THUS WE TOOK ROME
And now we were on the eve of the historic march on the Eternal City.
Having completed my survey and estimate of conditions in the provinces,
having listened to the reports of the various chiefs of the black
shirts, having selected the plans of action and having determined
in a general way upon the most favorable moment, I called together
in Florence the chiefs of the Fascist movement and of the squads of
action. There were Michele Bianchi, De Bono, Italo Balbo, Giuriati,
and various others. Some one at that quiet conference suggested the
mobilization of the black shirts for November 4th, the anniversary of
the Victory. I rejected that proposal, for it would have spoiled a day
of commemoration by introducing the element of revolutionary activity.
It was necessary to give our movement the full advantage of opportunity
and to make it spark and detonate. It was necessary to weigh, besides
the military aspects, the political effects and values. We had to
consider, finally, the painful possibility of a violent suppression, or
a failure spreading from some slip to all of our plans. We were obliged
to determine beforehand all the hows and whens, the details of the
means, with what men and with what aims the Fascist assault could most
wisely be launched.
The Fascist meeting in Naples, which was advertised as our second great
congress, with its display of discipline and of speech-making, served
to hide the beginnings of the real mobilization. At a fixed moment
the squads of action of all Italy were to be in arms. They would have
to occupy the vital nerve centres—the cities, and the post offices,
the prefectures, police headquarters, railroad stations, and military
barracks.
Detachments of Fascisti were to march along the Tyrrhenian Sea, toward
Rome, led by chiefs, all of them brave former officers. The same
movement was to take place on the Adriatic side, from which direction
was to be launched on Rome the strength of the low Romagna, Marche and
Abruzzi districts. That plan required that we should free Ancona from
the social-communist dominion. This had been done. From middle Italy
the squadrons already mobilized for the meeting at Naples were also to
be directed upon Rome. They were supported by groups of Fascist cavalry
under the command of Caradonna.
The moment the Fascist mobilization and campaign was decided and
actually began operation, martial law, the stern rules and orders of
Fascism both for officers and privates, were to be enforced.
The political powers of our “National Directorate” were turned over
to a military quadrumvirate of action in the persons of Generals De
Bono, De Vecchi, Italo Balbo and Michele Bianchi. I presided over
the quadrumvirate and I was the Duce (the leader) and had the ultimate
responsibility for the work of the four men—a responsibility for which
I was fully pledged not only to the Fascisti but to Italy.
We selected as general concentration headquarters the town of Perugia,
capital of Umbria, where many roads flow to a centre and from which
it is easy to reach Rome. In case of military and political failure
we could, by crossing the Appennine range, retire to the Valley of
the Po. In any revolutionary movement of history that zone has always
been properly considered the keystone of any situation. There our
domination was absolute and undisputed. We selected the watchword; we
fixed the details of the action. Everything had to be reported to me—in
the offices of the _Popolo d’Italia_. Trusted Fascist messengers wove
webs like scurrying spiders. All day long I was issuing the necessary
orders. I wrote the proclamation which was to be addressed to the
country on the eve of action. We knew from very faithful unforgettable
friends that the army, unless exceptional circumstances arose, would
maintain itself on a ground of amiable neutrality.
At the historic congress at Naples, after my opening speech, which
traced the outlines of the Fascist action in the state and assigned to
Naples the title “Queen of the Mediterranean,” the general discussion
continued in academic tone, without a definite aim except that of
gaining time. The leader in that dissembling and sham discussion was
Michele Bianchi, one of the quadrumvirate for the march on Rome.
At that time he had already revealed a notable political mind. De Bono
and Balbo, who had great authority over the squadrons of action, joined
the general headquarters in Perugia.
I went from the adjourned congress back to Milan. During the trip I had
an opportunity to see many friends and to make additional preparations.
I had important conversations regarding that particular drive which had
to be organized in Milan, as in other centres of the Lombardy district.
In order not to arouse the suspicion of the police, for I was always
surrounded by spies, I assumed the attitude of an indifferent person
without a worry or trouble in the world. This was somewhat difficult,
for I had to spend precious time in trying the speed of a new car,
and in other workaday comings and goings. In the evenings I went to
the theatres. I pretended to have a great spirit of activity in my
editorial writing and newspaper management.
But suddenly, when I knew that everything was ready, I issued from
Milan, through the _Popolo d’Italia_, by means of independent
publications, and through the correspondents of all the Italian
newspapers, my proclamation of revolution. It had been signed by the
quadrumvirate. Here is the text of the memorable document:
“Fascisti! Italians!
“The time for determined battle has come! Four years ago at this
season the national army loosed the final offensive which brought it
to Victory. To-day the army of the black shirts again takes possession
of that Victory, which has been mutilated, and, going directly to
Rome, brings Victory again to the glory of that Capitol. From now
on ‘principi’ and ‘triari’ are mobilized. The martial law of Fascism
now becomes a fact. By order of the Duce all the military, political
and administrative functions of the party management are taken over by
a secret Quadrumvirate of Action with dictatorial powers.
“The army, the reserve and safeguard of the Nation, must not take
part in this struggle. Fascism renews its highest homage given to the
Army of Vittorio Veneto. Fascism, furthermore, does not march against
the police, but against a political class both cowardly and imbecile,
which in four long years has not been able to give a Government to the
Nation. Those who form the productive class must know that Fascism
wants to impose nothing more than order and discipline upon the Nation
and to help to raise the strength which will renew progress and
prosperity. The people who work in the fields and in the factories,
those who work in the railroads or in offices, have nothing to fear
from the Fascist Government. Their just rights will be protected. We
will even be generous with unarmed adversaries.
“Fascism draws its sword to cut the multiple Gordian knots which
tie and burden Italian life. We call God and the spirit of our five
hundred thousand dead to witness that only one impulse sends us on,
that only one passion burns within us—the impulse and the passion to
contribute to the safety and greatness of our Country.
“Fascisti of all Italy!
“Stretch forth like Romans your spirits and your sinews! We must win.
We will.
“Long live Italy! Long live Fascism!
“The Quadrumvirate.”
At night there reached me the first news of bloody clashes in Cremona,
Alessandri and Bologna, and of the assaults on munition factories and
upon military barracks. I had composed my proclamation in a very short
and resounding form; it had impressed the whole of the Italian
people. Our life was suddenly brought into an ardent atmosphere of
revolution. News of the struggles that were taking place in the various
cities, sometimes exaggerated by the imaginations of reporters, gave a
dramatic touch to the revolution. Responsible elements of the country
asserted that as a result of this movement there would at last be a
government able to rule and to command respect. The great mass of the
population, however, looked out astonished, as it were, from their
windows.
None of the subversive or liberal chiefs showed himself. All went into
their holes, inspired only by fear. They understood quite thoroughly
that this was the striking of our hour. Every one felt sure that the
struggle of Fascism would have a victorious outcome. I could sense this
even from far away. The air was full of it. The wind spoke of it. The
rain brought it down. The earth drank it in.
I put on the black shirt. I barricaded the _Popolo d’Italia_. In the
livid and gray morning Milan had a new and fantastic appearance. Pauses
and sudden silences gave one the sensation of certain great hours that
come and go in the course of history.
Frowning battalions of Royal Guards scouted the city and the monotonous
rhythm of their feet sounded ominous echoes in the almost deserted
streets.
The public services functioned on a reduced and meagre scale. The
assaults of the Fascisti against the barracks and on the post offices
were cause for fusillades of shots, which gave to the city a
sinister echo of civil war.
I had provided the offices of my newspaper with everything needful
for defense against attack. I knew that if the government authorities
desired to give a proof of their strength they would have directed
their first violent assault at the _Popolo d’Italia_. In fact, in the
early hours of the morning, I saw trained upon the offices and upon me
the ugly muzzles of the mitrailleuses. There was a rapid exchange of
shots. I had my rifle charged and went down to defend the doors. The
neighbors had barricaded entrances and windows and were begging for
protection.
During the firing bullets whistled around my ears.
A major of the Royal Guard finally asked for a truce in order to
talk with me. After a brief initial conversation, we agreed that the
Royal Guard should withdraw as far as two hundred metres and that the
mitrailleuses were to be removed from the middle of the street and
placed at a crossing of the street, about a hundred metres away. With
that sort of armistice began for me the day of October 28th!
At night a group of deputies, senators, and political men of Milan, the
best-known and most responsible figures of the Lombard parliamentary
world—among whom were senators Conti, Crespi and the deputy De
Capitani—came to the offices of the _Popolo d’Italia_ to ask me to
desist from a struggle which they asserted would be the beginning of a
violent, grave and reprehensible civil war. They proposed to me a sort
of armistice and a truce with the central government. Perhaps a
ministerial crisis might save, they said, the situation and the country.
I smiled back at the parliamentarians because of their innocence. I
answered them in words like these:
“Dear sirs, there is not the slightest question of any partial or total
crisis or of substitution of one ministry for another. The game I have
undertaken has a wider and more serious character. For three years we
have lived in a caldron boiling with small battles and devastations.
This time I will not lay down weapons until a full victory is
concluded. It is time to change the direction not only of the
government, but also of the whole of Italian life. There is no question
of a struggle of parties in parliament, but here is a question—we want
to know if we Italians are able to live an autonomous life or are to be
slaves of our own weakness, not only toward foreign nations, but also
in our own affairs? War is declared! We will carry it to the bitter
end. Do you see these communications? Well, the struggle is blazing all
over Italy. Youth is in arms. I am rated as a leader who precedes and
not one who follows. I will not humiliate with arbitration this page of
the marvellous resurrection of Italian youth. I tell you that it is the
last chapter. It will fulfil the traditions of our country. It cannot
die in a compromise.”
I then showed my visitors a letter, which I had received at dawn from
Commander Gabriele d’Annunzio. I had sent a brief message to the
redeemer of Fiume, who had been with us since the first moments of the
darkest struggle. It was brought to him by the Generals Giampietro
and Douhet, and Eugenio Coselschi. D’Annunzio, toward whom some vague
hopes of the politicians had vainly turned, had immediately answered in
these terms:
“Dear Mussolini:
“I received to-night the three messengers, after a hard day of work.
“In this book, so many times interrupted, are gathered the truths that
the one-eyed man discovers in retirement and meditation. I think that
Italian youth must now recognize them and follow them with purified
heart.
“It is necessary to gather together all the sincere forces and start
them toward the great goals that are fixed for Italy by her eternal
destinies.
“From virile patience and not from restless impatience will salvation
come to us.
“The messengers will tell you my thoughts and my intentions, free from
all vague colorings.
“The King knows that I am still the most faithful and eager soldier of
Italy.
“Let him stand against the adverse destinies, which must be faced and
defeated.
“Victory has the light eyes of Pallas.
“Do not blindfold her.
“_Sine strage vincit,_
“_Strepitu sine ullo._
“Gabriele d Annunzio.”
After having read the letter of D’Annunzio to these Lombard politicians
I sent them away with the declaration that if I was left with only
one man, or indeed all alone, I would not abandon the fight until I
had obtained the final decisive ends as I had outlined them to my
associates.
The logical clearness, the stout, rigorous, coherent reasons I had
given impressed those who had come to offer conciliation, compromise,
concessions.
I think that one of them must have immediately sped off to inform the
premier, Facta, that nothing could be done with me.
Poor Facta, instead of being preoccupied with his shortcomings, was
wondering how and to whom he could announce this real crisis among the
sham crises. The chamber was closed at that time. Where could he turn?
Any one can see that in all events, even in solemn events, the
grotesque and the ludicrous are always to be found, and sometimes
prosper under the very shadow of great and tragic happenings.
The last of the Liberal governments of Italy wanted to make its final
gesture. It addressed to the country a declaration phrased in the
following terms:
“Seditious manifestations are appearing in some of the Italian
provinces, brought about in such a way as to hamper the normal
functioning of the powers of the State, and are of such nature as to
throw the Country into serious trouble.
“The Government has tried its utmost to reach an agreement, with the
hope of bringing back peace to all minds and to assure a peaceful
solution of the crisis. Facing, however, a revolutionary attempt,
it has the duty of maintaining public order by any means and at any
price. Even though its resignations have been presented, it will
fulfil this duty for the safety of citizens and the safety of free
constitutional institutions.
“Meanwhile the citizens must maintain their calm and must have
faith in the measures of public security that have been adopted.
“Long live Italy! Long live the King!”
“Signed: Facta, Schanzer, Amendola, Taddei, Alessio, Bertone,
Paratore, Soleri, DeVito, Anile, Riccio, Bertini, Rossi, Dello
Sbarba, Fulci, Luciani.”
At the same time the ministers, considering the situation created in
the country, put their portfolios at the disposition of the president
of the council, Facta. This man sought advice from several friends in
Rome. As a result he offered a decree to proclaim martial law, which
the King, in his profound wisdom, flatly refused to sign.
The Sovereign understood that the revolution of the black shirts
was the conclusion of three years of struggle and of fighting; he
understood that only with the victory of one party could we reach
pacification and that order and progress in civil life which are
essential to the harmony of the Italian people.
Out of respect for the most orthodox constitutional forms, the King
allowed Facta to follow the rules of the Constitution. We had then
resignations, designations, consultations, communications, charges, and
so on and so on. At this moment came a sinister maneuvre that impressed
me as being ominous. The National party of the right, which had a
great similarity of outlook with the Fascisti, although it had not the
same system of campaign, advanced some singular claims by means of
emissaries.
The National right asserted in fact that it was the keystone of
the situation. Salandra, who was the most typical representative of the
group, was disposed to sacrifice himself and to take upon his back the
cross of power. This was to be understood as an aid for the Fascisti.
I protested energetically against such a solution, which would have
perpetuated compromise and error. Fascism was under arms, it was
dominating the centres of national life, it had a very well-defined
aim, it had followed deliberately an extra-parliamentary path and it
could not allow its victory to be mutilated or adulterated in such a
manner. That was my exact answer to the mediators of the union between
the National right and Fascism. No compromise!
The struggle continued with the objectives I had mapped out. It is
impossible in the pages of an autobiography to present the entire
picture of the revolutionary events in those days. I distinctly
remember that with every hour that passed I had more poignantly the
sensation of triumphantly dominating the Italian political situation.
The adversaries were confused, scattered, speechless. The Fascisti in
compact files were already near the gates of Rome and were expecting me
to go to the head of their military formations to march with them into
the Capital.
On the afternoon of the 29th I received a very urgent telephone
call from Rome on behalf of the Quirinal. General Cittadini, first
aide-de-camp of His Majesty the King, asked me very kindly to go to
Rome because the King, having examined the situation, wanted to charge
me with forming a ministry. I thanked General Cittadini for
his kindness, but I asked him to give me the same communication by
telegram. One knows that the telephone may play dirty tricks at times.
General Cittadini, after having first objected that my request was not
usual under the Court regulations, took into consideration the abnormal
and informal situation, and agreed to send me the same invitation by
telegram. In fact after a few hours an urgent message arrived. It was
of a personal character.
This was it:
“On. Mussolini, Milan,
“His Majesty the King asks you to come immediately to Rome for he
wishes to offer you the responsibility of forming a Ministry. With
respect,
“General Cittadini.”
This was not yet victory, but the progress made was considerable.
I communicated directly with the headquarters of the revolution in
Perugia and with the various commands of the black shirts in Milan. I
gave out, by means of an extra edition of the _Popolo d’Italia_, the
news of the command I had received.
I was in a terrible state of nervous tension. Night after night I had
been kept awake, giving orders, following the compact columns of the
Fascisti, restricting the battle to the knightly practices of Fascism.
A period of greater responsibilities was about to begin for me; I must
not fail in my duty or in my aims. I gathered all my strength to my
aid, I invoked the memory of the dead, I asked the assistance of God,
I called upon the faithful living to assist me in the great task
that confronted me.
That night of October 31st, 1922, I left the direction of the _Popolo
d’Italia_ and turned my fighting journal over to my brother, Arnaldo.
In the number of November 1st I published the following declaration:
“From now on the direction of the _Popolo d’Italia_ is intrusted to
Arnaldo Mussolini.
“I thank and salute with brotherly love all the editors,
collaborators, correspondents, employees, workers, all those who have
assiduously and faithfully labored with me for the life of this paper
and for love of our Country.
“Rome, October 30th, 1922.
“Mussolini.”
I parted with regret from the paper that had been the most constant and
potent factor in our victory. I must add that my brother, Arnaldo, has
been able to maintain the editorship with dignity and capacity.
When I had intrusted the paper to my brother I was off for Rome. To
the zealous people who wanted to get me a special train to go to Rome
to confer with the King, I said that for me a compartment in the
usual train was quite enough. Engines and coal should not be wasted.
Economize! That is the first and acid test of a true man of government.
And after all I could only enter Rome at the head of my black shirts,
then camping at Santa Marinella in the atmosphere and the shining rays
of the Capital.
The news of my departure sped all over Italy. In every station where
the train stopped I found a gathering of the Fascisti and of the masses
who wanted to bring me, even through the pouring rain, their
cheers and their good-will.
Leaving Milan was painful. That city had given me a home for ten years;
to me it had been prodigal in the satisfaction it had afforded; it had
supported me in every stress; it had baptized the most wonderful squads
of action of Fascism; it had been the scene of historical political
struggles. Now I was leaving it, called by destiny and by a greater
task. All Milan knew of my going, and I felt that even in the feeling
of joy for a departure that was a symbol of victory, there was also a
shade of sadness.
But this was not the hour for sentimentality. It was the time for
quick, sure decisions. After the kisses and farewells of my family I
said good-by to many prominent Milanese, and then I went away, speeding
into the night, to take counsel with myself, to refresh my soul, to
listen to the echoes of voices of friends and to envisage the wide
horizons of to-morrow’s possibilities.
The minor episodes of that trip and of those days are not important.
The train brought me into the midst of the Fascisti; I was in view of
Rome at Santa Marinella. I reviewed the columns. I established the
formalities for the entrance into Rome. I established connections
between the quadrumvirate and the authorities.
My presence redoubled the great enthusiasm. I read in the eyes of those
young men the divine smile of triumph of an ideal. With such support I
would have felt inspired to challenge, if need be, not only the base
Italian ruling class, but enemies of any sort and race.
In Rome an indescribable welcome awaited me. I did not want
any delay. Even before making contacts with my political friends
I motored to the Quirinal. I wore a black shirt. I was introduced
without formalities into the presence of His Majesty the King. The
Stefani agency and the great newspapers of the world gave stilted
or speculative details about this interview. I will limit myself,
for obvious reasons of reserve, to declare that the conference was
characterized by great cordiality. I concealed no plans, nor did I fail
to make plain my ideas of how to rule Italy. I obtained the Sovereign’s
approbation. I took up lodgings at the Savoy Hotel and began to work.
First I made arrangements with the general command of the army to bring
militia into Rome and to have them defile in proper formation in a
review before the King. I gave detailed and precise orders. One hundred
thousand black shirts paraded in perfect order before the Sovereign.
They brought to him the homage of Fascist Italy!
I was then triumphant and in Rome! I killed at once all unnecessary
demonstrations in my honor. I gave orders that not a single parade
should take place without the permission of the General Fascist
Command. It was necessary to give to everybody from the first moment a
stern and rigid sense of discipline in line with the régime that I had
conceived.
[Illustration:
_From a photograph by Strazza._
King Victor Emmanuel III and Mussolini.
]
I discouraged every manifestation on the part of army officers who
wanted to bring me their plaudits. I have always considered the army
outside and above every kind of politics. The army must, in my opinion,
be inspired by absolute and conscientious discipline; it must
devote itself, with the deepest will, only to the defense of frontiers
and of historical rights. The army is an institution which must be
preserved inviolate. It must not suffer the slightest loss in its
integrity and in its high dedication.
But other and more complex problems surged about me at that moment. I
was in Rome not only with the duty of composing a new ministry; I had
also firmly decided to renew and rebuild from the very bottom the life
of the Italian people. I vowed to myself that I would impel it toward
higher and more brilliant aims.
Rome sharpened my sense of dedication. The Eternal City, “caput
mundi,” has two Courts and two Diplomacies. It has seen in the
course of centuries imperial armies defeated under its walls. It has
witnessed the decay of the strong, and the rise of universal waves of
civilization and of thought. Rome, the coveted goal of princes and
leaders, the universal city, heir to the old Empire and the power of
Christianity! Rome welcomed me as leader of national legions, as a
representative, not of a party or a group, but of a great faith and of
an entire people.
I had long meditated my action as a man of party and as a man of
government. I had carried these thoughts as I walked by day and even as
I slept by night. I had won and could win more. I could have nailed my
enemies to the wall, not only metaphorically but in very fact if I had
wished—those enemies who had slandered Fascism and those whom I hated
for having betrayed Italy in peace as they had betrayed her in war.
The atmosphere was pregnant with the possibility of tragedy. I had
mobilized three hundred thousand black shirts. They were waiting for my
signal to move. They could be used for one purpose or another. I had
in the Capital sixty thousand armed men ready for action. The March on
Rome could have set tragic fires. It might have spilled much blood if
it had followed the example of ancient and modern revolutions. This was
for me a moment in which it was more necessary than ever to examine the
field with calm serenity and with cold reason to compare the immediate
and the distant results of our daring action when directed toward
definite aims.
I could have proclaimed a dictatorship, I could have formed a
dictatorial ministry composed solely of Fascisti on the type of the
Directory that was formed in France at the time of the Convention. The
Fascist revolution, however, had its unique characteristics; it had
no antecedent in history. It was different from any other revolution
also in its capacity to re-enter, with ♦deliberate intent, legal,
established traditions and forms. For that reason also, I knew that the
mobilization should last the shortest possible time.
♦ “deliberaate” replaced with “deliberate”
I did not forget that I had a parliament on my hands; a chamber
of deputies of sullen mind, ready to lay traps for me, accustomed
to an old tradition of ambiguity and intrigue, full of grudges,
repressed only by fear; a dismayed senate from which I could obtain a
disciplined respect but not an eager and productive collaboration.
The Crown was looking on to see what I would do, following
constitutional rules.
The Pontificate followed the events with anxiety. The other nations
looked at the revolution suspiciously if not with hostility.
Foreign banks were anxious for news. Exchange wavered, credit was
still vacillating, waiting for the situation to be cleared. It was
indispensable first of all to give the impression of stability to the
new régime.
I had to see, oversee and foresee everything. I slept not at all for
some nights, but they were nights fecund in action and ideas. The
measures that immediately followed in the first twenty-four hours of my
government bear witness.
Another problem arose from the character of the revolution. Every
revolution has in it, besides the great mass of human impact and the
conscientious and unselfish leaders, two other types—adventurers
and melancholic intellectuals who might be called, by a synthetic
expression, ascetics of revolution. When the revolution is over,
the mass, which often is moved by the simple intuition of a great
historical and social reality, goes peacefully back to its usual
activities. It forms the laborious and disciplined leaven of the new
régime. The conscientious and unselfish leaders form the necessary
aristocracy of rulers. But the ascetics and the adventurers are a dead
burden. The first would like to see overnight a perfect humanity,
without faults. They do not understand that there is no revolution that
can change the nature of men. Because of their Utopian illusions
the ascetics are never contented; they waste their time and other men’s
energies in sophistry and doubts just when it is necessary to work like
fiends in order to go forward. The adventurers always identify the
fortune of the revolution with their own fortune; they hope to gain
personal advantage from the victory and they harbor resentment when
their wishes are not satisfied, and clamor for extreme and dangerous
measures.
Now I had to defend the Fascist victory from the ascetics and the
adventurers. The adventurers, however, sank rapidly in the Fascist
revolution, because it was different and on a higher plane than any
other revolution.
But I felt it my constant duty to examine and to ponder, in such a
grave moment, every step I made.
First of all in the pressure of events, I desired to assure regularity
to the country and to constitute a new government. Order came quickly.
There were only a few sporadic incidents of violence, inevitable under
such conditions. I felt the necessity of safeguarding Facta, and I
called ten black shirts who had each been much decorated for bravery
for the purpose of accompanying Facta to Pinerolo, his native town,
under their word of honor. They kept their promise. “Nobody”—that was
the order—“should touch a hair, mock or humiliate Facta.” He had given
to the country his only son, who died in an airplane accident during
the war, and Facta deserved respect for that and more.
I forbade reprisals against the leaders of the oppositions. It
was only by my great authority that I averted the destruction, not
only rhetorical but also actual, of my most rabid enemies. I saved
their skins for them. At the same time, in the space of a few hours,
I constituted a new ministry. I discarded, as I said, the idea of a
Fascist dictatorship, because I wanted to give to the country the
impression of a normal life free from the selfish exclusiveness
of a party. That sense of instinct for equilibrium accompanies me
fortunately in the gravest, the most strenuous, and the most critical
moments. I decided then, after having weighed everything, to compose a
ministry of a nationalist character.
I have had the feeling, as I had then, that later there would become
inevitable a process of clarification; but I preferred that it should
come forth spontaneously from the succeeding political events.
But that was the last generous gesture that I ever made toward the old
Italian ring of parties and politicians.
In the new ministry, among ministers and undersecretaries of state,
were fifteen Fascisti, three Nationalists, three Liberals of the right,
six “Popolari” and three Social Democrats. I was generous toward the
Liberals of the right, whose peculiar maneuvre in order, to pick up
for their profit the results of the Fascist revolution had been quite
recent. Among the “Popolari” and Social Democrats I selected those
who gave promise of national spirit and who did not intrigue with
subversive popularism or with socialism.
I kept for myself, with the Presidency of the Council, the office
of the Interior and assumed ad interim that of Foreign Affairs. I gave
to Armando Diaz the Ministry of War and I promised to give him an army
worthy of the country and the victor of Vittorio Veneto. I called
Admiral Thaon de Revel for the Navy and Federzoni for the Colonies.
The complete formation of the ministry was as follows:
Benito Mussolini, Deputy, _Presidency of the Council, Domestic and
“interim” of Foreign Affairs_ (Fascist).
Armando Diaz, General of the Army, _War_.
Paolo Thaon de Revel, Admiral, Senator, _Navy_.
Luigi Federzoni, Deputy, _Colonies_ (Nationalist).
Aldo Oviglio, Deputy, _Justice_ (Fascist).
Alberto De Stefani, Deputy, _Finances_ (Fascist).
Vincenzo Tangorra, Deputy, _Treasury_ (“Popolare”).
Giovanni Gentile, Professor, _Public Instruction_ (Liberal of the
Right).
Gabriello Carnazza, Deputy, _Public Works_ (Democrat).
Giuseppe DeCapitani, Deputy, _Agriculture_ (Liberal of the Right).
Teofilo Rossi, Senator, _Industry and Commerce_ (Democrat).
Stefano Cavazzoni, Deputy, _Work and Social Providence_ (“Popolare”).
Giovanni Colonna di Cesaro’, Deputy, _Posts and Telegraphs_ (Social
Democrat).
Giovanni Giuriati, Deputy, _Liberated Provinces_ (Fascist).
_Under Secretaries of State_
_Presidency_: Giacomo Acerbo, Deputy (Fascist).
_Domestic_: Aldo Finzi, Deputy (Fascist).
_Foreign_: Ernesto Vassallo, Deputy (“Popolare”).
_War_: Carlo Bonardi, Deputy (Social Democrat).
_Navy_: Costanzo Ciano, Deputy (Fascist). _With the Commisariat of
Commercial Marine._
_Treasury_: Alfredo Rocco, Deputy (Nationalist).
_Military Assistance_: Cesare Maria De Vecchi, Deputy (Fascist).
_Finances_: Pietro Lissia, Deputy (Social Democrat).
_Colonies_: Giovanni Marchi, Deputy (Liberal of the Right).
_Liberated Provinces_: Umberto Merlin, Deputy (“Popolare”).
_Justice_: Fulvio Milani, Deputy (“Popolare”).
_Instruction_: Dario Lupi, Deputy (Fascist).
_Fine Arts_: Luigi Siciliani, Deputy (Nationalist).
_Agriculture_: Ottavio Corgini, Deputy (Fascist).
_Public Works_: Alessandro Sardi, Deputy (Fascist).
_Post and Telegraph_: Michele Terzaghi, Deputy (Fascist).
_Industry and Commerce_: Gronchi Giovanni, Deputy
(“Popolare”).
_Labor and Social Providence_: Silvio Gai, Deputy (Fascist).
When the ministry was completed I wrote the following paper of
demobilization, signed by the quadrumvirate:
“Fascisti of all Italy!
“Our movement has been rewarded by Victory. The leader of our party
has assumed the political powers of the State, both for domestic
and for foreign affairs. Our Government, while it consecrates our
triumph with the names of those who were its creators on land and sea,
assembles, with the purpose of national pacification, men from the
other parties, because they are attached to the cause of the Nation.
“The Italian Fascism is too intelligent to desire a greater
victory.
“Fascisti!
“The supreme quadrumvirate of action, turning back its powers to the
direction of the party, salutes you for your marvellous proof of
courage and discipline. You have shown your merit in the future of the
country.
“Disperse in the same perfect order in which you gathered for the
great trial, destined—we firmly believe—to open a new epoch in Italian
history. Go back to your usual work, because Italy now needs to work
peacefully to reach its better day.
“Nothing must trouble the powerful stride of the Victory that we won
in these days of proud passion and sovereign magnitude.
“Long live Italy. Long live Fascism!
“The Quadrumvirate.”
Then I sent a telegram to D’Annunzio and I distributed an energetic
circular to all the Prefects of the Kingdom and to the lesser
authorities. The telegram to D’Annunzio said:
“Assuming the hard task of giving discipline and internal peace to the
Nation, I send to you, Commander, my affectionate greetings for you
and for the destinies of the country. The valiant Fascist youth which
gives back a soul to the Nation will not blindfold Victory. Mussolini.”
The text of the circular sent to office-holders was the following:
“From to-day, intrusted with the confidence of His Majesty the King,
I undertake the direction of the Government of the Country. I demand
that all authorities, from the highest to the least, discharge
their duties with intelligence and with complete regard for the
supreme interests of the Country.
“I will set the example.
“The President of the Council and Ministry of the Interior. Signed:
Mussolini.”
Finally I announced for November the 16th a meeting of the chamber of
deputies, to render an account of what I had done, and to announce my
intentions and programme.
It was an exceptional meeting. The hall was filled to overflowing.
Every deputy was present. My declarations were brief, clear, energetic.
I left no misunderstanding. I stated sharply the rights of revolution.
I called the attention of the audience to the fact that only by the
will of Fascism had the revolution remained within the boundaries of
legality and tolerance.
“I could have made,” I said, “of this dull and gray hall a bivouac
for corpses. I could have nailed up the doors of parliament and have
established an exclusively Fascist government. I could have done those
things, but—at least for a time—I did not do them.”
I then thanked all my collaborators and pointed with sympathy to the
multitude of Italian laborers who had aided the Fascist movement with
their active or passive solidarity.
I did not present one of the usual programmes that the past ministries
used to present; for these solved the problems of the country only
on paper. I asserted my will to act and to act without delaying for
useless oratory. In the field of foreign politics I squarely
declared the intention of following a “policy of dignity and national
utility.”
On every subject I made weighty declarations that showed how Fascism
had already been able to assay and analyze and solve varying and urgent
problems, and to fix the future outlines of government. Finally I
concluded:
“Gentlemen:
“From further communications you will know the Fascist programme
in its details. I do not want, so long as I can avoid it, to rule
against the Chamber; but the Chamber must feel its own position.
That position opens the possibility that it may be dissolved in two
days or in two years. We ask full powers because we want to assume
full responsibility. Without full powers you know very well that we
couldn’t save one lira—I say one lira. We do not want to exclude the
possibility of voluntary co-operation, for we will cordially accept
it, if it comes from deputies, senators, or even from competent
private citizens. Every one of us has a religious sense of our
difficult task. The Country cheers us and waits. We will give it not
words but facts. We formally and solemnly promise to restore the
budget to health. And we will restore it. We want to make a foreign
policy of peace, but at the same time one of dignity and steadiness.
We will do it. We intend to give the Nation a discipline. We will
give it. Let none of our enemies of yesterday, of to-day, of to-morrow
cherish illusions in regard to our permanence in power. Foolish and
childish illusions, like those of yesterday!
“Our Government has a formidable foundation in the conscience of the
Nation. It is supported by the best, the newest Italian generations.
There is no doubt that in these last years a great step toward
the unification of spirit has been made. The Fatherland has again
found itself bound together from north to south, from the continent
to the generous islands, which will never be forgotten, from
the metropolis of the active colonies of the Mediterranean and the
Atlantic Ocean. Do not, Gentlemen, address more vain words to the
Nation. Fifty-two applications to speak upon my message to Parliament
are too many. Let us, instead of talking, work with pure heart and
ready mind to assure the prosperity and the greatness of the Country.
“May God assist me in bringing to a triumphant end my hard labor.”
I do not believe that, since 1870, the hall of Montecitoro had heard
energetic and clear words. They burned with a passion deep in my being.
In that speech there was the essence of my old and my recent wrestling
with my own mind and my own soul. More than one deputy had to repress
the rancour generated by my deserved reproaches; but my exposition
in parliament was rewarded by the approval of the whole of Italy. I
was looking beyond that old hall of parties of petty power and of
politicians. I was speaking to the entire nation. It listened to me and
it understood me!
My political instinct told me that from that moment there would
rise, with increasing truth and with increasing expansion of Fascist
activity, the dawn of new history for Italy.
And perhaps dawn on a new path of civilization....