Mr. Williams refuses to unite with the Boston church—is invited to
Salem—interference of the General Court—removes to Plymouth—the
Indians—difficulties at Plymouth—birth of Mr. Williams’ eldest
child.
On the 5th of February, 1630–1,[41] as we have already stated, Mr.
Williams arrived in America, where he was to become one of the founders
of a great nation. As a minister of the Gospel, he would naturally seek,
without delay, for an opportunity to fulfil his office. He was, it is
probable, without property, and a sense of duty would concur with the
dictates of prudence, to urge him to inquire for some situation where he
might be useful, while he obtained a maintenance. The church in Boston
were supplied with a pastor, and the great Cotton was expected to become
their teacher. There was, however, another difficulty to which we shall
soon have occasion to recur.
In a few weeks after Mr. Williams’ arrival, he was invited by the church
at Salem to become an assistant to Mr. Skelton, as teacher, in the place
of the accomplished Higginson, who died a few months before. Mr.
Williams complied with the invitation, and commenced his ministry in
that town. But the civil authority speedily interfered, in accordance
with the principle afterwards established in the platform, that “if any
church, one or more, shall grow schismatical, rending itself from the
communion of other churches, or shall walk incorrigibly and obstinately
in any corrupt way of their own, contrary to the rule of the word; in
such case, the magistrate is to put forth his coercive power, as the
matter shall require.”[42]
On the 12th of April, says Governor Winthrop (vol. i. p. 53) “at a
Court, holden at Boston, (upon information to the Governor, that they of
Salem had called Mr. Williams to the office of teacher,) a letter was
written from the Court to Mr. Endicott to this effect: That whereas Mr.
Williams had refused to join with the congregation at Boston, because
they would not make a public declaration of their repentance for having
communion with the churches of England, while they lived there; and
besides, had declared his opinion that the magistrate might not punish a
breach of the Sabbath, nor any other offence, as it was a breach of the
first table; therefore they marvelled they would choose him without
advising with the Council; and withal desiring him that they would
forbear to proceed till they had conferred about it.”
The first of these charges is made in very indefinite terms.[43] It does
not appear, what was the degree of conformity which the members of the
church had practised in England, nor what degree of criminality was, in
the estimation of Mr. Williams, attributable to their conduct. It is
well known, that some of the Puritans did maintain, till they left
England, a connection with the church, from whose ritual they secretly
dissented, and whose corruptions they deeply deplored. We have already
stated, that Governor Winthrop and his associates had not separated from
the church when they left England, but acknowledged themselves, at the
moment of their departure, as among her children. Many good men
considered this conformity as a pusillanimous and sinful connivance at
evil, tending to sanction and perpetuate the corruptions of the church.
Mr. Cotton himself, being forced, by the intolerance of the hierarchy,
either to submit to their ritual, or to suffer the vengeance of the High
Commission Court, resolved to leave England. He travelled in disguise to
London. “Here,” says Cotton Mather, (Magnalia, b. iii. chap. 1. § 18)
“the Lord had a work for him to do, which he little thought of. Some
reverend and renowned ministers of our Lord in that great city, who yet
had not seen sufficient reason to expose themselves unto persecution for
the sake of non-conformity, but looked upon the imposed ceremonies as
indifferent and sufferable trifles, and weighed not the aspect of the
second commandment upon all the parts and means of instituted worship,
took this opportunity for a conference with Mr. Cotton; being persuaded,
that since he was no passionate, but a very judicious man, they should
prevail with him rather to conform, than to leave his work and his land.
Upon the motion of a conference, Mr. Cotton most readily yielded; and
first, all their arguments for conformity, together with Mr. Byfield’s,
Mr. Whately’s, and Mr. Sprint’s, were produced, all of which Mr. Cotton
answered, unto their wonderful satisfaction. Then he gave his arguments
for his non-conformity, and the reasons why he must rather forego his
ministry, or, at least, his country, than wound his conscience with
unlawful compliance; the issue whereof was, that instead of bringing Mr.
Cotton back to what he had now forsaken, he brought them off altogether
from what they had hitherto practised. Every one of those eminent
persons, Dr. Goodwin, Mr. Nye, and Mr. Davenport, now became all that he
was, and at last left the kingdom for their being so.”
If, then, these distinguished ministers had practised a conformity which
Mr. Cotton esteemed “unlawful,” and which Cotton Mather seems to have
considered as a breach of the second commandment, it is probable, that
many private Christians had done the same. The members of the Boston
church had undoubtedly shared in these “compliances.” But if Mr. Cotton
could not conform, without wounding his conscience, he must have thought
the practice criminal. There is no question, that Mr. Williams was of
the same opinion; and as his temper was more ardent and bold than that
of Mr. Cotton, his opposition to what he must have regarded as highly
censurable, would naturally be strong and decided. It is not very
surprising, therefore, if, on his arrival in America, with a vivid sense
of recent wrong from the persecuting church, he was disinclined to a
cordial union with those who had, in any measure, yielded to her
despotic pretensions, and sanctioned, by any acts of compliance, her
unscriptural requirements. We are not told, precisely, in what terms,
and to what extent, he wished the members of the Boston church to
express their repentance for their conduct. He, perhaps, allowed his
feelings to bias his judgment in this case, and to make him forget his
own principles of liberty of conscience; but the facts to which we have
alluded show, that his objections were not altogether frivolous, nor his
conduct the offspring of bigotry and caprice. It appears, that his
feelings were afterwards allayed; and while at Plymouth, the next year,
he communed with Governor Winthrop and other gentlemen from Boston.[44]
The other allegation, made in the extract from Winthrop, that Mr.
Williams denied the power of the civil magistrate to punish men for
violations of the first table of the law,[45] that is, in other words,
for the neglect, or the erroneous performance, of their duties to God,
is one, which, at this day, needs little discussion. Time has wrought
out a triumphant vindication of this great principle. The doctrine, that
man is accountable to his Maker alone for his religious opinions and
practices, and is entitled to an unrestrained liberty to maintain and
enjoy them, provided that he does not interfere with the rights of
others, and with the civil peace of society, has won for itself, in this
country, at least, a place among the undisputed principles of thought
and action. Ample experience has demonstrated, even in New-England, the
manifold evils which spring from intrusting to civil rulers the power to
legislate for the church, to control the conscience, and to regulate the
intercourse between men and his Creator. We shall have occasion to recur
to this topic. It is sufficient now to say, that Mr. Williams stood on
the firm ground of truth and of enlightened policy, when he denied to
the civil magistrate the right to interfere with the consciences of
men.[46] There is no allegation, that he failed, on this occasion, in
due respect for the constituted authorities; but he claimed the right of
a freeman to speak freely of their principles and measures. His natural
temperament would give warmth and energy to his remonstrance. A calmer
man than he might have been moved, if, when driven from his native land
by intolerance, he found, in the country to which he had fled, the same
principles maintained, the same usurpation of power over the conscience
claimed, as a regular attribute of the civil authority.
It appears, therefore, that the General Court had little cause for their
interference between Mr. Williams and the church at Salem. Their right
to interfere, for any cause, will not now be maintained by any man. That
church, though she was probably aware of the disapprobation and
meditated interference of the Court, seems to have disregarded it, and
on the 12th of April, the same day on which the Court was held, received
Mr. Williams, as her minister.[47] She thus consulted her duty as well
as her true interests. Jesus Christ is the only King and Legislator of
his church. He has given her his statute book, and it is as inconsistent
with her duty, as it ought to be repugnant to her feelings, to permit
any attempt to abridge the rights which her Lord has bestowed on her.
The choice of her pastors and teachers is one of her most sacred rights,
and most important duties. She is bound to exercise this high privilege,
in humble dependence on the teachings of divine wisdom, but with a
resolute resistance of attempts, from any quarter, to control her
election.
Notwithstanding the unwarrantable proceedings of the Court, which must
have been offensive both to the principles and the feelings of Mr.
Williams, we find him, the next month, (the 18th of May, 1631) taking
the usual oath on his admission as a freeman.[48] This fact is worthy of
notice, because it proves, that he was willing to honor the civil
authorities, within their proper sphere, and that he desired to become a
permanent and useful citizen. It shows, too, that he had no objection to
an oath, when administered in a proper manner, and for suitable ends. At
this very Court, the law was made, which excluded from the rights of
freemen every person, who was not a member of some one of the churches.
Whether the difficulty which had already risen respecting Mr. Williams,
had any influence in producing this measure, cannot now be ascertained.
Notwithstanding that the church at Salem had received Mr. Williams, he
was not permitted to remain in peace. “Persecution,” says Dr.
Bentley,[49] “instead of calm expostulation, instantly commenced, and
Williams, before the close of summer, was obliged to retire to
Plymouth.” That this separation from the church at Salem was not a
voluntary one, on her part or on his, may be presumed, from the fact,
asserted by the historian of Salem just quoted, that “he was embraced
with joy at Salem, and throughout all his life supported a high place in
their affections, as a truly godly man.”[50] His return to that town, by
their invitation, two years after, is a satisfactory proof that the
church there felt a confidence in his piety, and an attachment to his
person and ministry.[51]
At Plymouth, Mr. Williams was received with much respect, and became an
assistant to Mr. Ralph Smith, the pastor of the church there. Governor
Bradford speaks of Mr. Williams in honorable terms,[52] and even Morton,
who was not much disposed to speak favorably of him, acknowledges that
he “was well accepted as an assistant in the ministry.”[53]
During Mr. Williams’ residence at Plymouth, Governor Winthrop, with Mr.
Wilson, of Boston, and other gentlemen, visited that town.[54]
Winthrop’s account of the visit is so strongly illustrative of the
manners of those times, that it may be properly inserted.
“1632. September 25. The Governor, with Mr. Wilson, pastor of Boston,
and the two Captains, &c. went aboard the Lyon, and from thence Mr.
Peirce carried them in his shallop to Wessaguscus.[55] The next morning
Mr. Peirce returned to his ship, and the Governor and his company went
on foot to Plymouth, and came thither within the evening. The Governor
of Plymouth, Mr. William Bradford, (a very discreet and grave man) with
Mr. Brewster, the elder, and some others, came forth and met them
without the town, and conducted them to the Governor’s house, where they
were very kindly entertained and feasted every day at several houses. On
the Lord’s day there was a sacrament, which they did partake in; and in
the afternoon Mr. Roger Williams (according to their custom) propounded
a question, to which the pastor, Mr. Smith, spake briefly; then Mr.
Williams prophesied; and after the Governor of Plymouth spake to the
question; after him, the elder; then some two or three more of the
congregation. Then the elder desired the Governor of Massachusetts and
Mr. Wilson, to speak to it, which they did. When this was ended, the
deacon, Mr. Fuller, put the congregation in mind of their duty of
contribution; whereupon the Governor and all the rest went down to the
deacons’ seat, and put into the box, and then returned.” Vol. i. p. 91.
While at Plymouth, Mr. Williams enjoyed favorable opportunities of
intercourse with the Indians, who frequently visited that town. It
appears, too, that he made excursions among them, to learn their manners
and their language, and thus to qualify himself to promote their
welfare. His whole life furnished evidence of the sincerity of his
declaration, in one of his letters, “My soul’s desire was, to do the
natives good.” He became acquainted with Massasoit, or, as he was also
called, Ousamequin, the sachem of the Pokanokets, and father of the
famous Philip. He also formed an intimacy with Canonicus, the
Narraganset sachem. He secured the confidence of these savage chiefs, by
acts of kindness, by presents, and not less, perhaps, by studying their
language. He says, in a letter, written near the close of his life, “God
was pleased to give me a painful, patient spirit, to lodge with them in
their filthy smoky holes, (even while I lived at Plymouth and Salem) to
gain their tongue.”
The effects of this intimacy with the sachems were very important. We
shall see, by his subsequent history, that his success, in purchasing
lands for himself and for the other settlers in Rhode Island, was the
result mainly of his personal influence with the Indians. We discern, in
these preparatory measures, the hand of God, who was designing to employ
Mr. Williams as an instrument in establishing a new colony, and in
preserving New-England from the fury of the savages.
There is reason to believe, that for some time previously to his
banishment, he had conceived the idea of residing among the Indians, and
that in his intercourse with the sachems, some propositions had been
made respecting a cession of land. His strong desire to benefit the
natives was a sufficient inducement; and he had, perhaps, seen such
indications of the state of feeling towards him among the colonists, as
to awaken an apprehension that he would not long be allowed to remain
within their jurisdiction.
Mr. Williams continued about two years at Plymouth. While there, we may
easily believe, he uttered his sentiments on those points which had
occasioned his removal from Salem, as well as on other subjects, in
relation to which his opinions were at variance with those of that age.
They were not acceptable to the principal personages at Plymouth, though
it does not appear that any public expression of disapprobation was made
by the church. His heart was evidently drawn towards Salem, and being
invited to return,[56] to assist Mr. Skelton, whose declining health
unfitted him for his duties, Mr. Williams requested a dismission from
the church at Plymouth. Some of the members were unwilling to be
separated from him, and accompanied him to Salem, after ineffectual
efforts to detain him at Plymouth.[57] But the ruling elder, Mr.
Brewster, prevailed on the church to dismiss him and his adherents. Mr.
Brewster probably disliked his opinions, and feared that he would be
successful in diffusing them at Plymouth. He, therefore, alarmed the
church, by expressing his fears, that Mr. Williams would “run the same
course of rigid separation and anabaptistry, which Mr. John Smith, the
Se-Baptist, at Amsterdam, had done.”[58] Anabaptism was a spectre, which
haunted the imaginations of the early settlers. The word possessed a
mysterious power of inspiring terror and creating odium. It has,
perhaps, been sometimes employed to justify measures, which might else
have wanted the appearance of justice and humanity. It was one of those
terms, which, in the language of the most original writer, perhaps, of
this age—himself liable to the charge of anabaptism[59]—“can be made the
symbol of all that is absurd and execrable, so that the very sound of it
shall irritate the passions of the multitude, as dogs have been taught
to bark, at the name of a neighboring tyrant.”[60]
While Mr. Williams was at Plymouth, his eldest daughter was born there,
in the first week in August, 1633.[61] She was named Mary, after her
mother.