In 1897 the menace of war hung heavy above America. Spain’s barbarous
rule in Cuba had stirred the American conscience. It became plain that
it was the duty of America to become the protector of the sunny island
that cried out to it for deliverance from the oppression of the Old
World power.
Cuba, under Spain’s management, was a pest hole of yellow fever.
Her government was vile and corrupt. The Spanish rulers crushed
remonstrances with blood and iron.
A new American navy was then being built. Before it began, Roosevelt
himself said, America was not in a position to fight Spain or anyone
else. Timidly and haltingly, contrasting strongly with America’s
present-day naval programme, the work had been begun by the country.
The need was felt for a man of energetic character, modern methods and
foresight to put the fleet in condition for war. Roosevelt’s work as
Police Commissioner had made him famous throughout the country, and the
nation met with hearty approval President McKinley’s appointment of
him as Assistant Secretary of the Navy.
It was Senator H. C. Lodge, of Massachusetts, a long and close friend
of Roosevelt, who worked hardest for his appointment. Fifteen years
before, Roosevelt had written “The History of the Naval War of 1812,”
and since that time had taken a deep interest in the navy.
He was a strong opponent of that class of impractical men typified by a
Senator who, in answer to a question as to what we would do if we were
suddenly attacked by a foreign power, replied:
“We would build a battleship in every creek.”
Roosevelt, in his autobiography, thus describes how gingerly the
American people went about the work of building the ships that later
won the battle of Santiago Bay:
“We built some modern cruisers to start with, the people who felt
that battleships were wicked compromising with their misguided
consciences by saying that the cruisers could be used ‘to protect our
commerce’--which they could not be, unless they had battleships to back
them.
“Then we attempted to build more powerful fighting vessels, and as
there was a section of the public which regarded battleships as
possessing a name immorally suggestive of violence, we compromised by
calling the new ships armored cruisers, and making them combine with
exquisite nicety all the defects and none of the virtues of both types.
Then we got to the point of building battleships.
“But there still remained a public opinion as old as the time of
Jefferson which thought that in the event of war all our problem ought
to be one of coast defence; that we should do nothing except repel
attack; an attitude about as sensible as that of a prizefighter who
expected to win by merely parrying instead of hitting.
“To meet the susceptibilities of this large class of well-meaning
people we provided for the battleships under the name of ‘coast
defence battleships,’ meaning thereby that we did not make them quite
as seaworthy as they ought to have been, or with quite as much coal
capacity as they ought to have had. Then we decided to build real
battleships.
“But there still remained a lingering remnant of public opinion that
clung to the coast defence theory, and we met this in beautiful fashion
by providing for ‘seagoing coast defence battleships,’ the fact that
the name was a contradiction in terms being of very small consequence
as compared to the fact that we did thereby get real battleships.
“Our men had to be trained to handle the ships singly and in fleet
formation, and they had to be trained to use the new weapons of
precision with which the ships were armed.
“Not a few of the older officers, kept in the service under our foolish
rule of pure seniority promotion, were not competent for the task; but
a proportion of the older officers were excellent, and this was true of
almost all the younger officers.
“They were naturally first-class men, trained in the admirable naval
school at Annapolis. They were overjoyed that at last they were given
proper instruments to work with, and they speedily grew to handle their
ships individually in the best fashion. They were fast learning to
handle them in squadron and fleet formation; but when war with Spain
broke out they had as yet hardly grasped the principles of modern
scientific naval gunnery.”
While bearing the title of Assistant to Secretary of the Navy John
D. Long, Roosevelt’s work was soon felt in every department of the
navy. He found out that many evils had grown up that would seriously
handicap the department if suddenly brought face to face with the
problem of preparing for war. He therefore began a thorough overhauling
of the various bureaus, cutting red tape in every direction. The list
of merchant vessels that could be drafted for an auxiliary navy was
incomplete and full of errors. This he revised.
Meanwhile the good offices extended by the United States to bring about
peace between Spain and the Cubans who had rebelled against her tyranny
were refused by Spain. She even refused to consider selling Cuba to the
United States. The natives cried to the United States for help.
The commercial interests of our country in Cuba also required
protection. Public opinion began to demand armed intervention.
President McKinley, a man wholly inclined to peace, hesitated.
Roosevelt, however, had become convinced that the interests of humanity
required a declaration of war against Spain. He felt that Spain should
be made to withdraw from American soil. He cited the Monroe Doctrine as
one of his chief reasons.
Francis E. Leupp, in his book “The Man Roosevelt,” thus describes
Roosevelt’s attitude at this time:
“One Sunday morning in March, 1898, we were sitting in his library
discussing the significance of the news that Cervera’s squadron was
about to sail for Cuba, when he suddenly rose and brought his hands
together with a resounding clap.
“‘If I could do what I pleased,’ he exclaimed, ‘I would send Spain
notice today that we should consider her dispatch of that squadron a
hostile act. Then, if she didn’t heed the warning, she would have to
take the consequences.’
“‘You are sure,’ I asked, ‘that it is with unfriendly intent that she
is sending the squadron?’
“‘What else can it be? The Cubans have no navy; therefore the squadron
cannot be coming to fight the insurgents. The only naval power
interested in Cuban affairs is the United States. Spain is simply
forestalling the “brush” which she knows, as we do, is coming sooner or
later.’
“‘And if she refused to withdraw the orders to Cervera’--
“‘I should send out a squadron to meet his on the high seas and smash
it! Then I would force the fighting from that day to the end of the
war.’”
The President’s Cabinet was divided in its opinion. The President
himself, surrounded by men of different views, remained in a quandary.
One day the President learned that Roosevelt had stated what course he
would pursue. McKinley sent for Roosevelt and heard his plans.
Later in the day, at a Cabinet meeting, McKinley remarked:
“Gentlemen, not one of you have put half so much enthusiasm into your
expressions as Mr. Roosevelt, our Assistant Secretary of the Navy. He
has mapped out a programme for the impending war!”
“Let’s ask him to explain it!” one of the secretaries said, rather
jocosely.
McKinley sent for Roosevelt and asked him some leading questions.
Roosevelt urged that Spain be warned that she must take the
consequences if the fleet came to our waters. McKinley remarked that,
as the country was still at peace with Spain, to interfere with her
fleet would be an act of war. Roosevelt replied that Spain should be
made to understand that the sending of her fleet to America would be
considered by us an act of war. Roosevelt then launched upon his war
plan. With characteristic gestures and expressions he set forth what
he would do to Spain if she did not consent to the just demands of the
United States.
The members of the Cabinet complimented him, patted him on the back,
and, as he bowed himself out, wondered whether this was just a radical
young enthusiast or indeed a born leader. Some of them afterward
told of the scene in the Cabinet chamber, and the tale was gossiped
throughout official circles as a good joke on Roosevelt.
Meanwhile, with the care of the fleet resting largely on his shoulders,
Roosevelt toiled to secure from Congress appropriations that would put
it in first-class fighting condition.
Interesting, in view of our modern naval appropriations, is
the following incident in Roosevelt’s battles to secure naval
appropriations:
On one occasion he asked for $500,000 for the purpose of buying
ammunition. Congress gave it to him. A few months later he asked for
$800,000 more. Congress asked what had become of the first $500,000.
“We spent it for powder and guns used in target practice,” said
Roosevelt.
“What will you do with this $800,000?” a Congressman queried.
“Spend it in the same way,” Roosevelt promptly replied.
He got the money.
In addition to improving the marksmanship of the navy Roosevelt also
took many other important steps in preparation for war. Feeling that
the United States must soon land troops in Cuba, he bought and equipped
transports. He found jealousy existing between regular officers and
engineer officers, and worked hard to remove this. He formed the United
States warships stationed on the Atlantic into one squadron and drilled
them so that they could act in concert if war came. He selected depots
for fuel, provisions and munitions.
When Admiral Dewey found coal and ammunition at Hong Kong at the
outbreak of the war, and was thus enabled to reach Manila a week ahead
of his time, it was due to the foresight and energy of Roosevelt that
this was accomplished.
There were profiteers in those days, too. Roosevelt, in buying ships to
carry naval supplies, found himself forced to do business with them.
Ships were scarce, and sometimes those available were offered by their
owners at exorbitant prices. Here is the way Leupp heard Roosevelt
handle a lawyer who was representing one of these extortionate firms:
“Don’t you feel ashamed to come to me today with another offer after
what you did yesterday? Don’t you think that to sell one rotten ship
to the government is enough for a single week? Are you in such a hurry
that you couldn’t wait even over Sunday to force your damaged goods
upon the United States? Is it an excess of patriotism that brings
you here day after day in this way or only your realization of our
necessities?”
“Why our clients”----began the lawyer.
“Yes, I know all about your clients,” burst in the Assistant Secretary.
“I congratulate them on having an attorney who will do work for
them which he wouldn’t have the face to do for himself. I should
think, after having enjoyed the honors you have at the hands of the
government, you’d feel a keen pride in your present occupation! No, I
don’t want any more of your old tubs. The one I bought yesterday is
good for nothing except to sink somewhere in the path of the enemy’s
fleet. It will be God’s mercy if she doesn’t go down with brave men on
her--men who go to war and risk their lives, instead of staying home to
sell rotten hulks to the government!”
Finally war came. The battleship Maine on February 15, 1898, was blown
up in Havana Harbor and 260 American sailors were killed.
Afterward a court of inquiry met to determine what had caused the
explosion. The jury disagreed. Be that as it may, the spark had been
applied to the powder magazine. America was in a convulsion--its voice
was for war.
On April 20 President McKinley declared war on Spain.