CHAPTER LXXII

A POSTSCRIPT WHICH SHOULD HAVE BEEN A PREFACE

Our journey is now finished, gentle reader; and if your patience

has accompanied me through these sheets, the contract is, on your

part, strictly fulfilled. Yet, like the driver who has received

his full hire, I still linger near you, and make, with becoming

diffidence, a trifling additional claim upon your bounty and good

nature. You are as free, however, to shut the volume of the one

petitioner as to close your door in the face of the other.

This should have been a prefatory chapter, but for two reasons:

First, that most novel readers, as my own conscience reminds me,

are apt to be guilty of the sin of omission respecting that same

matter of prefaces; Secondly, that it is a general custom with

that class of students to begin with the last chapter of a work;

so that, after all, these remarks, being introduced last in order,

have still the best chance to be read in their proper place.

There is no European nation which, within the course of half a

century or little more, has undergone so complete a change as this

kingdom of Scotland. The effects of the insurrection of 1745,--the

destruction of the patriarchal power of the Highland chiefs,--the

abolition of the heritable jurisdictions of the Lowland nobility

and barons,--the total eradication of the Jacobite party, which,

averse to intermingle with the English, or adopt their customs,

long continued to pride themselves upon maintaining ancient

Scottish manners and customs,--commenced this innovation. The

gradual influx of wealth and extension of commerce have since

united to render the present people of Scotland a class of beings

as different from their grandfathers as the existing English are

from those of Queen Elizabeth's time.

The political and economical effects of these changes have been

traced by Lord Selkirk with great precision and accuracy. But the

change, though steadily and rapidly progressive, has nevertheless

been gradual; and, like those who drift down the stream of a deep

and smooth river, we are not aware of the progress we have made

until we fix our eye on the now distant point from which we have

been drifted. Such of the present generation as can recollect the

last twenty or twenty-five years of the eighteenth century will be

fully sensible of the truth of this statement; especially if their

acquaintance and connexions lay among those who in my younger time

were facetiously called 'folks of the old leaven,' who still

cherished a lingering, though hopeless, attachment to the house of

Stuart.

This race has now almost entirely vanished from the land, and with

it, doubtless, much absurd political prejudice; but also many

living examples of singular and disinterested attachment to the

principles of loyalty which they received from their fathers, and

of old Scottish faith, hospitality, worth, and honour.

It was my accidental lot, though not born a Highlander (which may

be an apology for much bad Gaelic), to reside during my childhood

and youth among persons of the above description; and now, for the

purpose of preserving some idea of the ancient manners of which I

have witnessed the almost total extinction, I have embodied in

imaginary scenes, and ascribed to fictitious characters, a part of

the incidents which I then received from those who were actors in

them. Indeed, the most romantic parts of this narrative are

precisely those which have a foundation in fact.

The exchange of mutual protection between a Highland gentleman and

an officer of rank in the king's service, together with the

spirited manner in which the latter asserted his right to return

the favour he had received, is literally true. The accident by a

musket shot, and the heroic reply imputed to Flora, relate to a

lady of rank not long deceased. And scarce a gentleman who was 'in

hiding' after the battle of Culloden but could tell a tale of

strange concealments and of wild and hair'sbreadth'scapes as

extraordinary as any which I have ascribed to my heroes. Of this,

the escape of Charles Edward himself, as the most prominent, is

the most striking example. The accounts of the battle of Preston

and skirmish at Clifton are taken from the narrative of

intelligent eye-witnesses, and corrected from the 'History of the

Rebellion' by the late venerable author of 'Douglas.' The Lowland

Scottish gentlemen and the subordinate characters are not given as

individual portraits, but are drawn from the general habits of the

period, of which I have witnessed some remnants in my younger

days, and partly gathered from tradition.

It has been my object to describe these persons, not by a

caricatured and exaggerated use of the national dialect, but by

their habits, manners, and feelings, so as in some distant degree

to emulate the admirable Irish portraits drawn by Miss Edgeworth,

so different from the 'Teagues' and 'dear joys' who so long, with

the most perfect family resemblance to each other, occupied the

drama and the novel.

I feel no confidence, however, in the manner in which I have

executed my purpose. Indeed, so little was I satisfied with my

production, that I laid it aside in an unfinished state, and only

found it again by mere accident among other waste papers in an old

cabinet, the drawers of which I was rummaging in order to

accommodate a friend with some fishing-tackle, after it had been

mislaid for several years.

Two works upon similar subjects, by female authors whose genius is

highly creditable to their country, have appeared in the interval;

I mean Mrs. Hamilton's 'Glenburnie' and the late account of

'Highland Superstitions.' But the first is confined to the rural

habits of Scotland, of which it has given a picture with striking

and impressive fidelity; and the traditional records of the

respectable and ingenious Mrs. Grant of Laggan are of a nature

distinct from the fictitious narrative which I have here

attempted.

I would willingly persuade myself that the preceding work will not

be found altogether uninteresting. To elder persons it will recall

scenes and characters familiar to their youth; and to the rising

generation the tale may present some idea of the manners of their

forefathers.

Yet I heartily wish that the task of tracing the evanescent

manners of his own country had employed the pen of the only man in

Scotland who could have done it justice--of him so eminently

distinguished in elegant literature, and whose sketches of Colonel

Caustic and Umphraville are perfectly blended with the finer

traits of national character. I should in that case have had more

pleasure as a reader than I shall ever feel in the pride of a

successful author, should these sheets confer upon me that envied

distinction. And, as I have inverted the usual arrangement,

placing these remarks at the end of the work to which they refer,

I will venture on a second violation of form, by closing the whole

with a Dedication--

THESE VOLUMES BEING RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED TO OUR SCOTTISH

ADDISON, HENRY MACKENZIE, BY AN UNKNOWN ADMIRER OF HIS GENIUS.

THE END

NOTES

NOTE I, p. 19

The clan of Mac-Farlane, occupying the fastnesses of the western

side of Loch Lomond, were great depredators on the Low Country,

and as their excursions were made usually by night, the moon was

proverbially called their lantern. Their celebrated pibroch of

Hoggil nam Bo, which is the name of their gathering tune,

intimates similar practices, the sense being:--

We are bound to drive the bullocks,

All by hollows, hirsts, and hillocks,

Through the sleet, and through the rain.

When the moon is beaming low

On frozen lake and hills of snow,

Bold and heartily we go;

And all for little gain.

NOTE 2, p. 22

This noble ruin is dear to my recollection, from associations

which have been long and painfully broken. It holds a commanding

station on the banks of the river Teith, and has been one of the

largest castles in Scotland. Murdoch, Duke of Albany, the founder

of this stately pile, was beheaded on the Castle-hill of Stirling,

from which he might see the towers of Doune, the monument of his

fallen greatness.

In 1745-46, as stated in the text, a garrison on the part of the

Chevalier was put into the castle, then less ruinous than at

present. It was commanded by Mr. Stewart of Balloch, as governor

for Prince Charles; he was a man of property near Callander. This

castle became at that time the actual scene of a romantic escape

made by John Home, the author of Douglas, and some other

prisoners, who, having been taken at the battle of Falkirk, were

confined there by the insurgents. The poet, who had in his own

mind a large stock of that romantic and enthusiastic spirit of

adventure which he has described as animating the youthful hero of

his drama, devised and undertook the perilous enterprise of

escaping from his prison. He inspired his companions with his

sentiments, and when every attempt at open force was deemed

hopeless, they resolved to twist their bed-clothes into ropes and

thus to descend. Four persons, with Home himself, reached the

ground in safety. But the rope broke with the fifth, who was a

tall, lusty man. The sixth was Thomas Barrow, a brave young

Englishman, a particular friend of Home's. Determined to take the

risk, even in such unfavourable circumstances, Barrow committed

himself to the broken rope, slid down on it as far as it could

assist him, and then let himself drop. His friends beneath

succeeded in breaking his fall. Nevertheless, he dislocated his

ankle and had several of his ribs broken. His companions, however,

were able to bear him off in safety.

The Highlanders next morning sought for their prisoners with great

activity. An old gentleman told the author he remembered seeing

the commandant Stewart

Bloody with spurring, fiery red with haste,

riding furiously through the country in quest of the fugitives.

NOTE 3, p. 28

To go out, or to have been out, in Scotland was a conventional

phrase similar to that of the Irish respecting a man having been

up, both having reference to an individual who had been engaged in

insurrection. It was accounted ill-breeding in Scotland about

forty years since to use the phrase rebellion or rebel, which

might be interpreted by some of the parties present as a personal

insult. It was also esteemed more polite, even for stanch Whigs,

to denominate Charles Edward the Chevalier than to speak of him as

the Pretender; and this kind of accommodating courtesy was usually

observed in society where individuals of each party mixed on

friendly terms.

NOTE 4, p. 38

The Jacobite sentiments were general among the western counties

and in Wales. But although the great families of the Wynnes, the

Wyndhams, and others had come under an actual obligation to join

Prince Charles if he should land, they had done so under the

express stipulation that he should be assisted by an auxiliary

army of French, without which they foresaw the enterprise would be

desperate. Wishing well to his cause, therefore, and watching an

opportunity to join him, they did not, nevertheless, think

themselves bound in honour to do so, as he was only supported by a

body of wild mountaineers, speaking an uncouth dialect, and

wearing a singular dress. The race up to Derby struck them with

more dread than admiration. But it is difficult to say what the

effect might have been had either the battle of Preston or Falkirk

been fought and won during the advance into England.

NOTE 5, p. 43

Divisions early showed themselves in the Chevalier's little army,

not only amongst the independent chieftains, who were far too

proud to brook subjection to each other, but betwixt the Scotch

and Charles's governor O'Sullivan, an Irishman by birth, who, with

some of his countrymen bred in the Irish Brigade in the service of

the King of France, had an influence with the Adventurer much

resented by the Highlanders, who were sensible that their own

clans made the chief or rather the only strength of his

enterprise. There was a feud, also, between Lord George Murray and

John Murray of Broughton, the Prince's secretary, whose disunion

greatly embarrassed the affairs of the Adventurer. In general, a

thousand different pretensions divided their little army, and

finally contributed in no small degree to its overthrow.

NOTE 6, p. 78

This circumstance, which is historical, as well as the description

that precedes it, will remind the reader of the war of La Vendee,

in which the royalists, consisting chiefly of insurgent peasantry,

attached a prodigious and even superstitious interest to the

possession of a piece of brass ordnance, which they called Marie

Jeanne.

The Highlanders of an early period were afraid of cannon, with the

noise and effect of which they were totally unacquainted. It was

by means of three or four small pieces of artillery that the Earls

of Huntly and Errol, in James VI's time, gained a great victory at

Glenlivat, over a numerous Highland army, commanded by the Earl of

Argyle. At the battle of the Bridge of Dee, General Middleton

obtained by his artillery a similar success, the Highlanders not

being able to stand the discharge of Musket's Mother, which was

the name they bestowed on great guns. In an old ballad on the

battle of the Bridge of Dee these verses occur:--

The Highlandmen are pretty men

For handling sword and shield,

But yet they are but simple men

To stand a stricken field.

The Highlandmen are pretty men

For target and claymore,

But yet they are but naked men

To face the cannon's roar.

For the cannons roar on a summer night

Like thunder in the air;

Was never man in Highland garb

Would face the cannon fair

But the Highlanders of 1745 had got far beyond the simplicity of

their forefathers, and showed throughout the whole war how little

they dreaded artillery, although the common people still attached

some consequence to the possession of the field-piece which led to

this disquisition.

NOTE 7, p. 93

The faithful friend who pointed out the pass by which the

Highlanders moved from Tranent to Seaton was Robert Anderson,

junior, of Whitburgh, a gentleman of property in East Lothian. He

had been interrogated by the Lord George Murray concerning the

possibility of crossing the uncouth and marshy piece of ground

which divided the armies, and which he described as impracticable.

When dismissed, he recollected that there was a circuitous path

leading eastward through the marsh into the plain, by which the

Highlanders might turn the flank of Sir John Cope's position

without being exposed to the enemy's fire. Having mentioned his

opinion to Mr. Hepburn of Keith, who instantly saw its importance,

he was encouraged by that gentleman to awake Lord George Murray

and communicate the idea to him. Lord George received the

information with grateful thanks, and instantly awakened Prince

Charles, who was sleeping in the field with a bunch of pease under

his head. The Adventurer received with alacrity the news that

there was a possibility of bringing an excellently provided army

to a decisive battle with his own irregular forces. His joy on the

occasion was not very consistent with the charge of cowardice

brought against him by Chevalier Johnstone, a discontented

follower, whose Memoirs possess at least as much of a romantic as

a historical character. Even by the account of the Chevalier

himself, the Prince was at the head of the second line of the

Highland army during the battle, of which he says, 'It was gained

with such rapidity that in the second line, where I was still by

the side of the Prince, we saw no other enemy than those who were

lying on the ground killed and wounded, though we were not more

than fifty paces behind our first line, running always as fast as

we could to overtake them.'

This passage in the Chevalier's Memoirs places the Prince within

fifty paces of the heat of the battle, a position which would

never have been the choice of one unwilling to take a share of its

dangers. Indeed, unless the chiefs had complied with the young

Adventurer's proposal to lead the van in person, it does not

appear that he could have been deeper in the action.

NOTE 8, p. 100

The death of this good Christian and gallant man is thus given by

his affectionate biographer, Doctor Doddridge, from the evidence

of eye-witnesses:--

'He continued all night under arms, wrapped up in his cloak, and

generally sheltered under a rick of barley which happened to be in

the field. About three in the morning he called his domestic

servants to him, of which there were four in waiting. He dismissed

three of them with most affectionate Christian advice, and such

solemn charges relating to the performance of their duty, and the

care of their souls, as seemed plainly to intimate that he

apprehended it was at least very probable he was taking his last

farewell of them. There is great reason to believe that he spent

the little remainder of the time, which could not be much above an

hour, in those devout exercises of soul which had been so long

habitual to him, and to which so many circumstances did then

concur to call him. The army was alarmed by break of day by the

noise of the rebels' approach, and the attack was made before

sunrise, yet when it was light enough to discern what passed. As

soon as the enemy came within gun-shot they made a furious fire;

and it is said that the dragoons which constituted the left wing

immediately fled. The Colonel at the beginning of the onset, which

in the whole lasted but a few minutes, received a wound by a

bullet in his left breast, which made him give a sudden spring in

his saddle; upon which his servant, who led the horse, would have

persuaded him to retreat, but he said it was only a wound in the

flesh, and fought on, though he presently after received a shot in

his right thigh. In the mean time, it was discerned that some of

the enemy fell by him, and particularly one man who had made him a

treacherous visit but a few days before, with great professions of

zeal for the present establishment.

'Events of this kind pass in less time than the description of

them can be written, or than it can be read. The Colonel was for a

few moments supported by his men, and particularly by that worthy

person Lieutenant-Colonel Whitney, who was shot through the arm

here, and a few months after fell nobly at the battle of Falkirk,

and by Lieutenant West, a man of distinguished bravery, as also by

about fifteen dragoons, who stood by him to the last. But after a

faint fire, the regiment in general was seized with a panic; and

though their Colonel and some other gallant officers did what they

could to rally them once or twice, they at last took a precipitate

flight. And just in the moment when Colonel Gardiner seemed to be

making a pause to deliberate what duty required him to do in such

circumstances, an accident happened, which must, I think, in the

judgment of every worthy and generous man, be allowed a sufficient

apology for exposing his life to so great hazard, when his

regiment had left him. He saw a party of the foot, who were then

bravely fighting near him, and whom he was ordered to support, had

no officer to head them; upon which he said eagerly, in the

hearing of the person from whom I had this account, "These brave

fellows will be cut to pieces for want of a commander," or words

to that effect; which while he was speaking he rode up to them and

cried out, "Fire on, my lads, and fear nothing." But just as the

words were out of his mouth, a Highlander advanced towards him

with a scythe fastened to a long pole, with which he gave him so

dreadful a wound on his right arm, that his sword dropped out of

his hand; and at the same time several others coming about him

while he was thus dreadfully entangled with that cruel weapon, he

was dragged off from his horse. The moment he fell, another

Highlander, who, if the king's evidence at Carlisle may be

credited (as I know not why they should not, though the unhappy

creature died denying it), was one Mac-Naught, who was executed

about a year after, gave him a stroke either with a broadsword or

a Lochaber-axe (for my informant could not exactly distinguish) on

the hinder part of his head, which was the mortal blow. All that

his faithful attendant saw farther at this time was that, as his

hat was fallen off, he took it in his left hand and waved it as a

signal to him to retreat, and added, what were the last words he

ever heard him speak, "Take care of yourself"; upon which the

servant retired.'--Some Remarkable Passages in the Life of Colonel

James Gardiner. By P. Doddridge, D.D. London, 1747, P.187.

I may remark on this extract, that it confirms the account given

in the text of the resistance offered by some of the English

infantry. Surprised by a force of a peculiar and unusual

description, their opposition could not be long or formidable,

especially as they were deserted by the cavalry, and those who

undertook to manage the artillery. But, although the affair was

soon decided, I have always understood that many of the infantry

showed an inclination to do their duty.

NOTE 9, p. 101

It is scarcely necessary to say that the character of this brutal

young Laird is entirely imaginary. A gentleman, however, who

resembled Balmawhapple in the article of courage only, fell at

Preston in the manner described. A Perthshire gentleman of high

honour and respectability, one of the handful of cavalry who

followed the fortunes of Charles Edward, pursued the fugitive

dragoons almost alone till near Saint Clement's Wells, where the

efforts of some of the officers had prevailed on a few of them to

make a momentary stand. Perceiving at this moment that they were

pursued by only one man and a couple of servants, they turned upon

him and cut him down with their swords. I remember when a child,

sitting on his grave, where the grass long grew rank and green,

distinguishing it from the rest of the field. A female of the

family then residing at Saint Clement's Wells used to tell me the

tragedy, of which she had been an eye-witness, and showed me in

evidence one of the silver clasps of the unfortunate gentleman's

waistcoat.

NOTE 10, p. 118

The name of Andrea de Ferrara is inscribed on all the Scottish

broadswords which are accounted of peculiar excellence. Who this

artist was, what were his fortunes, and when he flourished, have

hitherto defied the research of antiquaries; only it is in general

believed that Andrea de Ferrara was a Spanish or Italian

artificer, brought over by James IV or V to instruct the Scots in

the manufacture of sword blades. Most barbarous nations excel in

the fabrication of arms; and the Scots had attained great

proficiency in forging swords so early as the field of Pinkie; at

which period the historian Patten describes them as 'all notably

broad and thin, universally made to slice, and of such exceeding

good temper that, as I never saw any so good, so I think it hard

to devise better.'--Account of Somerset's Expedition.

It may be observed that the best and most genuine Andrea Ferraras

have a crown marked on the blade.

NOTE 11, p. 124

The incident here said to have happened to Flora Mac-Ivor actually

befell Miss Nairne, a lady with whom the author had the pleasure

of being acquainted. As the Highland army rushed into Edinburgh,

Miss Nairne, like other ladies who approved of their cause, stood

waving her handkerchief from a balcony, when a ball from a

Highlander's musket, which was discharged by accident, grazed her

forehead. 'Thank God,' said she, the instant she recovered,'that

the accident happened to me, whose principles are known. Had it

befallen a Whig, they would have said it was done on purpose.'

NOTE 12, p. 185

The Author of Waverley has been charged with painting the young

Adventurer in colours more amiable than his character deserved.

But having known many individuals who were near his person, he has

been described according to the light in which those eye-witnesses

saw his temper and qualifications. Something must be allowed, no

doubt, to the natural exaggerations of those who remembered him as

the bold and adventurous Prince in whose cause they had braved

death and ruin; but is their evidence to give place entirely to

that of a single malcontent?

I have already noticed the imputations thrown by the Chevalier

Johnstone on the Prince's courage. But some part at least of that

gentleman's tale is purely romantic. It would not, for instance,

be supposed that at the time he is favouring us with the highly

wrought account of his amour with the adorable Peggie, the

Chevalier Johnstone was a married man, whose grandchild is now

alive; or that the whole circumstantial story concerning the

outrageous vengeance taken by Gordon of Abbachie on a Presbyterian

clergyman is entirely apocryphal. At the same time it may be

admitted that the Prince, like others of his family, did not

esteem the services done him by his adherents so highly as he

ought. Educated in high ideas of his hereditary right, he has been

supposed to have held every exertion and sacrifice made in his

cause as too much the duty of the person making it to merit

extravagant gratitude on his part. Dr. King's evidence (which his

leaving the Jacobite interest renders somewhat doubtful) goes to

strengthen this opinion.

The ingenious editor of Johnstone's Memoirs has quoted a story

said to be told by Helvetius, stating that Prince Charles Edward,

far from voluntarily embarking on his daring expedition, was,

literally bound hand and foot, and to which he seems disposed to

yield credit. Now, it being a fact as well known as any in his

history, and, so far as I know, entirely undisputed, that the

Prince's personal entreaties and urgency positively forced

Boisdale and Lochiel into insurrection, when they were earnestly

desirous that he would put off his attempt until he could obtain a

sufficient force from France, it will be very difficult to

reconcile his alleged reluctance to undertake the expedition with

his desperately insisting upon carrying the rising into effect

against the advice and entreaty of his most powerful and most sage

partizans. Surely a man who had been carried bound on board the

vessel which brought him to so desperate an enterprise would have

taken the opportunity afforded by the reluctance of his partizans

to return to France in safety.

It is averred in Johnstone's Memoirs that Charles Edward left the

field of Culloden without doing the utmost to dispute the victory;

and, to give the evidence on both sides, there is in existence the

more trustworthy testimony of Lord Elcho, who states that he

himself earnestly exhorted the Prince to charge at the head of the

left wing, which was entire, and retrieve the day or die with

honour. And on his counsel being declined, Lord Elcho took leave

of him with a bitter execration, swearing he would never look on

his face again, and kept his word.

On the other hand, it seems to have been the opinion of almost all

the other officers that the day was irretrievably lost, one wing

of the Highlanders being entirely routed, the rest of the army

outnumbered, outflanked, and in a condition totally hopeless. In

this situation of things the Irish officers who surrounded

Charles's person interfered to force him off the field. A cornet

who was close to the Prince left a strong attestation that he had

seen Sir Thomas Sheridan seize the bridle of his horse and turn

him round. There is some discrepancy of evidence; but the opinion

of Lord Elcho, a man of fiery temper and desperate at the ruin

which he beheld impending, cannot fairly be taken in prejudice of

a character for courage which is intimated by the nature of the

enterprise itself, by the Prince's eagerness to fight on all

occasions, by his determination to advance from Derby to London,

and by the presence of mind which he manifested during the

romantic perils of his escape. The author is far from claiming for

this unfortunate person the praise due to splendid talents; but he

continues to be of opinion that at the period of his enterprise he

had a mind capable of facing danger and aspiring to fame.

That Charles Edward had the advantages of a graceful presence,

courtesy, and an address and manner becoming his station, the

author never heard disputed by any who approached his person, nor

does he conceive that these qualities are overcharged in the

present attempt to sketch his portrait.

The following extracts corroborative of the general opinion

respecting the Prince's amiable disposition are taken from a

manuscript account of his romantic expedition, by James Maxwell of

Kirkconnell, of which I possess a copy, by the friendship of J.

Menzies, Esq., of Pitfoddells. The author, though partial to the

Prince, whom he faithfully followed, seems to have been a fair and

candid man, and well acquainted with the intrigues among the

adventurer's council:--

'Everybody was mightily taken with the Prince's figure and

personal behaviour. There was but one voice about them. Those whom

interest or prejudice made a runaway to his cause could not help

acknowledging that they wished him well in all other respects, and

could hardly blame him for his present undertaking. Sundry things

had concurred to raise his character to the highest pitch, besides

the greatness of the enterprise and the conduct that had hitherto

appeared in the execution of it.

'There were several instances of good nature and humanity that had

made a great impression on people's minds. I shall confine myself

to two or three.

'Immediately after the battle, as the Prince was riding along the

ground that Cope's army had occupied a few minutes before, one of

the officers came up to congratulate him, and said, pointing to

the killed, "Sir, there are your enemies at your feet." The

Prince, far from exulting, expressed a great deal of compassion

for his father's deluded subjects, whom he declared he was

heartily sorry to see in that posture.

'Next day, while the Prince was at Pinkie House, a citizen of

Edinburgh came to make some representation to Secretary Murray

about the tents that city was ordered to furnish against a certain

day. Murray happened to be out of the way, which the Prince

hearing of called to have the gentleman brought to him, saying, he

would rather despatch the business, whatever it was, himself than

have the gentleman wait, which he did, by granting everything that

was asked. So much affability in a young prince flushed with

victory drew encomiums even from his enemies.

'But what gave the people the highest idea of him was the negative

he gave to a thing that very nearly concerned his interest, and

upon which the success of his enterprise perhaps depended. It was

proposed to send one of the prisoners to London to demand of that

court a cartel for the exchange of prisoners taken, and to be

taken, during this war, and to intimate that a refusal would be

looked upon as a resolution on their part to give no quarter. It

was visible a cartel would be of great advantage to the Prince's

affairs; his friends would be more ready to declare for him if

they had nothing to fear but the chance of war in the field; and

if the court of London refused to settle a cartel, the Prince was

authorised to treat his prisoners in the same manner the Elector

of Hanover was determined to treat such of the Prince's friends as

might fall into his hands; it was urged that a few examples would

compel the court of London to comply. It was to be presumed that

the officers of the English army would make a point of it. They

had never engaged in the service but upon such terms as are in use

among all civilised nations, and it could be no stain upon their

honour to lay down their commissions if these terms were not

observed, and that owing to the obstinacy of their own Prince.

Though this scheme was plausible, and represented as very

important, the Prince could never be brought into it, it was below

him, he said, to make empty threats, and he would never put such

as those into execution; he would never in cold blood take away

lives which he had saved in heat of action at the peril of his

own. These were not the only proofs of good nature the Prince gave

about this time. Every day produced something new of this kind.

These things softened the rigour of a military government which

was only imputed to the necessity of his affairs, and which he

endeavoured to make as gentle and easy as possible.'

It has been said that the Prince sometimes exacted more state and

ceremonial than seemed to suit his condition; but, on the other

hand, some strictness of etiquette was altogether indispensable

where he must otherwise have been exposed to general intrusion. He

could also endure, with a good grace, the retorts which his

affectation of ceremony sometimes exposed him to. It is said, for

example, that Grant of Glenmoriston having made a hasty march to

join Charles, at the head of his clan, rushed into the Prince's

presence at Holyrood with unceremonious haste, without having

attended to the duties of the toilet. The Prince received him

kindly, but not without a hint that a previous interview with the

barber might not have been wholly unnecessary. 'It is not

beardless boys,' answered the displeased Chief, 'who are to do

your Royal Highness's turn.' The Chevalier took the rebuke in good

part.

On the whole, if Prince Charles had concluded his life soon after

his miraculous escape, his character in history must have stood

very high. As it was, his station is amongst those a certain

brilliant portion of whose life forms a remarkable contrast to all

which precedes and all which follows it.

NOTE 13, p. 195

The following account of the skirmish at Clifton is extracted from

the manuscript Memoirs of Evan Macpherson of Cluny, Chief of the

clan Macpherson, who had the merit of supporting the principal

brunt of that spirited affair. The Memoirs appear to have been

composed about 1755, only ten years after the action had taken

place. They were written in France, where that gallant chief

resided in exile, which accounts for some Gallicisms which occur

in the narrative.

'In the Prince's return from Derby back towards Scotland, my Lord

George Murray, Lieutenant-General, cheerfully charg'd himself with

the command of the rear, a post which, altho' honourable, was

attended with great danger, many difficulties, and no small

fatigue; for the Prince, being apprehensive that his retreat to

Scotland might be cut off by Marischall Wade, who lay to the

northward of him with an armie much supperior to what H.R.H. had,

while the Duke of Comberland with his whole cavalrie followed hard

in the rear, was obliged to hasten his marches. It was not,

therefore, possible for the artilirie to march so fast as the

Prince's army, in the depth of winter, extremely bad weather, and

the worst roads in England; so Lord George Murray was obliged

often to continue his marches long after it was dark almost every

night, while at the same time he had frequent allarms and

disturbances from the Duke of Comberland's advanc'd parties.

'Towards the evening of the twentie-eight December 1745 the Prince

entered the town of Penrith, in the Province of Comberland. But as

Lord George Murray could not bring up the artilirie so fast as he

wou'd have wish'd, he was oblig'd to pass the night six miles

short of that town, together with the regiment of MacDonel of

Glengarrie, which that day happened to have the arrear guard. The

Prince, in order to refresh his armie, and to give My Lord George

and the artilirie time to come up, resolved to sejour the 29th at

Penrith; so ordered his little army to appear in the morning under

arms, in order to be reviewed, and to know in what manner the

numbers stood from his haveing entered England. It did not at that

time amount to 5000 foot in all, with about 400 cavalrie, compos'd

of the noblesse who serv'd as volunteers, part of whom form'd a

first troop of guards for the Prince, under the command of My Lord

Elchoe, now Comte de Weems, who, being proscribed, is presently in

France. Another part formed a second troup of guards under the

command of My Lord Balmirino, who was beheaded at the Tower of

London. A third part serv'd under My Lord le Comte de Kilmarnock,

who was likewise beheaded at the Tower. A fourth part serv'd under

My Lord Pitsligow, who is also proscribed; which cavalrie, tho'

very few in numbers, being all noblesse, were very brave, and of

infinite advantage to the foot, not only in the day of battle, but

in serving as advanced guards on the several marches, and in

patroling dureing the night on the different roads which led

towards the towns where the army happened to quarter.

'While this small army was out in a body on the 2Qth December,

upon a riseing ground to the northward of Penrith, passing review,

Mons. de Cluny, with his tribe, was ordered to the Bridge of

Clifton, about a mile to southward of Penrith, after having pass'd

in review before Mons. Pattullo, who was charged with the

inspection of the troops, and was likeways Quarter-Master-General

of the army, and is now in France. They remained under arms at the

bridge, waiting the arrival of My Lord George Murray with the

artilirie, whom Mons. de Cluny had orders to cover in passing the

bridge. They arrived about sunsett closly pursued by the Duke of

Comberland with the whole body of his cavalrie, reckoned upwards

of 3000 strong, about a thousand of whom, as near as might be

computed, dismounted, in order to cut off the passage of the

artilirie towards the bridge, while the Duke and the others

remained on horseback in order to attack the rear.

'My Lord George Murray advanced, and although he found Mons. de

Cluny and his tribe in good spirits under arms, yet the

circumstance appear'd extremely delicate. The numbers were vastly

unequall, and the attack seem'd very dangerous; so My Lord George

declin'd giving orders to such time as he ask'd Mons. de Cluny's

oppinion. "I will attack them with all my heart," says Mons. de

Cluny, "if you order me." "I do order it then," answered My Lord

George, and immediately went on himself along with Mons. de Cluny,

and fought sword in hand on foot at the head of the single tribe

of Macphersons. They in a moment made their way through a strong

hedge of thorns, under the cover whereof the cavalrie had taken

their station, in the strugle of passing which hedge My Lord

George Murray, being dressed en montagnard, as all the army were,

lost his bonet and wig; so continued to fight bare-headed during

the action. They at first made a brisk discharge of their firearms

on the enemy, then attacked them with their sabres, and made a

great slaughter a considerable time, which obliged Comberland and

his cavalrie to fly with precipitation and in great confusion; in

so much that, if the Prince had been provided in a sufficient

number of cavalrie to have taken advantage of the disorder, it is

beyond question that the Duke of Comberland and the bulk of his

cavalrie had been taken prisoners.

'By this time it was so dark that it was not possible to view or

number the slain who filled all the ditches which happened to be

on the ground where they stood. But it was computed that, besides

those who went off wounded, upwards of a hundred at least were

left on the spot, among whom was Colonel Honywood, who commanded

the dismounted cavalrie, whose sabre of considerable value Mons.

de Cluny brought off and still preserves; and his tribe lykeways

brought off many arms;--the Colonel was afterwards taken up, and,

his wounds being dress'd, with great difficultie recovered. Mons.

de Cluny lost only in the action twelve men, of whom some haveing

been only wounded, fell afterwards into the hands of the enemy,

and were sent as slaves to America, whence several of them

returned, and one of them is now in France, a sergeant in the

Regiment of Royal Scots. How soon the accounts of the enemies

approach had reached the Prince, H.R.H. had immediately ordered

Mi-Lord le Comte de Nairne, Brigadier, who, being proscribed, is

now in France, with the three batalions of the Duke of Athol, the

batalion of the Duke of Perth, and some other troups under his

command, in order to support Cluny, and to bring off the

artilirie. But the action was entirely over before the Comte de

Nairne, with his command, cou'd reach nigh to the place. They

therefore return'd all to Penrith, and the artilirie marched up in

good order.

'Nor did the Duke of Comberland ever afterwards dare to come

within a day's march of the Prince and his army dureing the course

of all that retreat, which was conducted with great prudence and

safety when in some manner surrounded by enemies.'

NOTE 14, p. 215

As the heathen deities contracted an indelible obligation if they

swore by Styx, the Scottish Highlanders had usually some peculiar

solemnity attached to an oath which they intended should be

binding on them. Very frequently it consisted in laying their

hand, as they swore, on their own drawn dirk; which dagger,

becoming a party to the transaction, was invoked to punish any

breach of faith. But by whatever ritual the oath was sanctioned,

the party was extremely desirous to keep secret what the especial

oath was which he considered as irrevocable. This was a matter of

great convenience, as he felt no scruple in breaking his

asseveration when made in any other form than that which he

accounted as peculiarly solemn; and therefore readily granted any

engagement which bound him no longer than he inclined. Whereas, if

the oath which he accounted inviolable was once publicly known, no

party with whom he might have occasion to contract would have

rested satisfied with any other.

Louis XI of France practised the same sophistry, for he also had a

peculiar species of oath, the only one which he was ever known to

respect, and which, therefore, he was very unwilling to pledge.

The only engagement which that wily tyrant accounted binding upon

him was an oath by the Holy Cross of Saint Lo d'Angers, which

contained a portion of the True Cross. If he prevaricated after

taking this oath Louis believed he should die within the year. The

Constable Saint Paul, being invited to a personal conference with

Louis, refused to meet the king unless he would agree to ensure

him safe conduct under sanction of this oath. But, says Comines,

the king replied, he would never again pledge that engagement to

mortal man, though he was willing to take any other oath which

could be devised. The treaty broke oft, therefore, after much

chaffering concerning the nature of the vow which Louis was to

take. Such is the difference between the dictates of superstition

and those of conscience.

GLOSSARY

A', all.

ABOON, abune, above.

AE, one.

AFF, off.

AFORE, before.

AHINT, behind.

AIN, own.

AITS, oats.

AMAIST, almost.

AMBRY, a cupboard, a pantry.

AN, if.

ANE, one.

ANEUCH, enough.

ARRAY, annoy, trouble.

ASSOILZIED, absolved, acquitted.

ASSYTHMENT, satisfaction,

AULD, old.

BAFF, a blow.

BAGGANET, a bayonet.

BAILIE, a city magistrate in Scotland.

BAIRN, a child.

BAITH, both.

BANES, bones.

BANG-UP, get up quickly, bounce.

BARLEY, a parley, a truce.

BAULD, bold.

BAULDER, bolder.

BAWBEE, a halfpenny.

BAWTY, sly, cunning.

BEES, in the, bewildered, stupefied.

BEFLUMM'D, flattered, cajoled.

BEGUNK, a trick, a cheat.

BEN, within, inside.

BENEMPT, named.

BICKER, a wooden dish.

BIDE, stay, endure.

BIELDY, affording shelter.

BIGGING, building.

BIRLIEMAN, a peace officer.

BLACK-COCK, the black grouse.

BLACK-FISHING, ashing by torchlight, poaching.

BLUDE, bluid, blood.

BODDLE, bodle, a copper coin, worth one third of an English penny.

BOGLE ABOUT THE BUSH, beat about the bush, a children's game.

BONNIE, beautiful, comely, fine,

BOUNE, prepared.

BRA', fine, handsome, showy.

BRANDER, broil.

BREEKS, breeches.

BRENT, smooth, unwrinkled.

BROGUES, Highland shoes.

BROO, brew, broth.

BRUCKLE, brittle, infirm.

BRUIK, enjoy.

BRULZIE, bruilzie, a broil, a fray.

BUCKIE, a perverse or refractory person.

BUTTOCK-MAIL, a fine for fornication.

BYDAND, awaiting.

CA', call.

CADGER, a country carrier.

CAILLIACHS, old women on whom devolved the duty of lamenting for

the dead, which the Irish call keening.

CALLANT, a stripling, a fine fellow.

CANNILY, prudently.

CANNY, cautious, lucky.

CARLE, a churl, an old man.

CATERAN, a freebooter.

CHIEL, a young man.

CLACHAN, a village, a hamlet.

CLAMYHEWIT, a blow, a drubbing.

CLASH, chatter, gossip.

CLATTER, tattle, noisy talk.

CLOSE, a narrow passage.

CLOUR, a bump, a bruise.

COCKY-LEEKY, a soup made of a cock, seasoned with leeks.

COGHLING AND DROGHLING, wheezing and blowing.

CORONACH, a dirge.

CORRIE, a mountain hollow.

COUP, fall.

COW YER CRACKS, cut short your talk, hold your tongues.

CRACK, boast.

CRAIG, the neck, the throat.

CRAMES, merchants' shops, booths.

CUT-LUGGED, crop-eared.

DAFT, foolish, mad, crazy.

DAUR, dare.

DEAVING, deafening.

DECREET, an order of decree.

DELIVER, light, agile.

DERN, hidden, concealed, secret.

DING, knock, beat, surpass.

DINGLE, dinnle, tingle, vibrate with sound.

DOER, an agent, a manager.

DOG-HEAD, the hammer of a gun.

DOILED, crazed, silly.

DOITED, having the faculties impaired.

DORLACH, a bundle.

DOW, a dove.

DOWF, dowff, dull, spiritless.

DRAPPIE, a little drop, a small quantity of drink.

EFFEIR, what is becoming.

ENEUGH, enough.

ETTER-CAP, a spider, an ill-natured person.

EVITE, avoid, escape.

EWEST, ewast, contiguous.

FALLOW, a fellow.

FAULD, fold.

FEARED, afraid.

FECK, a quantity.

FLEYT, frightened, shy.

FRAE, from.

GAD, a goad, a rod.

GANE, gone; gang, go.

GAR, make.

GATE, way.

GAUN, going.

GEAR, goods.

GHAIST, a ghost.

GIN, if.

GITE, crazy, a noodle,

GLED, a kite.

GLEG, quick, clever.

GLISK, a glimpse.

GOWD, gold.

GRANING, groaning.

GRAT, wept.

GREE, agree.

GREYBEARD, a stone bottle or jug.

GRICE, gryce, gris, a pig.

GRIPPLE, griping, niggardly.

GUDE, guid, good.

GULPIN, a simpleton.

HA', hall.

HAG, a portion of copse marked off for cutting.

HAGGIS, a pudding peculiar to Scotland, containing oatmeal, suet,

minced sheep's liver, heart, etc., seasoned with onions, pepper,

and salt, the whole mixture boiled in a sheep's stomach.

HAIL, whole.

HECK, a hay rack; at heck and manger, in plenty.

HET, hot.

HOG, a young sheep before its first shearing.

HORSE-COUPER, horse-cowper, a horse-dealer.

HURDLES, the buttocks.

HURLEY-HOUSE, a large house fallen into disrepair.

ILK, same; of that ilk, of the same name or place,

ILKA, every.

INGLE, a fire burning upon the hearth.

IN THE BEES, stupefied.

KEEPIT, kept.

KEMPLE, a Scotch measure of straw or hay.

KEN, know.

KIPPAGE, disorder, confusion.

KIRK, church.

KITTLE, tickle, ticklish.

LAIRD, lord of the manor.

LANDLOUPER, a wanderer, a vagabond.

LEDDY, a lady.

LIGHTLY, make light of, disparage.

LIMMER, a hussy, a jade.

LOON, a worthless fellow, a lout.

LOUP, leap, start.

LUG, an ear.

LUNZIE, the loins, the waist.

MAE, more.

MAINS, the chief farm of an estate.

MAIR, more.

MAIST, most, almost. MART, beef salted down for winter.

MASK, mash, infuse.

MAUN, must.

MERK, an old silver coin worth 13 1/3 pence, English.

MICKLE, large, much.

MORN, tomorrow.

MOUSTED, powdered.

MUCKLE, great, much.

MUNT, mount.

MUTCHKIN, a measure equal to about three quarters of an imperial

pint.

NA, nae, no, not.

NAIGS, horses.

NAIL, the sixteenth part of a yard.

NATHELESS, nevertheless.

NEB, nose, tip.

NE'ER BE IN ME, devil be in me.

OLD TO DO, great doings.

OWER, over.

PAITRICK, a partridge.

PANGED, crammed.

PARRITCH, oatmeal porridge.

PAUNIE, a peacock.

PECULIUM, private property.

PINNERS, a headdress for women.

PLACK, a copper coin worth one third of a penny.

PLAIDY, an outer covering for the body.

PLENISH, furnish.

PLOY, an entertainment, a pastime.

POTTINGER, an apothecary.

POWNIE, a pony.

POWTERING, poking, stirring.

PRETTY MAN, a stout, warlike fellow.

QUEAN, a young woman.

REDD, part, separate.

REISES, twigs, branches.

RESILING, retracting, withdrawing.

RIGGS, ridges, ploughed ground.

RINTHEROUT, a roving person, a vagabond.

ROW, roll.

ROWED, rolled.

ROWT, cried out, bellowed,

ROYNISH, scurvy, coarse.

SAE, so.

ST. JOHNSTONE'S TIPPET, a rope or halter for hanging.

SAIR, sore, very.

SALL, shall.

SARK, a shirt.

SAUMON, a salmon.

SAUT, salt.

SCARTED, scratched, scribbled over.

SCHELLUM, a rascal.

SCROLL, engross, copy.

SHANKS, legs.

SHEERS, shears.

SHOUTHER, the shoulder.

SICCAN, sic, such.

SILLER, money.

SILLY, weak.

SKIG, the least quantity of anything.

SMA', small.

SMOKY, suspicious.

SNECK, cut.

SORTED, put in proper order, adjusted.

SOWENS, the seeds of oatmeal soured.

SPEER, ask, investigate.

SPENCE, the place where provisions are kept.

SPRACK, lively.

SPRECHERY, movables of an unimportant sort.

SPUILZIE, spoil.

SPUNG, pick one's pocket.

STIEVE, firm.

STOOR, rough, harsh.

STRAE, straw.

STREEKS, stretches, lies.

SWAIR, swore.

SYNE, before, now, ago.

TAIGLIT, harassed, encumbered, loitered.

TAULD, told.

THAE, those.

THIR, these.

THOLE, bear, suffer.

THRAW, twist, wrench.

THREEPIT, maintained obstinately.

THROSTLE, the thrush.

TILL, to.

TIRRIVIES, hasty fits of passion,

TOCHERLESS, without dowry.

TOUN, a town, a hamlet, a farm.

TOY, an old-fashioned cap for women.

TREWS, trousers.

TRINDLING, rolling.

TROW, believe.

TUILZIE, a quarrel

TUME, toom, empty.

TURNSPIT DOGGIE, a kind of dog, long-bodied and short-legged,

formerly used in turning a treadmill.

TYKE, a dog, a rough fellow.

UMQUHILE, formerly, late.

UNCO, strange, very,

UNSONSY, unlucky.

USQUEBAUGH, whiskey.

VENY, venue, a bout.

VIVERS, victuals.

WA', wall

WAD, would.

WADSET, a deed conveying property to a creditor

WAIN, a wagon; to remove.

WALISE, a portmanteau, saddlebags.

WAN, won.

WANCHANCY, unlucky.

WARE, spend.

WEEL-FARD, weel-faur'd, having a good appearance.

WEISING, inclining, directing.

WHA, who.

WHAR, where,

WHAT FOR, why.

WHEEN, a few.

WHILE SYNE, a while ago.

WHILES, sometimes.

WHILK, which.

WHIN, a few.

WHINGEING, whining.

WINNA, will not.

WISKE, whisk.

YATE, gate.

Waverley; or, 'Tis sixty years since — Volume 2 · 第 37 / 37 章