Warwick—Mr. Williams’ compensation—imprisonment of John Clarke and
Obadiah Holmes—Mr. Coddington’s separate charter—Mr. Williams and
Mr. Clarke prepare to go to England.
It has been seen, that although Warwick was not named in the charter,
yet that settlement, having obtained from England the sanction of the
commissioners, had joined with the other towns, in forming a civil
government. But a portion of the inhabitants of Pawtuxet, having
submitted themselves to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, refused to
acknowledge the authority of the charter. At the General Assembly, at
Warwick, in May, 1649, it was “ordered, that a messenger be sent to
Pomham and the other sachem, to require them to come to this Court; and
that letters be sent to Benedict Arnold and his father, and the rest of
Pawtuxet, about their subjecting to this colony.” They persisted in
their refusal; and, although the territory was undeniably included in
the charter obtained by Mr. Williams, yet these inhabitants of Pawtuxet
and its vicinity continued for several years to resist the authority of
the General Assembly of Rhode-Island, and caused much annoyance to the
colony. In this conduct, they were upheld by the government of
Massachusetts. In 1650, as we are informed by Mr. Backus,[268] “William
Arnold and William Carpenter, instead of submitting to the government of
their own colony, went again and entered complaints against some of
their neighbors to the Massachusetts rulers, and they sent a citation to
some of them to come and answer the same in their courts, dated from
Boston, June 20, 1650, signed by Edward Rawson, Secretary.”[269]
There seems to have been much disinclination to pay the sum voted to Mr.
Williams for his services in procuring the charter. At the General
Assembly, in May, 1650, three years after the grant, it was found
necessary to send a fresh order to the towns to collect and pay the sums
due, within twenty days. This order was not entirely successful, and it
is nearly certain, that the whole amount was never paid. It is probable,
that few disputed the justice of the grant, and we may hope, that the
unhappy jealousies which subsisted between individuals, and some of the
towns, together with the poverty of the inhabitants, rather than a
deliberate disregard of Mr. Williams’ just claims, were the causes of
the failure. But gratitude has not been the most conspicuous virtue,
either of kings or of republics. The patriotic Winthrop spent his large
estate, and his life, in the service of Massachusetts; yet was he
compelled to submit to an impeachment, from which, however, he issued
with a purer fame. It is a lamentable fact, that men are often
imboldened to do, in concert, what they would not venture to do, in
their individual capacity. They seem to think, that they lose their
identity in a crowd, and that guilt, in which many share, becomes so
divided and attenuated, as to leave a very insignificant portion to each
person. Human passions, too, are contagious, and a large assembly
sometimes inflame each other to the perpetration of deeds, of which each
man would, when alone, have been ashamed.
The memorable transactions in Massachusetts, in which the Rev. John
Clarke, Mr. Obadiah Holmes and Mr. John Crandall[270] had so melancholy
a share, deserve a notice. They show the rigor, with which the famous
law of 1644, levelled ostensibly against anabaptists, was executed; and
the special aversion which was felt towards intruders from Rhode-Island.
In July, 1651, these gentlemen were deputed by the Baptist church in
Newport, to visit William Witter, an aged member of that church, who
resided at Lynn, a few miles east of Boston. Mr. Witter was an old man,
and being unable to visit the church, he had requested an interview with
some of his brethren. On this most Christian and inoffensive errand, the
committee proceeded to Lynn. Their aged brother resided about two miles
from the town, and the next day being the Sabbath, it was thought proper
to spend it in religious worship at his house. Mr. Clarke preached from
Rev. 3: 10. “Because thou hast kept the word of my patience, I also will
keep thee from the hour of temptation, which shall come upon all the
world, to try them that dwell upon the earth.” In the midst of his
sermon, he was interrupted by two constables. Mr. Clarke thus describes
the scene:
“While in conscience towards God, and good will unto his saints, I
was imparting to my companions in the house where I lodged, and to
four or five strangers that came in unexpected after I had begun,
opening and proving what is meant by the hour of temptation, what by
the word of his patience, and their keeping it, and how he that hath
the key of David (being the promiser) will keep those who keep the
word of his patience, from the hour of temptation. While, I say, I
was yet speaking, there came into the house where we were, two
constables, who, with their clamorous tongues, made an interruption
in my discourse, and more uncivilly disturbed us than the
pursuivants of the old English bishops were wont to do, telling us
that they were come with authority from the magistrate to apprehend
us. I then desired to see the authority by which they thus
proceeded, whereupon they plucked forth their warrant, and one of
them, with a trembling hand, (as conscious he might have been better
employed) read it to us; the substance whereof was as followeth:
‘By virtue hereof, you are required to go to the house of William
Witter, and so to search from house to house, for certain erroneous
persons, being strangers, and them to apprehend, and in safe custody
to keep, and to-morrow morning, at eight o’clock, to bring before
me.
‘ROBERT BRIDGES.’”[271]
The constables carried Mr. Clarke and his companions to the
Congregational meeting, where they were compelled to stay till the
service was closed. Mr. Clarke then rose and addressed the assembly, but
was speedily silenced, and the next day, the three heretics were
committed to prison in Boston. A few days afterwards, they were tried,
before the Court of Assistants, and Mr. Clarke was sentenced to pay a
fine of twenty pounds, Mr. Holmes thirty pounds, and Mr. Crandall five
pounds; or, in default of payment, each was to be whipped. They refused
to pay the fine, for the plain reason, that the payment of a fine is an
acknowledgment of guilt, of which they felt themselves to be innocent.
They were accordingly committed to prison.
On the trial, Mr. Clarke defended himself and his companions so ably,
that the Court were somewhat embarrassed. “At length, (says Mr. Clarke)
the Governor stepped up and told us we had denied infant baptism, and
being somewhat transported, told me I had deserved death, and said he
would not have such trash brought into their jurisdiction. Moreover he
said, ‘you go up and down, and secretly insinuate into those that are
weak, but you cannot maintain it before our ministers. You may try and
dispute with them.’ To this I had much to reply, but he commanded the
jailer to take us away.”[272]
From the prison, Mr. Clarke sent to the Court a proposition to meet with
any of the ministers, and hold a public discussion. This proposal was at
first accepted, and a day was fixed. But the clergy probably thought,
that a public debate about infant baptism, with so able an antagonist,
would be inexpedient. Mr. Clarke’s fine was accordingly paid, without
his knowledge or consent, and he was released from prison. He was
anxious for an opportunity to maintain, publicly, his opinions, and to
vindicate his innocence. But he could not succeed in bringing his
opponents to the trial of argument. Leaving, therefore, with the
magistrates a declaration, that he would be ready, at any time, to visit
Boston, and maintain his sentiments, he, together with Mr. Crandall, who
was released on condition of appearing at the next Court, returned to
Newport.
The two following letters from Mr. Williams to Mr. Winthrop, were
written about this time, probably in August, 1651:
“Sir,
“Loving respects to you both, with Mrs. Lake and yours. By this
opportunity I am bold to inform you, that from the Bay I hear of the
sentence on Mr. Clarke, to be whipt or pay twenty pounds, Obadiah
Holmes whipt or thirty pounds, on John Crandall, whipt or five
pounds. This bearer hears of no payment nor execution, but rather a
demur, and some kind of conference. The Father of Lights graciously
guide them and us in such paths; for other succor than that (in his
mouth) Christ Jesus walks not among the churches, (Rev. 1.) Sir,
upon those provocations that lately (as in my last I hinted)
Auguontis gave the sachems, Ninigret, Pitammock and Pesiccosh, went
in person to their town, (Chaubutick) and upon Pummakommins telling
the sachems that he was as great a sachem as they, they all fell
together by the ears; yet no blood spilt. The Chaubatick Indians
send to the Bay; they say Auguontis is sent for and Ninigret, but I
know no certain other than messengers passing to and again from
Chaubatick to the Bay. Here was last week Mr. Sellick, of Boston,
and Mr. Gardiner, a young merchant, to fetch my corn, and more, from
Mr. Paine, of Seekonk; they are bound to the French, unless
diverted. They tell me of a ship of 300, come from Barbadoes. Mr.
Wall, the master, stood upon his guard while he staid there; he
brought some passengers, former inhabitants from London, whose case
was sad there, because of the posture of the island (where, as I
have by letter from a godly friend there) they force all to swear to
religion and laws. This Mr. Wall hath a new and great design, viz.
from hence to the East Indies. The frigates designed for Barbadoes
were ordered for Scilly, which they assaulted, and took forts and
ordnance and frigates, and drove the Governor into his last fort. It
hath pleased God to bring your ancient acquaintance and mine, Mr.
Coddington, in Mr. Carwithy his ship of 500; he is made Governor of
this colony for his life. General Cromwell was not wounded nor
defeated, (as is said) but sick of flux and fever, and mending, and
had a victory over the Scots. Sir, this world passeth away and the
(σχημα) fashion, shape and form of it, only the word of Jehovah
remains. That word literal is sweet, as it is the field where the
mystical word or treasure, Christ Jesus, lies hid.
“In Him I hope to be
“Yours, R. W.
“Sir, to Mr. Blindman loving salutations.”
“For his honored, kind friend, Mr. John Winthrop, at Pequod.
“Sir,
“Loving respects, &c. Yours received and the 10_s._ from your
neighbor Elderkin, and letters, which shall carefully be sent. I
came from Providence last night, and was able, by God’s merciful
providence, so to order it, that I was their pilot to my house here,
from whence I have provided a native, who, with Joseph Fosseker, I
hope will bring them safe to you. The merciful Lord help you and me
to say, as Solomon, all that comes is vanity: all cattle, all goods,
all friends, all children, &c. I met Mr. John Clarke, at Providence,
_recens e carcere_. There was great hammering about the disputation,
but they could not hit, and although (my much lamented friend) the
Governor told him, that he was worthy to be hanged, &c. yet he was
as good as thrust out without pay or whipping, &c.; but Obadiah
Holmes remains. Mr. Carwithy is gone with his ship to the eastward
for masts, and returns, three weeks hence, to set sail for England.
Sir, I have a great suit to you, that at your leisure you would fit
and send something that you find suitable to these Indian bodies, in
way of purge or vomit; as, also, some drawing plaster, and if the
charge rise to one or two crowns, I shall thankfully send it; and
commending you and yours to the only great and good Physician,[273]
desire, Sir, to be ever
“Yours in Him, R. W.”
Mr. Holmes was confined in prison till September, when thirty stripes
were inflicted on him, with such merciless severity, that he could not,
for a considerable time, take any rest, except by supporting himself
with his knees and elbows. Two individuals (John Spur and John
Hazel,[274]) were imprisoned and fined for the grievous offence of
exhibiting some sympathy for the sufferer. Mr. Holmes was released, but
he continued in Massachusetts, and baptized several individuals.
Warrants were again issued to apprehend him, and he returned home to his
family.
The recital of these transactions is painful, but we must compel
ourselves to contemplate such scenes, if we would suitably feel the
contrast between the policy of Massachusetts, at that day, and the
tolerant principles of Roger Williams. To that policy must it be
ascribed, that wise and good men could thus treat their fellow
Christians. It is pleasing to know, however, that this conduct was not
unanimously approved, by those who were free from all suspicion of
anabaptism. Sir Richard Saltonstall, one of the magistrates of
Massachusetts, then in England, wrote thus to Messrs. Cotton and Wilson:
“Reverend and dear friends, whom I unfeignedly love and respect:
“It doth not a little grieve my spirit, to hear what sad things are
reported daily of your tyranny and persecutions in New-England, as
that you fine, whip and imprison men for their consciences. First,
you compel such to come into your assemblies as you know will not
join you in your worship, and when they show their dislike thereof,
or witness against it, then you stir up your magistrates to punish
them for such (as you conceive) their public affronts. Truly,
friends, this your practice of compelling any in matters of worship,
to do that whereof they are not fully persuaded, is to make them
sin, for so the apostle (Rom. 14: 23) tells us, and many are made
hypocrites thereby, conforming in their outward man, for fear of
punishment. We pray for you, and wish you prosperity every way,
hoping the Lord would have given you so much light and love there,
that you might have been eyes to God’s people here, and not to
practise those courses in a wilderness, which you went so far to
prevent. These rigid ways have laid you very low in the hearts of
the saints.”
Mr. Cotton replied to this letter. After stating that Mr. Clarke and Mr.
Holmes had offended against the “order and government of our churches,
established, _we know_, by God’s law,” he furnishes this remarkable
specimen of sophistry: “You think, to compel men in matters of worship
is to make them sin. If the worship be lawful in itself, the magistrate
compelling him to come to it compelleth him not to sin, but the sin is
in his will that needs to be compelled to a Christian duty. If it do
make men hypocrites, yet better be hypocrites than profane persons.
Hypocrites give God part of his dues, the outward man; but the profane
person giveth God neither outward nor inward man. You know not, if you
think we came into this wilderness, to practise those courses here,
which we fled from in England. We believe there is a vast difference
between men’s inventions and God’s institutions. We fled from men’s
inventions, to which we else should have been compelled. We compel none
to men’s inventions. If our ways (rigid ways, as you call them,) have
laid us low in the hearts of God’s people, yea, and of the saints, (as
you style them) we do not believe it is any part of their saintship.
Nevertheless, I tell you the truth, we have tolerated in our churches
some anabaptists, some antinomians, and some seekers, and do so still,
at this day. We are far from arrogating infallibility of judgment to
ourselves, or affecting uniformity. Uniformity God never required;
infallibility he never granted us.”[275]
There is, in this reply, somewhat more of asperity than Mr. Cotton’s
writings usually exhibit. It is easy to perceive, that the good man’s
spirit was chafed by the rebuke from one of his own friends. Nothing
tries a man’s temper more than reproof, when he is secretly convinced
that he has done wrong, and is yet unprepared to acknowledge it. It is a
sore task to defend himself, when his conscience is on the side of the
accuser. In such a case, a man is apt to resort to confident and
emphatic assertions, rather than to calm arguments.
We have mentioned Mr. Coddington’s visit to England, for the purpose of
procuring a charter for the islands of Rhode-Island, Canonicut, &c. He
procured from the Council of State, which then wielded the executive
power in England,[276] a commission, dated April 3, 1651, and signed by
John Bradshaw, constituting Mr. Coddington governor of the islands, and
empowering him to rule them, with a council of six men, nominated by the
people, and approved by himself.
Mr. Coddington returned about the first of August, 1651. His new charter
at once subverted the existing government, by severing the islands from
the other towns. Much agitation of feeling naturally ensued. Those
inhabitants of the islands, who were opposed to Mr. Coddington’s
measures, were alarmed at finding themselves thus subjected to his
power. The towns of Warwick and Providence were annoyed by the
inhabitants of Pawtuxet, consisting of whites and Indians, who rejected
the government of Rhode-Island, and adhered to that of Massachusetts.
The Indians committed many depredations, and offered many insults, which
neither the General Assembly of Rhode-Island, nor the towns of
Providence and Warwick, could either prevent or punish. The government
of Massachusetts, and the commissioners of the united colonies, refused
to remedy these evils, unless Warwick would submit to the jurisdiction
of Plymouth or Massachusetts, and finally the commissioners advised the
Plymouth colony to take possession of Warwick by force, if necessary.
In this distressed state of the colony, the separation occasioned by Mr.
Coddington’s measures would have been ruinous. The only remedy was an
immediate application to the government in England, for the repeal of
Mr. Coddington’s charter, and the confirmation of that obtained by Mr.
Williams. For this purpose, Mr. John Clarke was requested by citizens of
Newport and Portsmouth[277] to proceed to England, as their agent. The
towns of Providence and Warwick urgently importuned Mr. Williams to
accompany Mr. Clarke on this important business. He consented, though
with reluctance, arising from a natural unwillingness to leave his large
family, (now consisting of a wife and six children) and partly, we
presume, from inability to sustain the expense. He had not been
remunerated for his former agency, and he was now, it seems, obliged, in
order to raise funds, to sell his house at Narraganset,[278]
notwithstanding that some efforts were made by the people of Providence
and Warwick to obtain a sufficient sum by subscription. These facts we
learn from the following letter to Mr. Winthrop, and from a letter which
will next be quoted from William Arnold:
“For my honored, kind friend, Mr. John Winthrop, at Pequod.
“_Nar. 6, 8, 51, (so called.)_
“Sir,
“Once more my loving and dear respects presented to you both, and
Mrs. Lake. Being now bound, resolvedly, (if the Lord please) for our
native country, I am not certain whether by the way of the English,
(you know the reason[279]) or by the way of the Dutch. My neighbors
of Providence and Warwick, (whom I also lately denied) with
importunities, have overcome me to endeavor the renewing of their
liberties, upon the occasion of Mr. Coddington’s late grant. Upon
this occasion, I have been advised to sell, and have sold this house
to Mr. Smith, my neighbor, who also may possibly be yours, for I
hear he is like to have Mrs. Chester.
“Sir, I humbly thank you for all your loving-kindnesses to me and
mine unworthy. The Father of Mercies graciously reward you, guide
you, preserve you, save, sanctify and glorify you in the blood of
his dear Son, in whom I mourn I am no more, and desire to be yours,
unfeignedly and eternally,
“ROGER WILLIAMS.
“This bearer, coming now from England, will acquaint you, &c.
“To all yours, and all my friends, my loving salutations. Mr. Sands,
of Boston, and John Hazel, of Seekonk, are gone before us.”
Information of these designs was immediately communicated by William
Arnold to the Governor of Massachusetts. The following letter, preserved
in Hutchinson’s Collection, is worthy of perusal, both from its
connection with Mr. Williams, and from the light which it throws on the
state of the times. Mr. Arnold, it will be seen, was not disposed to
look on any of the proceedings of Rhode-Island with a favorable eye; and
hence he accuses its inhabitants of hostility to the united colonies,
though facts do not seem to sustain the charge, unless hostility was
indicated by a patient endurance of wrong, and by generous services in
time of danger.
Copy of a letter from Mr. William Arnold to the Governor of
Massachusetts:
“_From Pawtuxet, this 1st day of the 7th month, 1651._
“Much honored,
“I thought it my duty to give intelligence unto the much honored
Court, of that which I understand is now working here in these
parts; so that if it be the will of God, an evil may be prevented,
before it come to too great a head, viz:
“Whereas Mr. Coddington has gotten a charter of Rhode-Island and
Canonicut Island to himself, he has thereby broken the force of
their charter, that went under the name of Providence, because he
has gotten away the greater part of that colony.
“Now these company of the Gortonists, that live at Shawomet, and
that company of Providence, are gathering of £200, to send Mr. Roger
Williams unto the Parliament, to get them a charter of these parts,
they of Shawomet have given £100 already, and there be some men of
Providence that have given £10 and £20 a man, to help it forward
with speed; they say here is a fair inlet, and I hear they have
said, that if the Parliament do take displeasure against
Massachusetts, or the rest of the colonies, as they have done
against Barbadoes and other places, then this will serve for an
inroad to let in forces to overrun the whole country.
“It is great pity, and very unfit, that such a company as these are,
they all stand professed enemies against all the united colonies,
that they should get a charter for so small a quantity of land as
lieth in and about Providence, Shawomet, Pawtuxet, and Coweset, all
which, now Rhode-Island is taken out from it, is but a strip of land
lying in between the colonies of Massachusetts, Plymouth and
Connecticut, by which means, if they should get them a charter, of
it there may come some mischief and trouble upon the whole country,
if their project be not prevented in time, for under the pretence of
liberty of conscience, about these parts, there comes to live all
the scum, the runaways of the country, which, in time, for want of
better order, may bring a heavy burthen upon the land, &c. This I
humbly commend unto the serious consideration of the much honored
Court, and rest your humble servant to command,
“WILLIAM ARNOLD.
“They are making haste to send Mr. Williams away. We that live here
near them, and do know the place and hear their words, and do take
notice of their proceeding, do know more and can speak more of what
may come to the country by their means, than the Court do yet
consider of. We humbly desire God their purpose may be frustrated,
for the country’s peace.
“I humbly desire my name may be concealed, lest they, hearing of
what I have herein written, they will be enraged against me, and so
will revenge themselves upon me.
“Some of them of Shawomet that crieth out much against them which
putteth people to death for witches; for, say they, there be no
other witches upon earth, nor devils, but your own pastors and
ministers, and such as they are, &c.
“I understand that there liveth a man amongst them that broke
prison, either at Connecticut or New-Haven; he was apprehended for
adultery; the woman, I hear, was put to death, but the man is kept
here in safety, in the midst of the united colonies. It is time
there were some better order taken for these parts, &c.
“I have hired this messenger on purpose. I humbly desire to hear if
this letter come safe to your hands.”
The town of Warwick addressed to the commissioners, who met at
New-Haven, September 4, 1651, a letter,[280] in which they unfolded the
real condition of the town, and announced, with calm dignity, their
design to appeal to the government of England. Mr. Arnold had written,
in haste, as if some secret plot had been fomented; but the town thus
gave seasonable notice to the commissioners, in order that the other
colonies might adopt measures, if they pleased, to oppose and defeat
this new embassy to England. The inhabitants of Warwick felt a
confidence in the justice of their claims, and feared no opposition.
This letter occasioned much debate among the commissioners. Those of
Massachusetts alleged, that Plymouth had resigned to Massachusetts all
its pretensions to Warwick, while the commissioners of Plymouth denied
that such a relinquishment had been made, and protested against the
proceedings of Massachusetts, in relation to Warwick. This disagreement
among themselves may be received as one of the proofs, that neither
party had any just claims.