; He sayd, None: Upon this he was rebuked and told,

that if upon our first Encounter, he had run me through, it had been a

faire and Noble Triumph; but so to wound me, being in the hands of

others, they held it Base.' Peake was now questioned as to the name of

his ship, the Captain, and the number of cannon on board. 'I sayd, forty

Peices. But the Lords, looking all this while on a Paper which they held

in their hands, Duke Medyna sayd, In their note there was but

thirty-eight.' He afterwards found that in that paper they had every

detail about 'our Shippes, their Burden, Men ... as perfect as wee

ourselves had them in England. Of what strength (quoth another Duke) is

the Fort of Plymouth? I answered, very Strong. What Ordnance in it?

Fifty, sayd I. That is not so, sayd he, there is but seuenteene. How

many Soldiers are in the Fort? I answered, Two hundred: That is not so

(quoth a Conde), there is but twenty.

'Marquesse Alquenezes asked me, of what strength the little Island was

before Plymouth. I told him, I know not; Then (quoth he), wee doe.

'Is Plymouth a Walled Towne? Yes, my Lords. And a good Wall? Yes, say I,

a very good Wall: True, sayd a Duke, to leape ouer with a Staffe. And

hath the Towne, sayd the Duke of Medyna, strong Gates? Yes. But, quoth

he, there were neither Wood nor Iron to those Gates, but two dayes

before your Fleete came away.' Among many other questions, they asked

why 'in all this Brauery of the Fleete the English had not taken Cales

as well as Puntal?' To which Peeke, who must have often asked this

question of himself, replied boldly that 'the Lord Generall ... was

loath to rob an Almeshouse, hauing a better Market to goe to. Cales, I

told them, was held Poore, unmanned, unmunitioned. What better market?

sayd Medyna. I told him Genoa or Lisbon.'

All around stood the 'Common People,' who made the ordeal still harder

by 'many jeerings, mockings, scornes, and bitter jests' against the

English, 'which I must not so much as bite my lippe against, but with an

inforced patient care stood still.... Amongst many other raproches and

spightfull Names, one of the _Spaniards_ called _English_ Men _Gallinas_

(Hennes).' This amused the 'Great Lords,' and one of them asked the

prisoner if the Spaniards, when they came to England (in war), would

prove such hens as the English. To which Peeke answered, 'somewhat

emboldned by his merry countenance,' that they would prove chickens.

'Darst thou then (quoth Duke of Medyna, with a browe half angry) fight

with one of these Spanish Pullets? O my Lord! sayd I, I am a Prisoner,

and my life at stake, and therefore dare not be so bold as to adventure

upon any such Action, ... Yet ... with all told him, he was unworthy of

the Name of an English Man, that should refuse to fight with one Man of

any Nation whatsoever. Hereupon my Shackells were knockt off and my Iron

Ring and Chayne taken from my Neck.'

The first challenger was quickly disposed of. 'I was then demanded, If I

durst Fight against an other? I told them my heart was good to

adventure; but I humbly requested them to giue me pardon if I refused.

For to my selfe I too well knew that the Spaniard is Haughty, Impatient

of the least affront: And when he received but a touch of any Dishonour,

Disgrace or Blemish (especially in his owne Countrey, and from an

English man) his Revenge is implacable, mortall and bloudy.

'Yet being by the Noblemen pressed agen and agen to try my Fortune with

an other, I (seeing my Life was in the Lyon's paw, to struggle with

whome for safety there was no way but one, and being afrayd to displease

them) sayd: That if their Graces and Greatnesses would giue me leave to

play at mine owne Countrey Weapon called the Quarter Staffe, I was then

ready there an Oposite, against any Commer.' When a 'hansome and well

Spirited Spaniard steps foorth, with his Rapier and Poniard,' Peeke

explained that he 'made little account of that One to play with, and

should shew them no Sport.

'Then a second (Arm'd as before) presents himselfe; I demanded if there

would come no more? The Dukes asked, how many I desired? I told them,

any number under sixe. Which resolution of mine, they smiling at, in a

kind of scorne, held it not Manly ... to worry one Man with a Multitude.

'Now Gentlemen, if here you condemne me for plucking (with mine owne

hands) such an assured danger upon mine head: Accept of these Reasons

for excuse.

'To dye, I thought it most certaine, but to dye basely, I would not: For

Three to kill One had bin to mee no Dishonour; To them (Weapons

considered) no Glory: An Honourable Subjection I esteemed better, than

an Ignoble conquest.... Only Heaven I had in mine eye, the Honor of my

Country in my heart, my Fame at the Stake, my Life on a narrow Bridge,

and death before and behind me.'

With a supreme effort Peeke succeeded in killing one of his opponents

and disabling the other two. Then for a moment he feared the threatening

anger of the crowd, but the nobles showed great generosity in their

admiration of his pluck, whether they felt mortified or not, and he was

treated with extreme kindness, both then and afterwards. He 'was kept

in the Marquesse Alquenezes House, who one day ... desired I would sing.

I willing to obey him (whose goodnesse I had tasted), did so, and sung

this Psalme: _When as we sate in Babylon, etc._ The meaning of which

being told he saide to me, _English_ Man, comfort thyself, for thou art

in no Captivity.'

Peeke was then sent to the King of Spain, who tried to keep him in his

service, but with a becoming gratitude for the favours shown to him,

Peeke begged to be allowed to return home, 'being a Subject onely to the

King of England.' Whereupon the King very magnanimously gave 'one

hundred Pistoletts to beare my charges.'

A play has been written called 'Dick of Devonshire,' in which the

adventures of 'Dick Pike' are set in the midst of a Spanish

tragi-comedy.

Nothing is known of Peeke's life after he came back to his own country,

but there are strong reasons for believing that he returned to

Tavistock. And if it was himself, and not a namesake, who flourished

there, in 1638, our hero might be seen in an entirely new role, for that

year Richard Peeke filled the peaceful office of people's churchwarden!

Tavistock's fine church is dedicated to St Eustachius, and it has a high

battlemented tower crowned with slender pinnacles. The tower is 'pierced

with arches in all four sides, so that it stands on piers. It is thus a

true campanile, and was never joined to the church.' There are monuments

to several families in the nave and chancel, and stories and memories

crowd especially round two of them. One is the tomb of John Fitz of

Fitz-ford and his wife, at the back of which their son Sir John kneels

at a desk with a book before him.

Fitzford House is close to Tavistock, and with the property came to Sir

John's daughter, Lady Howard, round whose name many tales have gathered.

In Mrs Bray's time Lady Howard was regarded as 'a female Bluebeard,' but

a later verdict is more charitable, and it is now thought that the

unhappy lady has been much maligned. Being a great heiress, her hand was

disposed of when she was only twelve years old, and she was married to

Sir Alan Percy, who died three years afterwards. There is a proverb--

'Winter-time for shoeing,

Peascod-time for wooing;'

but Lady Howard must have been wooed at all seasons. One month after her

husband's death she escaped from her chaperon, and secretly married Lord

Darcy's son, who only survived a few months. When she was hardly

sixteen, she found a third husband in Sir Charles Howard, by whose name

she is always known, although after his death she married Sir Richard

Grenville. Her last 'venture,' as Prince calls it, was a very wretched

one; Sir Richard treated her abominably, and she retaliated to the worst

of her power. After her death, Mrs Bray says (in that delightful

storehouse of local traditions, 'The Borders of the Tamar and the

Tavy'), there arose a belief that she was 'doomed to run in the shape of

a hound from the gateway of Fitzford to Okehampton Park, between the

hours of midnight and cock-crowing, and to return with a single blade of

grass in her mouth whence she started; and this she was to do till every

blade was picked, when the world would be at an end.'

'Dr Jago, the clergyman of Milton Abbot, however, told me that

occasionally she was said to ride in a coach of bones up the West Street

towards the Moor.... My husband can remember that, when a boy, it was a

common saying with the gentry at a party, "It is growing late; let us be

gone, or we shall meet Lady Howard as she starts from Fitzford."'

A still more conspicuous monument in the church is connected with the

other tragedy. The family of Glanvills had long been settled near

Tavistock, and the figure is of Judge Glanvill in his robes. At his feet

kneels a life-size figure of his wife. 'Her buckram waist, like armour,

sleeves, ruff, and farthingale are all monstrous; and her double-linked

gold chains are grand enough for the Lord Mayor. On the whole she looks

so very formidable, that thus seen stationed before the Judge, she might

be considered as representing Justice herself, but it would be in her

severest mood.'

The mournful story is that of another member of the family, Eulalia

Glanvill, who was forced against her will to marry an old man named

Page, when she was in love with a young man, George Strangwich. After

much misery, she and Strangwich agreed to murder Page, and the story is

told in several ballads, in one of which there is a ring of sincerity

which makes the 'verses sound better to the brain than to the ear.' It

is now thought that the ballad was written by Delaney, but in the early

editions the ballad was attributed to Mrs Page herself, and a copy in

the Roxburghe Ballads is headed: 'Written with her owne hand, a little

before her death.' 'The Lamentation of Master Page's Wife' was sung to

the tune of 'Fortune my Foe':

'Unhappy she whom Fortune hath forlorne:

Despis'd of grace, that proffered grace did scorne!

My lawlesse love hath lucklesse wrought my woe;

My discontent content did ov'rthrow.

'In blooming yeares my father's greedy mind,

Against my will, a match for me did find;

Great wealth there was, yea, gold and silver store;

And yet my heart had chosen long before.

'On knees I prayde they would not me constraine,

With teares I cride, their purpose to refraine;

With sighs and sobs I did them often move.

I might not wed, whereas I could not love.

'But all in vaine my speeches still I spent.

My Father's will my wishes did prevent;

Though wealthy Page possest my outward part,

George Strangwidge still was lodged in my heart.

* * * * *

'Lo! here began my downfall and decay!

In mind I mus'd to make him straight away,

I, that became his discontented wife,

Contented was he should be rid of life.

* * * * *

'Well could I wish that Page enjoy'd his life

So that he had some other to his wife;

But never could I wish, of low or hie,

A longer life, and see sweet Strangwidge die.

'You Parents fond that greedy-minded be,

And seek to graffe upon the golden tree,

Consider well, and rightfull Judges be,

And give your doome 'twixt Parents' love and me.

'I was their child, and bound for to obey,

Yet not to wed where I no love could lay;

I married was to much and endless strife,

But faith before had made me Strangwidge wife.

'You Denshire Dames and courteous Cornwall Knights

That here are come to visit woefull wights,

Regard my griefe, and marke my wofull end,

And to your children be a better friend.

'And then, my deare, which for my fault must dye,

Be not afraid the sting of death to try;

Like as we liv'd and lov'd together true,

So both at once, we'll bid the world adue.'

'The Lamentation of George Strangwidge' many times lapses into bathos,

but as in a way it answers the other ballad, I will quote a few verses:

'O Glanfield! cause of my committed crime,

Snared in wealth, as Birds in bush of lime,

What cause had thou to beare such wicked spight

Against my Love, and eke my hart's delight?

'I would to God thy wisdome had been more,

Or that I had not ent'red at the door;

Or that thou hadst a kinder Father beene

Unto thy Childe, whose yeares are yet but greene.

'Ulalia faire, more bright than summer's sunne,

Whose beauty had my heart for ever won,

My soule more sobs to thinke of thy disgrace,

Than to behold my owne untimely race.

'The deed late done in heart I doe lament,

But that I lov'd, I cannot it repent;

Thy seemely sight was ever sweet to me.

Would God my death could thy excuser be.'

Kilworthy House, which in those days belonged to the Glanvills, is now

the property of the Duke of Bedford.

Tavistock seems to have maintained an open mind, or perhaps was forced

into keeping open house, during the Civil War; but Fitzford House, then

belonging to Sir Richard Grenville, held out resolutely for the King,

until overpowered by Lord Essex. The people seem to have been rather

indifferent to the cause of the war, and very sensible of its hardships,

for it was here suggested that a treaty might be made, 'whereby the

peace of those two counties of Cornwall and Devon might be settled and

the war removed into other parts.' It was a really excellent method of

shifting an unpleasant burden on to other shoulders, but in actual

warfare, unfortunately, impracticable, although the treaty was drawn up

and for a short time a truce was observed.

At the end of this year (1645) Prince Charles paid a visit to the town,

and was so much 'annoyed by wet weather, that ever after, if anybody

remarked it was a fine day, he was wont to declare that, however fine it

might be elsewhere, he felt quite sure it must be raining at Tavistock.'

One cannot help wondering if his courtiers kept to English tradition of

perpetually speaking of the weather.

To walk away from Tavistock along the Tavy's bank is to follow the

footsteps of that river's special poet, William Browne. His poems are

not so well known as they might be, and his most celebrated lines are

nearly always attributed to Ben Jonson--I mean the fine epitaph on

'Sidney's sister, Pembroke's mother'--though any doubt as to the author

of the lines is cleared up by a manuscript in the library of Trinity

College, Dublin. Not very many details of his life are known, but he had

the happiness of being better appreciated by his contemporaries than by

posterity, and Ben Jonson and Michael Drayton wrote complimentary

verses, as a sort of introduction to volumes of his poems when they were

published. Browne's work is very uneven, many of his poems are charming,

some diffuse and rather poor; but he had a sincere feeling for Nature,

and his nymphs and swains revelled in posies and garlands in the shade

of groves full of singing birds.

In the third book of his long poem, 'Britannia's Pastorals,' there is a

quaint and pretty song, of which one verse runs:

'So shuts the marigold her leaves

At the departure of the sun;

So from the honeysuckle sheaves

The bee goes when the day is done;

So sits the turtle when she is but one,

And so all woe, as I, since she is gone.'

A deliciously whimsical touch marks his description of a feast of

Oberon:

'The glasses, pure and thinner than we can

See from the sea-betroth'd Venetian,

Were all of ice, not made to overlast

One supper, and betwixt two cowslips cast.

A prettier hath not yet been told,

So neat the glass was, and so feat the mould.

A little spruce elf then (just of the set

Of the French dancer or such marionette),

Clad in a suit of rush, woven like a mat,

A monkshood flow'r then serving for a hat;

Under a cloak made of the Spider's loom:

This fairy (with them, held a lusty groom)

Brought in his bottles; neater were there none;

And every bottle was a cherry-stone,

To each a seed pearl served for a screw,

And most of them were fill'd with early dew.'

Now and again in his verses there peeps out a joyful pride in his

county, and his love of the Tavy is deep to his heart's core.

Some way below Tavistock is Buckland Abbey, founded by Amicia, Countess

of Devon, in 1278, and for long years the home of Cistercians. At the

Dissolution the Abbey was granted for a small sum to Sir Richard

Grenville (grandfather of the hero of the _Revenge_), who altered it

into a dwelling-house. Sir Richard, his grandson, sold it to John Hele

and Christopher Harrys, who were probably acting for Sir Francis Drake,

and he formally bought it of them ten months later. The house was built

in the body of the church, and it is still easy to trace its

ecclesiastical origin from some of the windows and architecture. In the

hall is a fine frieze, with raised figures in high relief and an

elaborate background, the subject a knight turned hermit. The knight,

wearing a hermit's robe, is sitting beneath spreading boughs, and a

skull is lodged in a hollow of the tree-trunk. His charger and his

discarded armour lie near him. In the same hall rests the famous drum

that went round the world with Drake, the drum referred to in the

traditional promise that Mr Newbolt has put into verse:

'Take my drum to England, hang it by the shore;

Strike it when the powder's running low;

If the Dons sight Devon, I'll quit the port of Heaven,

An' drum them up the Channel, as we drummed them long ago.'

A short distance below the Abbey, the Tavy, now broadened into a wide

but still shallow stream, ripples and hurries over the pebbles in a deep

valley between wooded hills. Returning to Tavistock and going up the

river, one arrives at the pretty and very remote village of Peter Tavy.

The houses are scattered about in an irregular group, a stream runs

through them to join the Tavy, and just above the wide bridge the brook

divides, flowing each side of a diamond-shaped patch, green with long

grass and cabbages. A steep slope leads up to the little church, which

stands back, and a tiny avenue of limes leads up to it from the

lichgate. The tower is battlemented, and the church must have been

partly rebuilt, for parts of it are early English and the rest late

Perpendicular. Within are slender clustered columns, supporting wide

arches, and different designs are sculptured on the sides of the granite

font.

Close by is a glen, which Mrs Bray says, 'I have ventured to name the

Valley of Waterfalls, on account of the vast number of small but

exquisitely beautiful falls seen there.' A narrow lane with high hedges

leads round the shoulder of the hill to the steep little valley, where

the Tavy jostles against obstructive boulders, and a high, narrow,

unstable-looking bridge of tarred timber (sometimes called a 'clam'

bridge) crosses the stream. Climbing up on the farther side, the road

soon reaches the village of Mary Tavy. In reference to these villages a

very old joke is told of a Judge unacquainted with these parts who, in

trying a case, not unnaturally confused the names with those of

witnesses, and ordered that Peter and Mary Tavy be brought into court.

Mary Tavy has not the unusual attractiveness of Peter Tavy. It looks

barer, and is overshadowed by that peculiarly comfortless air always

given by chimneys or machinery of mines. The church stands above the

road, and beside it a large old tree, whose lower branches are so

abundantly covered with polypody that the fronds hang like long fringes

from either side of each branch. The porch has a white groined ceiling,

crossed with fragments of the old timber roof, on which are bosses

carved in different designs.

From Mary Tavy a road runs nearly parallel to the river. Beyond Horndon

the houses are fewer and more scattered, and somehow there is a

suggestion that one is coming nearer and nearer to the verge of

civilization. The few houses look nice in themselves, with the exception

of a farm, so cheerless and neglected-looking, that it was a surprise to

find it inhabited; and not far beyond this house the road reaches

another and very different farm, looking full of comfort--and goes no

farther. This farm has the significant name of Lane End, and one

realizes from its solitary, exposed position that the high and

substantial wall surrounding it was built for sound reasons. It stands

on the moor, and the cultivation is of the roughest kind; the fields,

such as they are, being plentifully sprinkled with huge boulders. In

winter, when there is much fear of snow, these fields serve as an

enclosure for the ponies that are driven-in off the moor--looking like

wild animals in their long, hanging, furry coats. The river is heard

dashing over the rocks below, and about a mile farther on is Tavy

Cleave.

The last time I saw it a vague threat hung over everything, adding a

cold fascination to the moor. The hills showed tints of faint green and

palest brown, and patches of bracken gave a consoling shade of russet.

Hare Tor rose beyond, silent and impressive, covered with snow. The Tavy

had a new beauty, for it was almost frozen over, and the dark water, and

along whirling scraps of foam, showed between the blocks of ice and

snow, and the boulders were each bordered with shining white. The sky

was heavy with snow-clouds, and beneath them and in the rifts were

stormy red sunset tints, while a cold blue-grey mist was creeping up the

valley.

There are some places--the Castle of Elsinore, for instance--that seem

to have an amazing and incomprehensible gift of resisting civilization.

They may be brought up to date, and trimmed, and filled with

inappropriate people, and everything else done that should spoil them,

but in spite of it all they do not for a moment look as if any modern

extraneous objects had a meaning for them. They belong to their own day

and its manner, and to no other.

The same sort of feeling hovers about Tavy Cleave, and a great sense of

the mystery that here more, there less, broods over the moor. But there

is no suggestion as to who it is that the moor has most truly and

absolutely belonged to, nor even the region of time: only the feeling

that the valley is, in a finer than the usual sense, haunted.

As a valley Tavy Cleave is very beautiful, with its steep sides and

clear rushing stream and red granite rocks, half in and half out of the

river, that have a charm they entirely lose when once away from the

water. Mr Widgery shows how admirable they are in their proper place,

with their reflections quivering beneath them. Sometimes a kind of black

moss grows upon them, and tiny bits of white lichen, giving together a

curious tortoiseshell look. Above, the hill-sides are covered with

heather and broom and whortleberries among masses of loose rocks, and

now and again there is the vivid green of a patch of bog. The great

masses of rocks crowning the separate points on the hill-side, like

ruined rock-castles, add to the air of mystery.

Looking to the west from above the Cleave, one sees--as from any

distance round one sees--the most characteristic height of Brent Tor,

with the tiny church on the top. It is not that the tor is so very high,

but in some astonishing way it always seems to appear as a landmark,

north, south, east, or west, when one imagines it to be absolutely out

of range. The sides are steep and rocky, and the church stands 'full

bleak and weather-beaten, all-alone as it were, forsaken, whose

churchyard doth hardly afford depth of earth to bury the dead; yet

doubtless they rest there as securely as in sumptuous St Peter's until

the day of Doom.'

The story told of the church is that a man once almost gave himself up

for lost--some say in a storm, others in an impenetrable, unending

fog--in the Channel, and vowed that, if he ever came safe to shore, he

would build a church on the first bit of land he saw. As Brent Tor is

far inland, the fog story sounds the more probable, for there is no

saying how mist wreaths may drift. The church is dedicated to St Michael

de la Rupe, and here another tradition comes in, for it is popularly

supposed that, when the building of the church was begun, the devil

pulled away all the day's work in the night. At last St Michael came to

the rescue, and hurled such an enormous mass of rock upon the devil that

he fled away and hindered no more. The building is very tiny, and a

countryman told me that as a child he used to be puzzled by the cryptic

warning: 'If you get into the second aisle of Brent Tor Church, you will

never get out again.' Of course--there is no second aisle.

The beauty of many of the places on the banks of the Tamar is

celebrated. Among the exquisite woods and lawns of Endsleigh--through

which one Duke of Bedford cut no less than forty miles in rides--the

river twists and winds for a long distance at one point, and curves

round almost into a ring. A little farther south are Morwell Rocks,

which Mr Norway had the good fortune to see in the spring. 'The trees

stretch far away along the river, dense and close to the water's edge, a

mountain of gold and sunny green, broken in the midst by a high grey

crag, which stands up sheer and grey amid the mass of gorgeous colour.

This is the first peak of a great range of limestone cliffs, which for

the most part, as the hill sweeps round above the village of Morwellham,

are hidden in the woods. But when that tiny cluster of cottages and

wharves is left behind, the stream creeps closer to the hill, and it is

as if the buried rock stirred and flung the coppice off its shoulders,

for the limestone precipices rise vertically out of the water to a vast

height. The summits are weathered into most fantastic shapes, pinnacles

and towers break the skyline, and wherever a crevice in the rock has

allowed the lodging of a little earth, some oak-tree roots itself, or a

wild tangle of greenery drops down the scarred surface of the cliff.'

A little farther down, the Tamar and the Tavy join, and with the Cornish

Lynher form the Hamoaze--a view of land and water that is very

admirable. It is not a scene whose dimly realized charm grows gradually

stronger, but one whose triumphant beauty is beyond dispute. The

innumerable creeks and inlets, the rich abundance of foliage and

pasture, and the sweeping sense of spaciousness from the open sea that

comes off Plymouth Sound, help to make the grand effect; and the

feelings of few can be quite unstirred by the battleships, or perhaps

black sinister destroyers, and the multitude of other shipping lying at

anchor in that famous haven, and by the thought of all that they mean to

us.

Devon, Its Moorlands, Streams and Coasts · 第 10 / 13 章