CHAPTER VII

BALLIOL AND LINCOLN

When the Oxford historian of the future comes across the name and

influence of Benjamin Jowett, the famous Master of Balliol, and Greek

professor, in the mid-current of the nineteenth century, he will not be

without full means of finding out what made that slight figure (whereof

he will be able to study the outward and visible presence in some

excellent portraits, and in many caricatures) so significant and so

representative. The _Life_ of the Master, by Evelyn Abbott and Lewis

Campbell, is to me one of the most interesting biographies of our

generation. It is long--for those who have no Oxford ties, no doubt, too

long; and it is cumbered with the echoes of old controversies,

theological and academic, which have mostly, though by no means wholly,

passed into a dusty limbo. But it is one of the rare attempts that

English biography has seen to paint a man as he really was; and to paint

him not with the sub-malicious strokes of a Purcell, but in love,

although in truth.

[Illustration: BENJAMIN JOWETT]

The Master, as he fought his many fights, with his abnormally strong

will and his dominating personality; the Master, as he appeared, on the

one hand, to the upholders of "research," of learning, that is, as an

end in itself apart from teaching, and, on the other, to the High-

Churchmen encamped in Christ Church, to Pusey, Liddon, and all their

clan--pugnacious, formidable, and generally successful--here he is to

the life. This is the Master whose personality could never be forgotten

in any room he chose to enter; who brought restraint rather than ease to

the gatherings of his friends, mainly because, according to his own

account, of a shyness he could never overcome; whose company on a walk

was too often more of a torture than an honor to the undergraduate

selected for it; whose lightest words were feared, quoted, chuckled

over, or resented, like those of no one else.

Of this Master I have many remembrances. I see, for instance, a drawing-

room full of rather tongue-tied, embarrassed guests, some Oxford

residents, some Londoners; and the Master among them, as a stimulating--

but disintegrating!--force, of whom every one was uneasily conscious.

The circle was wide, the room bare, and the Balliol arm-chairs were not

placed for conversation. On a high chair against the wall sat a small

boy of ten--we will call him Arthur--oppressed by his surroundings. The

talk languished and dropped. From one side of the large room, the

Master, raising his voice, addressed the small boy on the other side.

"Well, Arthur, so I hear you've begun Greek. How are you getting on?"

To the small boy looking round the room it seemed as though twenty awful

grownups were waiting in a dead silence to eat him up. He rushed upon

his answer.

"I--I'm reading the Anabasis," he said, desperately.

The false quantity sent a shock through the room. Nobody laughed, out of

sympathy with the boy, who already knew that something dreadful had

happened. The boy's miserable parents, Londoners, who were among the

twenty, wished themselves under the floor. The Master smiled.

"The Anábasis, Arthur," he said, cheerfully. "You'll get it right next

time."

And he went across to the boy, evidently feeling for him and wishing to

put him at ease. But after thirty years the boy and his parents still

remember the incident with a shiver. It could not have produced such an

effect except in an atmosphere of tension; and that, alas! too often,

was the atmosphere which surrounded the Master.

I can remember, too, many proud yet anxious half-hours in the Master's

study--such a privilege, yet such an ordeal!--when, after our migration

to London, we became, at regular intervals, the Master's week-end

visitors. "Come and talk to me a little in my study," the Master would

say, pleasantly. And there in the room where he worked for so many

years, as the interpreter of Greek thought to the English world, one

would take a chair beside the fire, with the Master opposite. I have

described my fireside tête-à-têtes, as a girl, with another head of a

College--the Rector of Lincoln, Mark Pattison. But the Master was a far

more strenuous companion. With him, there were no diversions, none!--no

relief from the breathless adventure of trying to please him and doing

one's best. The Rector once, being a little invalidish, allowed me to

make up the fire, and, after watching the process sharply, said: "Good!

Does it drive _you_ distracted, too, when people put on coals the wrong

way?" An interruption which made for human sympathy! The Master, as far

as I can remember, had no "nerves"; and "nerves" are a bond between

many. But he occasionally had sudden returns upon himself. I remember

once after we had been discussing a religious book which had interested

us both, he abruptly drew himself up, in the full tide of talk, and

said, with a curious impatience, "But one can't be always thinking of

these things!" and changed the subject.

So much for the Master, the stimulus of whose mere presence was,

according to his biographers, "often painful." But there were at least

two other Masters in the "Mr. Jowett" we reverenced. And they, too, are

fully shown in this biography. The Master who loved his friends and

thought no pains too great to take for them, including the very rare

pains of trying to mend their characters by faithfulness and plain

speaking, whenever he thought they wanted it. The Master, again, whose

sympathies were always with social reform and with the poor, whose

hidden life was full of deeds of kindness and charity, who, in spite of

his difficulties of manner, was loved by all sorts and conditions of

men--and women--in all circles of life, by politicians and great ladies,

by diplomats and scholars and poets, by his secretary and his servants--

there are many traits of this good man and useful citizen recorded by

his biographers.

And, finally, there was the Master who reminded his most intimate

friends of a sentence of his about Greek literature, which occurs in the

Introduction to the _Phoedrus_: "Under the marble exterior of Greek

literature was concealed a soul thrilling with spiritual emotion," says

the Master. His own was not exactly a marble exterior; but the placid

and yet shrewd cheerfulness of his delicately rounded face, with its

small mouth and chin, its great brow and frame of snowy hair, gave but

little clue to the sensitive and mystical soul within. If ever a man was

_Gottbetrunken_, it was the Master, many of whose meditations and

passing thoughts, withdrawn, while he lived, from all human ken, yet

written down--in thirty or forty volumes!--for his own discipline and

remembrance, can now be read, thanks to his biographers, in the pages of

the _Life_, They are extraordinarily frank and simple; startling, often,

in their bareness and truth. But they are, above all, the thoughts of a

mystic, moving in a Divine presence. An old and intimate friend of the

Master's once said to me that he believed "Jowett's inner mind,

especially toward the end of his life, was always in an attitude of

Prayer. One would go and talk to him on University or College business

in his study, and suddenly see his lips moving, slightly and silently,

and know what it meant." The records of him which his death revealed--

and his closest friends realized it in life--show a man perpetually

conscious of a mysterious and blessed companionship; which is the mark

of the religious man, in all faiths and all churches. Yet this was the

man who, for the High Church party at Oxford, with its headquarters at

Christ Church, under the flag of Doctor Pusey and Canon Liddon, was the

symbol and embodiment of all heresy; whose University salary as Greek

professor, which depended on a Christ Church subsidy, was withheld for

years by the same High-Churchmen, because of their inextinguishable

wrath against the Liberal leader who had contributed so largely to the

test-abolishing legislation of 1870--legislation by which Oxford, in

Liddon's words, was "logically lost to the Church of England."

Yet no doubt they had their excuses! For this, too, was the man who, in

a city haunted by Tractarian shades, once said to his chief biographer

that "Voltaire had done more good than all the Fathers of the Church put

together!"--who scornfully asks himself in his diary, _à propos_ of the

Bishops' condemnation of _Essays and Reviews_, "What is Truth against an

_esprit de corps_?"--and drops out the quiet dictum, "Half the books

that are published are religious books, and what trash this religious

literature is!" Nor did the Evangelicals escape. The Master's dislike

for many well-known hymns specially dear to that persuasion was never

concealed. "How cocky they are!" he would say, contemptuously. "'When

upward I fly--Quite justified I'--who can repeat a thing like that?"

How the old war-cries ring again in one's ears as one looks back! Those

who have only known the Oxford of the last twenty years can never, I

think, feel toward that "august place" as we did, in the seventies of

the last century; we who were still within sight and hearing of the

great fighting years of an earlier generation, and still scorched by

their dying fires. Balliol, Christ Church, Lincoln--the Liberal and

utilitarian camp, the Church camp, the researching and pure scholarship

camp--with Science and the Museum hovering in the background, as the

growing aggressive powers of the future seeking whom they might devour--

they were the signs and symbols of mighty hosts, of great forces still

visibly incarnate, and in marching array. Balliol _versus_ Christ

Church--Jowett _versus_ Pusey and Liddon--while Lincoln despised both,

and the new scientific forces watched and waited--that was how we saw

the field of battle, and the various alarms and excursions it was always

providing.

But Balliol meant more to me than the Master. Professor Thomas Hill

Green--"Green of Balliol"--was no less representative in our days of the

spiritual and liberating forces of the great college; and the time which

has now elapsed since his death has clearly shown that his philosophic

work and influence hold a lasting and conspicuous place in the history

of nineteenth-century thought. He and his wife became our intimate

friends, and in the Grey of _Robert Elsmere_ I tried to reproduce a few

of those traits--traits of a great thinker and teacher, who was also one

of the simplest, sincerest, and most practical of men--which Oxford will

never forget, so long as high culture and noble character are dear to

her. His wife--so his friend and biographer, Lewis Nettleship, tells

us--once compared him to Sir Bors in "The Holy Grail":

A square-set man and honest; and his eyes, An outdoor sign of all the

wealth within, Smiled with his lips--a smile beneath a cloud, But

Heaven had meant it for a sunny one!

A quotation in which the mingling of a cheerful, practical, humorous

temper, the temper of the active citizen and politician, with the heavy

tasks of philosophic thought, is very happily suggested. As we knew him,

indeed, and before the publication of the _Prolegomena to Ethics_ and

the Introduction to the Clarendon Press edition of Hume had led to his

appointment as Whyte's Professor of Moral Philosophy, Mr. Green was not

only a leading Balliol tutor, but an energetic Liberal, a member both of

the Oxford Town Council and of various University bodies; a helper in

all the great steps taken for the higher education of women at Oxford,

and keenly attracted by the project of a High School for the town boys

of Oxford--a man, in other words, preoccupied, just as the Master was,

and, for all his philosophic genius, with the need of leading "a useful

life."

Let me pause to think how much that phrase meant in the mouths of the

best men whom Balliol produced, in the days when I knew Oxford. The

Master, Green, Toynbee--their minds were full, half a century ago, of

the "condition of the people" question, of temperance, housing, wages,

electoral reform; and within the University, and by the help of the

weapons of thought and teaching, they regarded themselves as the natural

allies of the Liberal party which was striving for these things through

politics and Parliament. "Usefulness," "social reform," the bettering of

daily life for the many--these ideas are stamped on all their work and

on all the biographies of them that remain to us.

And the significance of it is only to be realized when we turn to the

rival group, to Christ Church, and the religious party which that name

stood for. Read the lives of Liddon, of Pusey, or--to go farther back--

of the great Newman himself. Nobody will question the personal goodness

and charity of any of the three. But how little the leading ideas of

that seething time of social and industrial reform, from the appearance

of _Sybil_ in 1843 to the Education Bill of 1870, mattered either to

Pusey or to Liddon, compared with the date of the Book of Daniel or the

retention of the Athanasian Creed? Newman, at a time when national

drunkenness was an overshadowing terror in the minds of all reformers,

confesses with a pathetic frankness that he had never considered

"whether there were too many public-houses in England or no"; and in all

his religious controversies of the 'thirties and the 'forties, you will

look in vain for any word of industrial or political reform. So also in

the _Life_ of that great rhetorician and beautiful personality, Canon

Liddon, you will scarcely find a single letter that touches on any

question of social betterment. How to safeguard the "principle of

authority," how to uphold the traditional authorship of the Pentateuch,

and of the Book of Daniel, against "infidel" criticism; how to stifle

among the younger High-Churchmen like Mr. (now Bishop) Gore, then head

of the Pusey House, the first advances toward a reasonable freedom of

thought; how to maintain the doctrine of Eternal Punishment against the

protest of the religious consciousness itself--it is on these matters

that Canon Liddon's correspondence turns, it was to them his life was

devoted.

How vainly! Who can doubt now which type of life and thought had in it

the seeds of growth and permanence--the Balliol type, or the Christ

Church type? There are many High-Churchmen, it is true, at the present

day, and many Ritualist Churches. But they are alive to-day, just in so

far as they have learned the lesson of social pity, and the lesson of a

reasonable criticism, from the men whom Pusey and Liddon and half the

bishops condemned and persecuted in the middle years of the nineteenth

century.

When we were living in Oxford, however, this was not exactly the point

of view from which the great figure of Liddon presented itself, to us of

the Liberal camp. We were constantly aware of him, no doubt, as the

rival figure to the Master of Balliol, as the arch wire-puller and

ecclesiastical intriguer in University affairs, leading the Church

forces with a more than Roman astuteness. But his great mark was made,

of course, by his preaching, and that not so much by the things said as

by the man saying them. Who now would go to Liddon's famous Bamptons,

for all their learning, for a still valid defense of the orthodox

doctrine of the Incarnation? Those wonderful paragraphs of subtle

argumentation from which the great preacher emerged, as triumphantly as

Mr. Gladstone from a Gladstonian sentence in a House of Commons debate--

what remains of them? Liddon wrote of Stanley that he--Stanley--was

"more entirely destitute of the logical faculty" than any educated man

he knew. In a sense it was true. But Stanley, if he had been aware of

the criticism, might have replied that, if he lacked logic, Liddon

lacked something much more vital--i.e., the sense of history--and of the

relative value of testimony!

Newman, Pusey, Liddon--all three, great schoolmen, arguing from an

accepted brief; the man of genius, the man of a vast industry, intense

but futile, the man of captivating presence and a perfect rhetoric--

history, with its patient burrowings, has surely undermined the work of

all three, sparing only that element in the work of one of them--

Newman--which is the preserving salt of all literature--i.e., the magic

of personality. And some of the most efficacious burrowers have been

their own spiritual children. As was fitting! For the Tractarian

movement, with its appeal to the primitive Church, was in truth, and

quite unconsciously, one of the agencies in a great process of

historical inquiry which is still going on, and of which the end is not

yet.

But to me, in my twenties, these great names were not merely names or

symbols, as they are to the men and women of the present generation.

Newman I had seen in my childhood, walking about the streets of

Edgbaston, and had shrunk from him in a dumb, childish resentment as

from some one whom I understood to be the author of our family

misfortunes. In those days, as I have already recalled in an earlier

chapter, the daughters of a "mixed marriage" were brought up in the

mother's faith, and the sons in the father's. I, therefore, as a

schoolgirl under Evangelical influence, was not allowed to make friends

with any of my father's Catholic colleagues. Then, in 1880, twenty years

later, Newman came to Oxford, and on Trinity Monday there was a great

gathering at Trinity College, where the Cardinal in his red, a blanched

and spiritual presence, received the homage of a new generation who saw

in him a great soul and a great master of English, and cared little or

nothing for the controversies in which he had spent his prime. As my

turn came to shake hands, I recalled my father to him and the Edgbaston

days. His face lit up--almost mischievously. "Are you the little girl I

remember seeing sometimes--in the distance?" he said to me, with a smile

and a look that only he and I understood.

On the Sunday preceding that gathering I went to hear his last sermon in

the city he had loved so well, preached at the new Jesuit church in the

suburbs; while little more than a mile away, Bidding Prayer and sermon

were going on as usual in the University Church where in his youth, week

by week, he had so deeply stirred the hearts and consciences of men. The

sermon in St. Aloysius's was preached with great difficulty, and was

almost incoherent from the physical weakness of the speaker. Yet who

that was present on that Sunday will ever forget the great ghost that

fronted them, the faltering accents, the words from which the life-blood

had departed, yet not the charm?

Then--Pusey! There comes back to me a bowed and uncouth figure, whom one

used to see both in the Cathedral procession on a Sunday, and--rarely--

in the University pulpit. One sermon on Darwinism, which was preached,

if I remember right, in the early 'seventies, remains with me, as the

appearance of some modern Elijah, returning after long silence and exile

to protest against an unbelieving world. Sara Coleridge had years before

described Pusey in the pulpit with a few vivid strokes.

He has not one of the graces of oratory [she says]. His discourse is

generally a rhapsody describing with infinite repetition the

wickedness of sin, the worthlessness of earth, and the blessedness

of Heaven. He is as still as a statue all the time he is uttering

it, looks as white as a sheet, and is as monotonous in delivery as

possible.

Nevertheless, Pusey wielded a spell which is worth much oratory--the

spell of a soul dwelling spiritually on the heights; and a prophet,

moreover, may be as monotonous or as incoherent as he pleases, while the

world is still in tune with his message. But in the 'seventies, Oxford,

at least, was no longer in tune with Pusey's message, and the effect of

the veteran leader, trying to come to terms with Darwinism, struggling,

that is, with new and stubborn forces he had no further power to bind,

was tragic, or pathetic, as such things must always be. New Puseys arise

in every century. The "sons of authority" will never perish out of the

earth. But the language changes and the argument changes; and perhaps

there are none more secretly impatient with the old prophet than those

younger spirits of his own kind who are already stepping into his shoes.

Far different was the effect of Liddon, in those days, upon us younger

folk! The grace and charm of Liddon's personal presence were as valuable

to his party in the 'seventies as that of Dean Stanley had been to

Liberalism at an earlier stage. There was indeed much in common between

the aspect and manner of the two men, though no likeness, in the strict

sense, whatever. But the exquisite delicacy of feature, the brightness

of eye, the sensitive play of expression, were alike in both. Saint

Simon says of Fenelon:

He was well made, pale, with eyes that showered intelligence and

fire--and with a physiognomy that no one who had seen it once could

forget. It had both gravity and polish, seriousness and gaiety; it

spoke equally of the scholar, the bishop, and the _grand seigneur_,

and the final impression was one of intelligence, subtlety, grace,

charm; above all, of dignity. One had to tear oneself from looking

at him.

Many of those who knew Liddon best could, I think, have adapted this

language to him; and there is much in it that fitted Arthur Stanley.

But the love and gift for managing men was of course a secondary thing

in the case of our great preacher. The University politics of Liddon and

his followers are dead and gone; and as I have ventured to think, the

intellectual force of Liddon's thoughts and arguments, as they are

presented to us now on the printed page, is also a thing of the past.

But the vision of the preacher in those who saw it is imperishable. The

scene in St. Paul's has been often described, by none better than by

Doctor Liddon's colleague, Canon Scott Holland. But the Oxford scene,

with all its Old World setting, was more touching, more interesting. As

I think of it, I seem to be looking out from those dark seats under the

undergraduates' gallery--where sat the wives of the Masters of Arts--at

the crowded church, as it waited for the preacher. First came the stir

of the procession; the long line of Heads of Houses, in their scarlet

robes as Doctors of Divinity--all but the two heretics, Pattison and

Jowett, who walked in their plain black, and warmed my heart always

thereby! And then the Vice-Chancellor, with the "pokers" and the

preacher. All eyes were fixed on the slender, willowy figure, and the

dark head touched with silver. The bow to the Vice-Chancellor as they

parted at the foot of the pulpit stairs, the mounting of the pulpit, the

quiet look out over the Church, the Bidding Prayer, the voice--it was

all part of an incomparable performance which cannot be paralleled to-

day.

The voice was high and penetrating, without much variety, as I remember

it; but of beautiful quality, and at times wonderfully moving. And what

was still more appealing was the evident strain upon the speaker of his

message. It wore him out visibly as he delivered it. He came down from

the pulpit white and shaken, dripping with perspiration. Virtue had gone

out of him. Yet his effort had never for a moment weakened his perfect

self-control, the flow and finish of the long sentences, or the subtle

interconnection of the whole! One Sunday I remember in particular.

Oxford had been saddened the day before by the somewhat sudden death of

a woman whom everybody loved and respected--Mrs. Acland, the wife of the

well-known doctor and professor. And Liddon, with a wonderfully happy

instinct, had added to his sermon a paragraph dealing with Mrs. Acland's

death, which held us all spellbound till the beautiful words died into

silence. It was done with a fastidious literary taste that is rather

French than English; and yet it came from the very heart of the speaker.

Looking back through my many memories of Doctor Liddon as a preacher,

that tribute to a noble woman in death remains with me as the finest and

most lasting of them all.

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