PROHIBITIONS.

Uncle Sam doesn’t propose to have his public servants abroad

intermeddling in foreign politics. Consuls are desired to “cultivate

friendly social relations with the community in which they reside”, but

to “refrain from expressing harsh or disagreeable opinions upon local,

political or other questions which divide the community within their

jurisdiction. They are forbidden to participate in any manner in the

political concerns of the country. In their (public) dispatches upon

such subjects, they will confine themselves to the communication of

important or interesting public events as they occur, avoiding all

unnecessary reflections upon the character or conduct of individuals or

governments, and they will not give publicity, through the press or

otherwise, to opinions injurious to the public institutions of the

country or the persons concerned in their administration”.

This is good, sound diplomacy; and the same paragraph goes on to say,

“It is at the same time no less their duty to report freely and

seasonably to their own government all important facts which may come to

their knowledge touching the political condition of the country,

especially if their communications can be made to subserve or may affect

the interests of their own country”.

[Illustration: U.S. CONSUL]

PUBLIC SPEECHES.—He is “not allowed to allude in public speeches to any

matters in dispute between the United States and any other government,

nor to any matters pending in the consulate. It is a still better rule

to avoid public speeches when it can be done without exciting feeling”.

THE PRESS.—The prohibitions extend also to correspondence with the

press, not literary or non-political articles, but to such as touch upon

public affairs in any foreign government, or communications to

newspapers relative to epidemic diseases abroad.

GIFTS, TESTIMONIALS.—Consuls are not permitted to ask or accept for

themselves or anybody else “any present, emolument, pecuniary favor,

office or title of any kind from any foreign government”. If any such

offers are made to them “they may apply to Congress through the

Department of State for permission to accept the same”.

RECOMMENDATIONS FOR OFFICE.—Consuls are forbidden to recommend any one

for any governmental office or trust of profit. By permission of the

Secretary of State they may make recommendations to offices subject to

their own jurisdiction.

UNIFORM.—Consular officers are forbidden to wear any distinguishing

uniform. The Regulations are indulgent enough to allow them to wear an

Army uniform if they happen to have been in the Army of the United

States during the Rebellion.

ABSENCE.—Consuls are forbidden to be absent from their posts longer than

forty-eight hours without reporting to the Department about it. No one

is permitted to be absent more than ten days at any one time without

permission from the President. Special permission must be obtained in

order to return to the United States, and the statutes do not provide

for a continuance of salary for an absence of longer than sixty days.

This is about all that need be said about the consuls themselves. What

remains to be considered will come up in connection with the duties of

the consular office. We will wait a few moments for questions.

* * * * *

Q. “Professor, aren’t there other needed reforms in the consular service

besides those you have mentioned”?

A. “Certainly, but I preferred to dwell only upon the most difficult and

at the same time the most vital of them all; namely, the choice and

preparation of the men. I think it might be well to emphasize just a

point or two more in this connection. The first is that the consular

service ought not to be filled with foreigners. The Consular Register of

July, 1899, shows that out of 706 subordinate positions, including

commercial agencies, 412 are filled by men born in the country where

they are stationed. In fact, out of a total of 1,020 men in the consular

service only 547 are of American birth or parentage. The reason for this

is that so many of the positions don’t pay enough to induce Americans to

undertake them. Four or five hundred dollars a year may mean something

to a man who is on the spot, small as the sum is, but it shuts Americans

out of a large majority of the subordinate positions.

“The second point to be mentioned is the effect of this

parsimony—miscalled economy—upon the higher positions. For instance,

suppose a man is appointed to a place, the duties of which involve some

diplomatic responsibility. Such a man must live on a scale becoming his

position, or bring himself and his country into contempt. As a matter of

fact it has frequently happened that a thrifty consul, profiting by the

example in frugality set by his government, has tried to save money by

living in rented rooms above his business office, only to find when the

inspector came around that he had to move out and live in a more

sumptuous fashion. Aside from the question of sentiment, democratic or

undemocratic, the government is best served by a consul who, other

things being the same, enters a great deal into society and is not too

careful to live within his income. It gives him an influence, a prestige

among his surroundings which inures to the financial advantage of his

country. Uncle Sam pays less for his consular service than does any

other power of equal wealth, but those who know best the service and its

possibilities have always claimed that it is poor economy.”

[Illustration: Barking dog on a chain standing between man and money

bag]

Q. “Will you please distinguish again between Consular Clerks and Clerks

at Consulate”?

A. “Certainly; Consular Clerks are not stationed at consulates at all.

They are specialists who work upon some task assigned by the State

Department. Such a one may specialize upon a certain line of textile

fabrics in all its degrees of quality and the methods employed in its

manufacture. Another may become an expert authority on chemicals or iron

and steel products, etc. Clerks at Consulate are, as you may suppose,

those engaged in ordinary clerical duties at the consulates.”

Q. “Do you think that the present movement in favor of consular reform

has any partisan purpose”?

A. “Not at all. The last two administrations, i. e., Cleveland’s and

McKinley’s, have done more for this cause, perhaps, than all the others

put together. Moreover, the time just now is ripe for this reform and

Congressmen should be more than ever awake to the necessity of it,

irrespective of party”.

Q. “How about that school for consuls and diplomats, Professor? It seems

to me that however desirable it may be, it is hardly feasible for

partisan reasons.”

A. “That, of course, is the stock objection to such a proposition. Yet I

fail to see why such a school might not be put into the hands of a

non-partisan board—say the second and third Assistant Secretaries of

State, who do not change with the administration as a rule. And we might

add to these the Civil Service Commissioners, or any other competent

men, provided they are not to be meddled with on the score of

partisanship. Partisanship does not enter into the management of West

Point or Annapolis to any noticeable extent, nor does it prevent our

numerous State universities from being as well managed as other

institutions of learning.”

Q. “But why not leave all this to the institutions already established?”

A. “Well, perhaps as good a reason as any is that none of them are in

Washington. The government has here its great scientific museum, the

Smithsonian Institute; also its historical museum, various experiment

stations, and above all, perhaps, its Congressional Library and

collections of State papers and archives. Besides, diplomacy should be

learned from diplomats in active service—men acquainted with their

occupation both past and present, European and American. Such a school

need not be continuous, perhaps, or conducted as many months of the year

as other schools, its chief purpose being to satisfy the exigencies of

the Government, rather than to furnish a liberal education”.

Q. “I suppose, Professor, that our Government has treaties with most

other countries covering the principal points of commercial importance”?

A. “Yes, in the main, though there are some surprising exceptions. For

instance, ‘the-most-favored-nation’ clause is not in the treaties with

either Great Britain or Sweden and Norway. With many of our neighboring

states we have no extradition treaties whatever. A glance at the

synopsis[5] given will show that our treaties are fullest with the

following named countries: Austria, Belgium, Colombia, France, Germany,

Italy, Holland, Roumania, San Salvador and Servia. Evidently the

treaties with some of the other countries need overhauling.”

Footnote 5:

See Appendix.

[Illustration: Empty chair next to desk stacked with books]

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[Illustration: Woman with broom]

LECTURE

III

Uncle Sam Abroad · 第 24 / 127 题