We sit here as the great council of the King, and, in that capacity
it is our duty to take into consideration the state and affairs of
the kingdom; and, where there is occasion, to give them in a true
representation by way of council and advice, what we conceive necessary
or expedient for them.
In this consideration, I confess, many a sad thought has frighted me:
and that not only in respect of our dangers from abroad, which yet I
know are great, as they have been often in this place prest and dilated
to us; but in respect of our disorders here at home, which do inforce
those dangers, as by them they were occasioned.
For I believe I shall make it clear unto you, that as at first the
causes of those dangers were our disorders, our disorders still remain
our greatest dangers. It is not now so much the potency of our enemies,
as the weakness of ourselves, that threatens us; and that saying of the
Father may be assumed by us, _Non tam potentia sua quam negligentia
nostra_. Our want of true devotion to Heaven, our insincerity and
doubling in religion, our want of councils, our precipitate actions,
the insufficiency or unfaithfulness of our generals abroad, the
ignorance or corruption of our ministers at home, the impoverishing
of the sovereign, the oppression and depression of the subject, the
exhausting of our treasures, the waste of our provisions, consumption
of our ships, destruction of our men!—These make the advantage to our
enemies, not the reputation of their arms. And if in these there be not
reformation, we need no foes abroad! Time itself will ruin us.
You will all hold it necessary that what I am about to urge seem not an
aspersion on the state or imputation on the government, as I have known
such mentions misinterpreted. Far is it from me to purpose this, that
have none but clear thoughts of the excellency of his Majesty, nor can
have other ends but the advancement of his glory.
To shew what I have said more fully, therefore, I shall desire a little
of your patience extraordinary to open the particulars: which I shall
do with what brevity I may, answerable to the importance of the cause
and the necessities now upon us; yet with such respect and observation
to the time as I hope it shall not be thought too troublesome.
For the first, then, our insincerity and doubling in religion, the
greatest and most dangerous disorder of all others, which has never
been unpunished, and for which we have so many strange examples of
all states and in all times to awe us,—what testimony does it want?
Will you have authority of books? look on the collections of the
committee for religion, there is too clear an evidence. Will you have
records? see then the commission procured for composition with the
papists in the North? Note the proceedings thereupon. You will find
them to little less amounting than a toleration in effect, though
upon some slight payments; and the easiness in _them_ will likewise
shew the favor that’s intended. Will you have proofs of men? witness
the hopes, witness the presumptions, witness the reports of all the
papists generally. Observe the dispositions of commands, the trust of
officers, the confidence of secrecies of employments, in this kingdom,
in Ireland, and elsewhere. They all will shew it has too great a
certainty. And, to these, add but the incontrovertible evidence of
that all-powerful hand which we have felt so sorely, to give it full
assurance! For as the Heavens oppose themselves to us, it was our
impieties that first opposed the Heavens.
For the second, our want of councils, that great disorder in a
State with which there cannot be stability,[3] if effects may shew
their causes, as they are often a perfect demonstration of them,
our misfortunes, our disasters, serve to prove it! And (if reason
be allowed in this dark age, by the judgment of dependencies, the
foresight of contingencies, in affairs) the consequences they draw
with them confirm it. For, if we view ourselves at home, are we in
strength, are we in reputation, equal to our ancestors? If we view
ourselves abroad, are our friends as many, are our enemies no more?
Do our friends retain their safety and possessions? Do our enemies
enlarge themselves, and gain from them and us? What council, to the
loss of the Palatinate,[4] sacrificed both our honor and our men sent
thither; stopping those greater powers appointed for that service, by
which it might have been defensible? What council gave directions to
that late action whose wounds lie yet a bleeding? I mean the expedition
unto Rhée,[5] of which there is yet so sad a memory in all men! What
design for us, or advantage to our State, could that work import? You
know the wisdom of our ancestors, the practice of their times; and how
they preserved their safeties! We all know, and have as much cause to
doubt as they had, the greatness and ambition of that kingdom, which
the old world could not satisfy! Against this greatness and ambition
we likewise know the proceedings of that princess, that never to be
forgotten excellence, Queen Elizabeth; whose name, without admiration,
falls not into mention with her enemies. You know how she advanced
herself, how she advanced this kingdom, how she advanced this nation,
in glory and in State; how she depressed her enemies, how she upheld
her friends; how she enjoyed a full security, and made them then our
scorn, who now are made our terror![6]
Some of the principles she built on, were these; and if I be mistaken,
let reason and our statesmen contradict me.
First, to maintain, in what she might, a unity in France, that that
kingdom, being at peace within itself, might be a bulwark to keep back
the power of Spain by land. Next, to preserve an amity and league
between that State and us; that so we might join in aid of the Low
Countries, and by that means receive their help and ships by sea.
Then, that this treble cord, so wrought between France, the States, and
us, might enable us, as occasion should require, to give assistance
unto others; by which means, the experience of that time doth tell us,
we were not only free from those fears that now possess and trouble
us, but then our names were fearful to our enemies. See now what
correspondence our action hath had with this.
Square it by these rules. It did induce as a necessary consequence the
division in France between the Protestants and their king, of which
there is too woeful, too lamentable an experience. It has made an
absolute breach between that State and us; and so entertains us against
France, France in preparation against us, that we have nothing to
promise to our neighbors, hardly for ourselves. Nay, but observe the
time in which it was attempted, and you shall find it not only varying
from those principles, but directly contrary and opposite _ex diametro_
to those ends; and such as from the issue and success rather might be
thought _a conception of Spain than begotten here with us_.[B]
[B] This allusion or insinuation of Eliot’s provoked an
instantaneous uproar. Buckingham had visited the Courts of
Spain and France, and his name had been associated with
discreditable intrigues. In the streets of London there
had been talk of “treasonable correspondence,” and of “a
sacrifice to vanity or passion of the most sacred duties of
patriotism.” When Eliot, therefore, alluded to the act of
England as springing from the “conception of Spain,” he struck
a sensitive spot. The Chancellor, Sir Humphrey May, sprang to
his feet, and exclaimed: “Sir, this is strange language. It is
arraigning the Council.” But a general shout arose demanding
that Eliot should go on. Then the Chancellor said: “If Sir
John Eliot is to go on, I claim permission to go out.” In an
instant, the Sergeant, by order of the House, opened the door,
and, according to testimony of Alured, who was present, “they
all bade him begone! Yet he stayed, and heard Sir John out.”
It is evident from this incident that Eliot had the sympathies
of the House in his firm grasp. When quiet was restored, Sir
John resumed his argument.
Mr. Speaker, I am sorry for this interruption, but much more sorry if
there have been occasion; wherein, as I shall submit myself wholly to
your judgment to receive what censure you shall give me if I have
offended, so in the integrity of my intentions, and clearness of my
thoughts, I must still retain this confidence, that no greatness may
deter me from the duties which I owe to the service of the country,
the service of the King. With a true English heart, I shall discharge
myself as faithfully and as really, to the extent of my poor powers, as
any man whose honors or whose offices most strictly have obliged him.
You know the dangers Denmark was then in, and how much they concerned
us; what in respect of our alliance with that country, what in the
importance of the Sound; what an acquisition to our enemies the gain
thereof would be, what loss, what prejudice to us! By this division,
we, breaking upon France, France being engaged by us, and the
Netherlands at amazement between both, neither could intend to aid that
luckless King whose loss is our disaster.
Can those now, that express their troubles at the hearing of these
things, and have so often told us in this place of their knowledge in
the conjunctures and disjunctures of affairs, say they advised in this?
Was _this_ an act of council, Mr. Speaker? I have more charity than to
think it; and unless they make a confession of themselves, I cannot
believe it.[7]
What shall I say? I wish there were not cause to mention it; and, but
out of apprehension of the danger that is to come if the like choice
hereafter be not now prevented, I could willingly be silent. But my
duty to my Sovereign and to the service of this House, the safety and
the honor of my country, are above all respects; and what so nearly
trenches to the prejudice of these, may not, shall not, be forborne.
At Cadiz,[8] then, in that first expedition we made, when they arrived
and found a conquest ready (the Spanish ships, I mean), fit for the
satisfaction of a voyage, and of which some of the chiefs then there
have since themselves assured me the satisfaction would have been
sufficient, either in point of honor, or in point of profit. Why was it
neglected? Why was it not achieved? it being of all hands granted how
feasible it was.
Afterward, when, with the destruction of some men, and the exposure of
some others (who, though their fortunes have not since been such, then
by chance came off), when, I say, with the losses of our serviceable
men, that unserviceable fort was gained, and the whole army landed,
why was there nothing done, nothing once attempted? If nothing were
intended, wherefore did they land? If there were a service, why were
they shipped again?
Mr. Speaker, it satisfies me too much in this, when I think of their
dry and hungry march unto that drunken quarter (for so the soldiers
termed it) where was the period of their journey, that divers of our
men being left as a sacrifice to the enemy, that labor was at an end.
For the next undertaking, at Rhée, I will not trouble you much; only
this in short: Was not that whole action carried against the judgment
and opinion of the officers? those that were of council? Was not
the first, was not the last, was not all, in the landing, in the
intrenching, in the continuance there, in the assault, in the retreat?
Did any advice take place of such as were of the council? If there
should be a particular disquisition thereof, these things would be
manifest, and more. I will not instance now the manifestation that was
made for the reason of these arms; nor by whom, nor in what manner,
nor on what grounds it was published; nor what effects it has wrought,
drawing, as you know, almost all the whole world into league against
us! Nor will I mention the leaving of the mines, the leaving of the
salt, which were in our possession; and of a value as it is said, to
have answered much of our expense. Nor that great wonder, which nor
Alexander nor Cæsar ever did, the enriching of the enemy by courtesies
when the soldiers wanted help! nor the private intercourses and parlies
with the fort, which continually were held. What they intended may
be read in the success, and upon due examination thereof they would
not want the proofs. For the last voyage to Rochelle, there needs no
observation; it is so fresh in memory. Nor will I make an inference or
corollary on all. Your own knowledge shall judge what truth, or what
sufficiency they express.
For the next, the ignorance or corruption of our ministers, where can
you miss of instances? If you survey the court, if you survey the
country, if the church, if the city be examined; if you observe the
bar, if the bench; if the courts, if the shipping; if the land, if the
seas; all these will render you variety of proofs. And in such measure
and proportion as shows the greatness of our sickness, that if it have
not some speedy application for remedy, our case is most desperate.
Mr. Speaker, I fear I have been too long in these particulars that are
past, and am unwilling to offend you; therefore in the rest I shall be
shorter. And in that which concerns the impoverishing of the King, no
other arguments will I use than such as all men grant.
The exchequer you know is empty, the reputation thereof gone! The
ancient lands are sold, the jewels pawned, the plate engaged, the debt
still great, and almost all charges, both ordinary and extraordinary,
borne by projects! What poverty can be greater? What necessity so
great? What perfect English heart is not almost dissolved into sorrow
for the truth?
For the oppression of the subject, which, as I remember, is the next
particular I proposed, it needs no demonstration. The whole kingdom
is a proof. And for the exhausting of our treasures, that oppression
speaks it. What waste of our provisions, what consumption of our
ships, what destruction of our men, have been,—witness the journey to
Algiers![9] Witness that with Mansfield! Witness that to Cadiz! Witness
the next! Witness that to Rhée! Witness the last! (And I pray God we
may never have more such witnesses.) Witness likewise the Palatinate!
Witness Denmark! Witness the Turks! Witness the Dunkirkers! _Witness
all!_ What losses we have sustained! How we are impaired in munition,
in ships, in men! It has no contradiction! We were never so much
weakened, nor had less hope how to be restored!
These, Mr. Speaker, are our dangers; these are they do threaten us, and
are like that Trojan horse brought in cunningly to surprise us! For in
these do lurk the strongest of our enemies ready to issue on us; and
if we do not now the more speedily expel them, these will be the sign
and invitation to the others. They will prepare such entrance that we
shall have no means left of refuge or defence; for if we have these
enemies at home, how can we strive with those that are abroad? But if
we be free from these, no others can impeach us! Our ancient English
virtue, that old Spartan valor, cleared from these disorders; being in
sincerity of religion once made friends with Heaven; having maturity of
councils, sufficiency of generals, incorruption of officers, opulency
in the king, liberty in the people, repletion in treasures, restitution
of provisions, reparation of ships, preservation of men—our ancient
English virtue, I say thus rectified, will secure us.
But unless there be a speedy reformation in these, I know not what
hope or expectation we may have.
These things, sir, I shall desire to have taken into consideration.
That as we are the great council of the kingdom, and have the
apprehension of these dangers, we may truly represent them to the King;
wherein I conceive we are bound by a treble obligation of duty unto
God, of duty to his Majesty, and of duty to our country.
And therefore I wish it may so stand with the wisdom and judgment of
the house, that they may be drawn into the body of a _Remonstrance_,
and there with all humility expressed; with a prayer unto his Majesty,
that for the safety of himself, for the safety of the kingdom, for
the safety of religion, he will be pleased to give us time to make
perfect inquisition thereof; or to take them into his own wisdom and
there give them such timely reformation as the necessity of the cause,
and his justice do import. And thus, sir, with a large affection and
loyalty to his Majesty, and with a firm duty and service to my country,
I have suddenly, and it may be with some disorder, expressed the weak
apprehensions I have, wherein if I have erred, I humbly crave your
pardon, and so submit it to the censure of the House.