MEMOIR
OF
ROGER WILLIAMS.
[Illustration:
_FAC SIMILE OF THE HANDWRITING_ OF ROGER WILLIAMS.
_Copied from a Document written in 1677._
]
=MEMOIR=
OF
ROGER WILLIAMS,
THE
FOUNDER OF THE STATE
OF
RHODE-ISLAND.
BY JAMES D. KNOWLES,
PROFESSOR OF PASTORAL DUTIES IN THE NEWTON THEOLOGICAL INSTITUTION.
“Roger Williams justly claims the honor of having been the first
legislator in the world, in its latter ages, that fully and effectually
provided for and established a full, free and absolute liberty of
conscience.”
GOVERNOR HOPKINS.
BOSTON:
LINCOLN, EDMANDS AND CO.
1834.
Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1833,
BY JAMES D. KNOWLES,
In the Clerk’s Office of the District Court of Massachusetts.
Lewis & Penniman, Printers.
Bromfield-street.
TO THE
=Citizens of Rhode-Island,=
THIS VOLUME
IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED BY
THE AUTHOR.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
PREFACE.
The citizens of the United States, have sometimes been ridiculed, for an
alleged propensity to please their imaginations with romantic visions
concerning the future glory of their country. They boast, it is said,
not of what the nation has been, nor of what it is, but of what it will
be. The American faculty, it is affirmed, is anticipation, not memory.
If the truth of this charge were admitted, it might be replied, that the
‘proper motion’ of the youthful imagination—in states as well as in
individuals—is towards the future. It springs forward, with buoyant
wing, forgetting the past, and disregarding the present, in the
eagerness of its desire to reach fairer scenes. It is the instinct of
our nature, the irrepressible longing of the immortal soul for something
higher and better. It is never extinguished, though frequent
disappointments abate its ardor, and long experience confirms the
testimony of revelation, that perfect happiness is sought in vain on
earth. In mature age, therefore, reason has corrected the errors of the
imagination, and the old man looks backward to his early years, as the
happiest period of his life, and praises the men and the scenes of his
youthful days, as far surpassing those which he now sees around him.[1]
Most nations are impelled, by the same principle, to recur to some past
epoch in their history, as the period of their greatest glory. There is
little in the prospect of the future to excite their hopes. The
adherents to old institutions dread the progress of that spirit of
innovation, which has already overthrown many of them, and which
threatens speedy ruin to the rest. And the patriot, who is striving to
raise his country to the enjoyment of liberty and happiness, foresees
too many obstacles, too much fierce strife, suffering and bloodshed, to
permit him to contemplate the future without anxiety.
It is the happiness of America, that almost every thing in her condition
invites her to look forward with hope. Her perfect freedom,[2] her rapid
progress, the elastic energy of her national character, the boundless
extent of her territory, her situation, far from the contentions of
European nations, and safe from the dangers both of their friendship and
of their hostility, all awaken and justify the confident hope, that she
is destined to reach a height of prosperity and power, which no other
nation, of ancient or modern times, has attained.
But if Americans were so prone to look forward, that they forgot the
past, it would certainly be a fault, which would deserve rebuke. Bright
as the future may be, the past can present scenes, on which the American
may gaze with pleasure, and from which he should draw lessons of wisdom
and incitements to patriotism. Passing by the prosperous course of our
history, since the adoption of the Constitution; not pausing to
contemplate the formation of that Constitution, though it was one of the
most glorious achievements of wisdom and national virtue; looking beyond
the unparalleled revolution itself; the character and actions of the men
who laid the foundations of this country deserve the careful study, and
must attract the admiration, of every true-hearted American. The
motives, the policy, the personal qualities of the founders; their
fervent piety, their courage and patience, their unwavering constancy,
their calm wisdom, their love of learning, and their thirst for liberty,
entitle those venerable men to the affection and gratitude of every
succeeding generation. Their faults we may now see more clearly than
their contemporaries; but those faults were, for the most part, the
excesses of their virtues, the errors of wise heads and pure hearts,
whose piety sometimes became austere, and whose conscientious love of
truth occasionally betrayed them into intolerance. There is no stain
upon their personal character; and the American may point, with grateful
pleasure, to the bright names of Winslow, Winthrop, Hooker, Penn,
Baltimore, Oglethorpe, and their associates, as among the choicest
treasures of his country.
Among these names, that sense of justice, which eventually triumphs over
temporary prejudice and wrong, has already placed that of ROGER
WILLIAMS. Long misunderstood and misrepresented, he was excluded from
his appropriate place among the chief founders and benefactors of
New-England. The early historians, Morton, Mather, Hubbard, and even
Winthrop, spoke harshly of his character. His principles, both political
and religious, were offensive to the first generations; and it is not
strange, that he was viewed and treated as a fanatical heresiarch in
religion, and a factious disturber of the state.
Later writers have treated his memory with more respect; and we might
quote many honorable testimonies to his principles and his character.
But no extended memoir of his life has ever before been published. It
would not be difficult to assign reasons for this neglect. The want of
materials, and the contradictory accounts of various writers, were
sufficient to deter his friends from the undertaking, and a lingering
prejudice against him prevented others. The attention of some able
writers has, nevertheless, been drawn to the subject. Dr. Belknap
designed to give to the life of Roger Williams a place in his American
Biography, and he made application to several persons in Rhode-Island
for materials, but without success. It was announced, a few years since,
that Robert Southey, Esq. intended to write the life of Mr. Williams. He
probably relinquished the plan, for the same reason. The Rev. Mr.
Greenwood, of Boston, formed the design of preparing a memoir, at the
suggestion, I believe, of Mr. Southey. Mr. Greenwood collected many
valuable materials, but the failure of his health, and other causes,
induced him to abandon the undertaking.[3]
My attention was directed to the subject, in 1829, by hearing the Rev.
Dr. Sharp, of Boston, pronounce, with his usual eloquence and true love
of freedom, a eulogium on the character of Roger Williams. I soon
afterwards suggested to him, that the life of Mr. Williams ought to be
better known. He urged me to undertake the office of biographer, and
many other friends concurred in the request. I consented, having
learned—that Mr. Greenwood had resolved to relinquish the design. I made
an application to him, however, to be informed of his real purposes.
With the most generous politeness, he placed at my disposal all the
materials which he had collected. Among them were between twenty and
thirty unpublished letters, copied from the originals, which were kindly
lent to him by the Hon. Thomas L. Winthrop. These letters form a
valuable part of this volume.
In my further search for information, I soon discovered, that many
persons, well acquainted with our early history, knew very little of
Roger Williams. In the books, I found almost every important fact,
concerning him, stated differently. I was obliged to gather hints from
disconnected documents, and to reconcile contradictory assertions; and
in fine, my labor often resembled that of the miner, who sifts large
masses of sand, to obtain a few particles of gold. I have spared neither
toil nor expense to obtain materials. I have endeavored to make the book
as complete and accurate as possible. It has cost me much time, and a
degree of labor, which no one can estimate, who has not been engaged in
similar investigations.
I have, however, received much aid from several individuals. Besides Mr.
Greenwood, my thanks are especially due to the venerable Nestor of
Providence, Moses Brown, and to John Howland, Esq. Other gentlemen are
entitled to my gratitude, whom it would give me pleasure to name. I
have, too, derived great assistance from several books. Among these I
ought to mention Mr. Backus’ History, from which I have copied a number
of valuable documents, and gathered important information. Mr. Savage’s
admirable edition of Winthrop’s Journal has been my chief guide, in
narrating the early events of Mr. Williams’ history, after his arrival
in this country. From the valuable Annals of Dr. Holmes, and from the
Library and the Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, I
have derived important aid.
I have strongly felt the want of a history of Rhode-Island. I have been
obliged to relate many historical facts, which I have collected, in
various ways, at the hazard of mistake and deficiency. It has been
somewhat mortifying to me, as a native of Rhode-Island, to be obliged to
rely on the writers of Massachusetts and Plymouth, for facts concerning
the history of Rhode-Island, which could not, otherwise, be ascertained.
While all the other New-England States, and indeed most of the States of
the Union, have histories, it is hoped that Rhode-Island will not much
longer be content to bear the reproach, of being indebted to other
States for her knowledge of her own history. I am glad to learn, that
the papers of the late Theodore Foster, Esq. are now in the possession
of the Rhode-Island Historical Society. I hope that the Society will
immediately appoint some competent person to prepare a history of the
State. The Legislature ought to aid in procuring the requisite documents
from England, and in defraying other necessary expenses. The State has
no reason to be ashamed of her history. She owes it to herself to record
it truly.
The want of such a history has induced me to insert in this volume
several documents which cannot readily be found. I am not aware of any
Rhode-Island publication, except a file of newspapers, in which a copy
of the first charter is contained. The second charter is not easily to
be procured. Very few, probably, of the citizens possess a copy.
It may, indeed, be objected to this book, that it is encumbered with
documents. But I have desired to furnish the reader with the means of
forming an acquaintance with Mr. Williams, by a perusal of his own
letters, and other writings. These are never common-place. They are all
marked with the impress of his character. The numerous authorities have
been added, in order that if I have committed mistakes, the reader might
have the means of correcting them. It would be strange, if, amid so much
contradiction and confusion, I have fallen into no errors. I can only
say, that I have anxiously labored to learn the truth; and I shall be
thankful for any suggestions, which may tend to make the book more
accurate and useful.
A few of the notes are marked “G.” They were appended by Mr. Greenwood
to the documents which he loaned to me, and I have taken the liberty to
copy them, as valuable illustrations.
Roger Williams lived in an eventful period, and a memoir of him must
contain many references to contemporary personages and events. I have
endeavored, to speak of these with candor and kindness. The character
and actions of the Pilgrim fathers have necessarily come under review. I
have been obliged, occasionally, to censure; but it has been a source of
pleasure, that the more I investigated their actions, the more deep and
sincere was my veneration for those excellent men. It is due to them to
point out those errors in their conduct, which they, were they now
living, would lament and condemn.
The position in which this country is placed, as the great exemplar of
civil and religious liberty, makes it inexpressibly important, that the
true principles on which this liberty rests, should be thoroughly
understood. A responsibility lies on the citizens of this country, which
no other nation ever sustained. Here it is to be demonstrated, that man
can govern himself, and that religion can walk abroad in her own dignity
and unsullied loveliness, as the messenger of God, armed with his
authority, and wielding his omnipotence; that she can speak to the
hearts of men with a voice of power, which owes no part of its emphasis
to the force of human laws; that she, instead of leaning on the arm of
the magistrate for support, can enter the halls of legislation, the
cabinets of rulers, and the courts of justice, to spread out her laws,
and proclaim her eternal sanctions. If civil liberty fail here, or if
religion be overwhelmed with error or worldliness, the great cause of
human happiness will suffer a disastrous check. It is believed, that a
better knowledge of the principles of Roger Williams will have a
salutary tendency, and that the publication of a memoir of his life is
opportune, at this crisis, when, both in America and in Europe, the
public mind is strongly agitated by questions which affect both the
civil and the religious rights of men. If this book shall contribute, in
the slightest degree, to the promotion of truth and freedom, I shall
rejoice, and praise Him, who has restored my health, and given me
leisure to finish the work.
A word or two of explanation, on certain points, may be necessary. In
the quotations from old documents, I have altered the orthography
conformably to present usage. One reason for this course was, that
scarcely any writer was consistent with himself, especially in relation
to proper names. There is, too, nothing in orthography to mark the style
of a particular writer, and it may, consequently, be altered, without
affecting the idiomatic peculiarities of his composition, while the book
is freed from the uncouth forms of words spelled according to antiquated
fashions.
The Indian names have been reduced to a uniform orthography, agreeably
to what was believed to be the best form. They are spelled, in a most
perplexing variety of ways, by different authors. Roger Williams himself
sometimes spelled the same name differently in the same document.
I have endeavored to arrange the dates according to the old style. Many
mistakes have been committed, by various authors, from a neglect of this
point. Before 1752, the year was computed to commence on the 25th of
March, which was, accordingly, reckoned as the first month, and January
and February were the eleventh, and twelfth. Dates between the 1st of
January and the 25th of March, are usually, in this book, marked with
both years. Thus the time of Mr. Williams’ arrival in America was the
5th of February, 1630–1.
No portrait of Roger Williams, it is believed, is in existence. As the
best substitute, a fac-simile of his hand writing has been engraved, and
prefixed to this volume. It was copied from a document, kindly furnished
by Moses Brown.
Ill health, and various other causes, have delayed the work. Further
search might, perhaps, detect additional materials; but my official
duties, and other reasons, forbid a longer delay. It is now respectfully
commended to the favor of the public; and above all, to the blessing of
Him, without whose smile human approbation would be vain. I cannot, and,
indeed, ought not to, be without some solicitude respecting the
reception of a work, on which I have expended so much time and labor,
cheered by the hope, that it would serve the cause of human happiness. I
am well aware, that it is defective in several points; but it has not
been in my power to make it more complete. I can easily anticipate
objections, which will arise in some minds. One of these, it is
probable, will be, that I have spoken too freely of the faults of
Christians and ministers; that I have unveiled scenes of intolerance and
persecution, which the enemies of religion may view with malicious joy.
But my reply is, that I have not alluded to such topics, except where my
main theme compelled me to speak of them. I trust, that what I have said
is true, and uttered in a respectful and kind spirit. We must not, in
order to promote or defend religion, attempt to conceal events which
history has already recorded, and much less to palliate conduct, which
we cannot justify. Let us, rather, confess, with frankness and humility,
our own faults, and those of our fathers; learn wisdom from past errors;
and bring ourselves and others, as speedily as possible, to the adoption
of those pure principles, by which alone Christianity can be sustained
and diffused. The book of God records, among its salutary lessons, the
mistakes and sins of good men. I have believed, that the wrong and
mischievous tendency of intolerance could not be more forcibly
exhibited, than in the conduct of our fathers. All men concede to them
sincere piety, pure lives and conscientious uprightness of purpose. How
pernicious, then, must be a principle, which could so bias the minds of
such men, as to impel them to oppress, banish or put to death their
fellow Christians! How dangerous the principle, if, in such hands, its
operation was so terrible! We need not wonder that, under the direction
of bigotry, ambition, cupidity and despotism, it produced the horrors of
St. Bartholomew’s, and the atrocities of Smithfield. The experience of
New-England has proved, that the best men cannot be trusted with power
over the conscience; and that this power must be wrested from the hands
of all men, and committed to Him who alone is competent to wield it.
This volume is dedicated to the defence of religious liberty, both by an
exposition of the principles of Roger Williams, and by a display of the
evils of intolerance. If it shall thus aid in hastening the universal
triumph of pure and undefiled religion; my strongest desire will be
accomplished.
_Newton, December 12, 1833._
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Page
Early life of Mr. Williams—state of religious affairs in
England—Mr. Williams embarks for America, 21
CHAPTER II.
Historical sketch—view of the condition of the country, at the
time of Mr. Williams’ arrival, 33
CHAPTER III.
Mr. Williams refuses to unite with the Boston church—is invited to
Salem—interference of the General Court—removes to Plymouth—the
Indians—difficulties at Plymouth—birth of Mr. Williams’ eldest
child, 45
CHAPTER IV.
Returns to Salem—ministers’ meetings—Court again interferes—the
rights of the Indians—his book against the patent—wearing of
veils—controversy about the cross in the colors, 55
CHAPTER V.
Proceedings which led to his banishment—freeman’s oath—various
charges against him—sentence—birth of his second child—leaves
Salem for Narraganset Bay—review of the causes of his
banishment, 64
CHAPTER VI.
Numbers, condition, language, rights, &c. of the Indians in New
England, 82
CHAPTER VII.
Mr. Williams proceeds to Seekonk—crosses the river, and founds the
town of Providence, 100
CHAPTER VIII.
Purchase of lands from the Indians—division of the lands among the
settlers, 106
CHAPTER IX.
Settlement of the town of Providence—Whatcheer—islands of
Prudence, Patience, and Hope, 118
CHAPTER X.
Mr. Williams prevents the Indian league—war with the Pequods—their
defeat and ruin, 125
CHAPTER XI.
Settlement on Rhode-Island commenced—Mrs. Hutchinson—settlement at
Pawtuxet, 138
CHAPTER XII.
Condition of Providence—execution of three murderers of an
Indian—birth of Mr. Williams’ eldest son, 148
CHAPTER XIII.
Baptism of Mr. Williams—establishment of the first Baptist church
in Providence—Mr. Williams soon leaves the church, 162
CHAPTER XIV.
Affairs of the Indians—birth of Mr. Williams’ fourth
child—disputes at Providence about boundaries—Committee of
Arbitration—account of Samuel Gorton, 179
CHAPTER XV.
Birth of Mr. Williams’ second son—league of the colonies—war
between the Narragansets and Mohegans—capture and death of
Miantinomo—Mr. Williams embarks for England, 190
CHAPTER XVI.
Mr. Williams’ first visit to England—Key to the Indian
languages—charter—birth of Mr. Williams’ youngest child—Bloody
Tenet—he returns to America—reception at Boston and
Providence—again aids in preventing an Indian war, 196
CHAPTER XVII.
Letters to John Winthrop—organization of the government—vote of
money to Mr. Williams—agreement of several inhabitants of
Providence—dissensions—Indian troubles, 206
CHAPTER XVIII.
Mr. Coddington—letters to John Winthrop—execution of Charles I., 227
CHAPTER XIX.
Warwick—Mr. Williams’ compensation—imprisonment of John Clarke and
Obadiah Holmes—Mr. Coddington’s separate charter—Mr. Williams
and Mr. Clarke prepare to go to England, 238
CHAPTER XX.
Mr. Williams and Mr. Clarke sail—Mr. Coddington’s charter
vacated—troubles in Rhode-Island—Mr. Williams returns—Sir Henry
Vane—Milton—Mr. Williams endeavors to re-establish
order—Indians—letter on religious and civil liberty, 252
CHAPTER XXI.
Troubles in Rhode-Island—William Harris—Quakers—severe laws
against them in other colonies—conduct of Rhode-Island—Mr.
Williams and Mr. Harris—Mr. Williams not re-elected as
President, 281
CHAPTER XXII.
Death of Cromwell—his character—Richard Cromwell
succeeds—restoration of Charles II.—Act of Uniformity, and
ejection of the Non-conformists—affairs in Rhode-Island—Indian
deed—letters to Mr. Winthrop, 300
CHAPTER XXIII.
Infant baptism—half-way covenant—laws to support religion—charter
from Charles II.—first meeting of Assembly—Mr.
Clarke—difficulties about boundaries—charges against
Rhode-Island, concerning Catholics and Quakers, 315
CHAPTER XXIV.
Mr. Williams’ public services—religious habits—efforts as a
minister—Indians—private affairs—letter to John Whipple, 326
CHAPTER XXV.
Controversy with the Quakers—Philip’s war—letters—Mr. Williams’
death, 336
CHAPTER XXVI.
Mr. Williams’ writings—Key—Bloody Tenet—liberty of conscience—Mr.
Cotton’s Reply—Mr. Williams’ Rejoinder, 356
CHAPTER XXVII.
Hireling Ministry none of Christ’s—the ministry—controversy with
George Fox—other writings—character as a writer—his general
character, 376
APPENDIX, 391
MEMOIR.
CHAPTER I.
Early life of Mr. Williams—State of religious affairs in England—Mr.
Williams embarks for America.
The obvious analogy between human life and a river has supplied the poet
with similes, and the moralist with arguments. The resemblance of the
two objects is, in this point, at least, worthy of notice, that their
origin awakens the curiosity of every reflective mind. This feeling has
impelled many travellers to a perilous search for the sources of the
Niger and the Nile; and it made Lewis and his associates look, with
triumphant joy, on the little rill, at the summit of the Rocky
Mountains, which flows on, and expands into the mighty Missouri.
We feel a similar desire, when we survey the actions of a distinguished
individual, to learn the incidents of his youth. The mind is perplexed
and dissatisfied, if such a personage has suddenly appeared, like Manco
Capac to the Peruvians, as if he had indeed alighted on the earth from
the sun, or risen, like the fabled Venus, from the ocean.
This curiosity has valuable uses. The instruction which is gathered from
the lives of men is drawn, in great part, from a view of the steps, by
which they advanced to their subsequent elevation in virtue and
usefulness, or to a bad eminence in crime. The character of most men is
formed early, and we can scarcely pronounce a fair judgment respecting
any individual, unless we take into the account the circumstances, which
shed a propitious or malignant influence on those early years, when his
habits were fixed, and his principles imbibed.
It is a subject of regret, that of the early life of ROGER WILLIAMS so
little is known. A few facts only have been preserved, and these do not
rest on very certain evidence. It is remarkable, that in his numerous
writings, there are no allusions to his parents, to the place of his
birth and education, and to other points relating to his early years.
There are, in his letters and books, but two or three incidental
references to events anterior to his arrival in this country; though his
allusions to early occurrences after his emigration are very frequent.
He was about 32 years of age when he reached our shores; a period of
life, when the energy of youth remains without its rashness, and the
mind has acquired steadiness, without the timid caution and fixed
pertinacity of old age. It is a period, however, when the character of
most men is already formed. Though new situations and difficult
exigencies may develope unexpected powers, and give prominence to
certain traits of character, yet the mind commonly remains unchanged in
its essential qualities. It was long since said by Horace, that those
who cross the ocean pass under a new sky, but do not acquire a new
disposition.[4] This was probably true of Mr. Williams; and if we could
trace his early history, we should undoubtedly see an exhibition of the
same principles and temper which distinguished his subsequent career.
It may, however, be said of most of the prominent men among the first
settlers of New England, that their history begins at the period of
their arrival here. Our accounts of their early lives are very brief.
They were too busy to record their own early fortunes, and too pious to
feel any pride in displaying their descent, their virtues, or their
sufferings. The present and the future filled their minds; and they seem
to have felt, that the wide ocean which separated them from the land of
their fathers had effected a similar disjunction of their history. Of
Roger Williams less is known than of some others, because no efforts
were made by early biographers to collect facts concerning him. His
opponents were more disposed to obliterate his name, than to record his
life. His contemporary friends were sharers in his sufferings, and were
not at leisure to relate his story or their own. Even the records of the
church which he founded at Providence contain no notice of him, written
earlier than 1775, when the Rev. John Stanford, a venerable minister,
still living in New-York, collected the fugitive traditions concerning
the origin of the church.
These traditions state that Mr. Williams was born in Wales, in 1599.[5]
The place of his birth, and the character of his parents, are not known.
We may easily believe that he was a native of Wales. He possessed the
Welch temperament—excitable and ardent feelings, generosity, courage,
and firmness, which sometimes, perhaps, had a touch of obstinacy. It has
been supposed, that he was a relative of Oliver Cromwell, one of whose
ancestors was named Williams.[6] This conjecture has not a very solid
basis. Roger Williams does not claim, in his writings, any kindred to
the formidable Protector, though he repeatedly alludes to his intimacy
with him, and once speaks of a “close conference with Oliver,” on the
subject of Popery, which they both abhorred and feared. It appears, from
a remark in one of his books, that he became pious in early life. “The
truth is, from my childhood, now above threescore years, the Father of
lights and mercies touched my soul with a love to himself, to his only
begotten, the true Lord Jesus, to his holy Scriptures,” &c.[7]
That his parents were in humble life, and that his disposition was pious
and thoughtful, may be inferred from an incident which is related
concerning him, and which, if true, had a great share in determining his
future course. It is said, that the famous lawyer, Sir Edward Coke,
observed him, one day, during public worship, taking notes of the
discourse. His curiosity was excited, and he requested the boy to show
him his notes. Sir Edward was so favorably impressed by the evidences of
talent which these exhibited, that he requested the parents of young
Williams to intrust their son to his care. He placed him, as the
tradition runs, at the University of Oxford,[8] where he drank deeply at
the fountains of learning. His writings testify, that his education was
liberal, according to the taste of those times, when logic and the
classics formed the chief objects of study at the universities.
He afterwards commenced the study of the law, at the desire and under
the guidance of his generous patron, who would naturally wish to train
his pupil to the honorable and useful profession which he himself
adorned. The providence of God may be seen in thus leading the mind of
Mr. Williams to that acquaintance with the principles of law and
government, which qualified him for his duties as legislator of his
little colony.
But he probably soon found that the study of the law was not congenial
with his taste. Theology possessed more attractions to a mind and heart
like his. To this divine science he directed his attention, and received
Episcopal orders. It is stated, that he assumed, while in England, the
charge of a parish; that his preaching was highly esteemed, and his
private character revered.[9]
We have thus recited the traditions which have been current in Rhode
Island. There is undoubtedly some truth in them, though the story is a
little romantic, and may have received some embellishment in its
progress.
Roger Williams entered on public life at an eventful period, when the
national mind was strongly agitated by those political and religious
causes, which had been slowly operating for many years, and which soon
subverted the throne and the Episcopal Church. At these causes we can do
no more than glance.
The Reformation, in England, commenced as far back as the latter part of
the fourteenth century, when Wickliffe taught the pure doctrines of the
Scriptures, and kindled a great light for the guidance of the people in
the path to Heaven, by translating the Scriptures, for the first time,
into the English language. He was, of course, denounced and persecuted
by the Catholic Church, but his doctrines spread, and though many of his
followers were put to death, and the utmost cruelty was practised, in
various ways, to hinder the progress of the truth, yet the principles of
the Reformation were extensively diffused in England, before Luther and
his fellow laborers commenced their glorious ministry. But no public
blow was given to the papal power in England, till Henry VIII. finding
the authority of the Pope an obstacle to his favorite project of
repudiating his wife Catharine and marrying Anne Boleyn, renounced, in
1534, his political allegiance to his Holiness.[10] The King was
created, by act of Parliament, the Head of the Church, and the powers
which had previously been claimed and exercised by the Pope, were
transferred to the King. But, while the papal authority was rejected,
the doctrines of Popery were not discarded. The King was a strenuous
believer in transubstantiation, purgatory, sprinkling of holy water,
invocation of saints, and other doctrines and rites of the Catholic
Church. He exacted as implicit a submission to his will as the Pope
himself. Indeed, little more was yet gained, than the substitution of a
Pope in England for a Pope in Rome. Henry was of a temper too despotic
to permit him to be a friend of the Protestant religion. To a monarch of
arbitrary principles, the spirit of Popery is more congenial than that
of the Protestant faith. The Catholic system requires an unconditional
submission to the authority of man. The first principle of Protestantism
is implicit obedience to God alone. The decisions of Councils and the
commands of the Pope bind the Catholic; the will of God, as it is
uttered in the Holy Scriptures, is the only rule of faith and practice
to the true Protestant.
After the death of Henry, his son, Edward VI. ascended the throne. He
was a religious Prince, and a zealous friend of the Reformation. The
Church of England was purified from many corruptions during his reign, a
liturgy was compiled, and the Protestant religion made a rapid progress
in the nation. But some relics of Popery were still retained, and among
others, the vestments of the clergy. It was deemed indispensable, that
the priests should wear the square cap, the surplice, the cope, the
tippet, and other articles of apparel, which were in use among the
Popish clergy. Some excellent ministers refused to wear these garments,
on the ground that they were associated in the public mind with Popery;
were regarded by many of the people with superstitious reverence, and
ought, consequently, to be rejected with the other corruptions from
which the church had purged herself. It was, unquestionably, very unwise
to retain an appendage of the old system, which tended to remind the
people of the discarded religion, to irritate the minds of its enemies,
while it nourished the attachment to it which some persons secretly
retained, and to suggest the obvious conclusion, that as the ministers
of the new religion resembled so nearly those of the old, the difference
between the two systems was very small. The effect of wearing the popish
garments was so manifestly injurious to the progress of truth, that the
refusal to wear them was not a trivial scruple of conscience, as it may,
at first sight, appear. But the attempt to enforce the use of them, by
severe penalties, and by expulsion from office, was unjust; and it led
to a final separation of the Protestants themselves into Conformists and
Non-Conformists.
After Edward’s death, and the accession of Mary, Popery was restored,
and scenes of barbarous cruelty and bloody persecution ensued, which
have made the name of this Queen infamous. Many hundreds of the
Protestants perished at the stake, or in prison, and multitudes fled to
Germany, Switzerland, and other countries.
The reign of this fierce bigot was happily short, and Elizabeth
succeeded her. The Protestant religion was re-established, and during
her long reign it gained an ascendancy which it has never since lost.
Yet Elizabeth possessed the despotic temper of her father. She had a
fondness for some of the gaudy rites of Popery.[11] She peremptorily
insisted on the use of the clerical vestments, and on a strict
conformity to all the other ceremonies of the church. The final
separation of the Non-Conformists from the Church of England was thus
hastened. Those who had fled from England during the reign of Mary,
returned, on the accession of Elizabeth, bringing with them an
attachment to the purer rites of the Reformed Churches in Holland,
Switzerland and France. Most of these exiles, and of the other
Non-Conformists, were, nevertheless, willing to subscribe to the
doctrines of the Church of England, and to use the liturgy, if they
might be permitted to omit the vestments, the sign of the cross in
baptism, and some other ceremonies. They disliked the pretensions of the
Bishops, and many of them preferred the Presbyterian or Independent form
of Church government. There were, too, some minor points in the liturgy,
to which they objected. But had they been treated with Christian
kindness, and allowed, in the spirit of mutual forbearance and charity,
to neglect those forms, which they considered as sinful or inexpedient,
they would, for the most part, have remained in the Episcopal Church,
and England would have been spared the manifold crimes and miseries,
which issued in a civil war, and drenched her soil with the blood of her
King, and of thousands of her bravest sons.
But the principles of religious liberty were then unknown. The Queen,
though for a while she treated the Non-Conformists with indulgence, till
her power was fully established, soon announced to them her sovereign
pleasure, that they should submit to all the ceremonies of the church.
Severe laws were passed by an obsequious Parliament, and enforced, with
ready zeal, by servile Bishops. Every minister who refused to conform to
all the prescribed ceremonies was liable to be deprived of his office;
and a large number of the ablest ministers in the nation were thus
expelled and silenced.[12] In order to enforce the laws with the utmost
rigor, a new tribunal was erected, called the Court of High Commission,
consisting of Commissioners, appointed by the Queen. This Court was
invested with power to arrest ministers in any part of the kingdom, to
deprive them of their livings, and to fine or imprison them at the
pleasure of the Court. “Instead of producing witnesses in open court, to
prove the charges, they assumed a power of administering an oath _ex
officio_, whereby the prisoner was obliged to answer all questions the
Court should put to him, though never so prejudicial to his own defence.
If he refused to swear, he was imprisoned for contempt; and if he took
the oath, he was convicted upon his own confession.”[13] By this
Protestant Inquisition, and by other means, one fourth of the preachers
in England are said to have been under suspension. Numerous parishes
were destitute of preachers, and so many were filled by illiterate and
profligate men, that not one beneficed clergyman in six was capable of
composing a sermon.[14] Thus were learned and pious ministers oppressed,
merely for their conscientious scruples about a few ceremonies, their
families were ruined, the people were deprived of faithful teachers, the
progress of truth was hindered, the papists were gratified, and a state
of irritation was produced in the public mind, which led, in a
succeeding reign, to the disastrous issue of a bloody civil war.
Nor was the edge of this intolerance turned against the clergy alone.
The people were rigorously required to attend regularly at the parish
churches.
Measures like these gradually alienated the affections of many from the
Established Church, and convinced them, that there was no prospect of
obtaining toleration, or of effecting a further reform in the church.
They accordingly separated from it, and established meetings, where the
ceremonies were not practised. These Non-Conformists were called
Puritans, a term of reproach derived from the Cathari, or Puritans, of
the third century after Christ. The term, however, was not
inappropriate, as it intimated their desire of a purer form of worship
and discipline in the church. It was afterwards applied to them on
account of the purity of their morals, and the Calvinistic cast of their
doctrines.
This separation occurred in the year 1566. The storm of royal and
ecclesiastical wrath now beat the more fiercely on the heads of the
Puritans. The history of England, for the succeeding century, is a
deplorable narrative of oppression, bloodshed and indescribable misery,
inflicted on men and women, of deep piety and pure lives, but guilty of
claiming the rights of conscience, and choosing to worship God with
different forms from those which the National Church prescribed. No man,
of right feelings, can read Neal’s History of the Puritans, without
sorrow and indignation. Every man ought to read it, if he would
understand the reasons why the founders of this country left their
native land, to seek an asylum in the wilderness, and if he would
rightly estimate the great principles of religious liberty which Roger
Williams maintained and defended.
The accession of James I. excited the hopes of the Puritans. He had been
educated in the principles of the Reformation, and had stigmatized the
service of the Church of England as “an evil said mass in English.”[15]
He had promised, that he would maintain the principles of the Church of
Scotland while he lived. But he changed his principles or his policy,
after he ascended the throne of England. He then announced the true
royal creed, _No Bishops, no King_. He treated the Puritans with
contempt and rigor, declaring that they were a sect “unable to be
suffered in any well-governed commonwealth.”[16] Many of the Puritans,
finding their situation intolerable at home, left the kingdom for the
continent, or turned their eyes to America for a refuge from
persecution.
In the midst of these scenes, Roger Williams was born and educated. His
character impelled him to the side of the Puritans. His political
principles were then, it is probable, as they were throughout his
subsequent life, very liberal; and were entirely repugnant to the
doctrines which were then upheld by the court and the dignitaries of the
church. James was an obstinate and arbitrary monarch, who inflexibly
maintained, in theory and often in practice, those despotic principles,
which led his son to the scaffold, and expelled James II. from the
throne. A mind, like that of Williams, strong, searching and fearless,
would naturally be opposed to the pretensions and policy of the
King.[17] His patron, Sir Edward Coke, incurred the resentment of James,
for his free principles, and his bold vindication of the rights of the
people. Charles I. was, if possible, more arbitrary than his father, and
more disposed to trample on the constitution, and on the rights of the
people.
The tyranny exercised by the Bishops, the severe persecution of the
Puritans, and the arrogant demand of absolute submission to the National
Church, were still more offensive to a man like Mr. Williams. His
principles, as he afterwards expounded them, by his life and in his
writings, claimed for all men a perfect liberty of conscience, in
reference to religion. Such principles, allied to a bold spirit, must
have brought him into notice at such a crisis, and must have attracted
upon his head the storm of persecution. Cotton, Hooker, and many other
ministers, were silenced. In such times, Mr. Williams could not escape.
If he was indeed admitted to a living, it must have been through the
indulgence of some mild Prelate, or by the influence of some powerful
patron. If Cotton and Hooker were not spared, Williams could not be
suffered to preach, for his refusal to conform seems to have been more
decided than theirs.[18]
The same motives, without doubt, which induced others to forsake their
native land for America, operated on the mind of Mr. Williams. On the
1st of December, 1630, he embarked at Bristol, in the ship Lyon, Captain
William Peirce. His wife accompanied him, a lady, of whose previous
history we are more ignorant than of his own.[19] There is, however,
satisfactory evidence, in her subsequent life, of her virtues as a wife
and a mother. We cannot doubt, that she was of a kindred spirit with her
husband, whose fortunes, both adverse and prosperous, she shared for
half a century.