Sethos, whom we shall call Cheres throughout the whole course of his
voyage, in conformity to the name he had given himself, found at his
arrival at the white Port a fleet of fifteen vessels, mann’d with
ten thousand Phœnicians. The kings of Egypt, according to sundry
testimonies of antiquity, made use of this people to carry on a trade
with foreign nations, and to navigate their own ships in distant seas.
After having in vain attempted to cut the isthmus, which separates the
Mediterranean from the Red-sea[92], they had confin’d themselves to
some canals, capable only of receiving vessels of a middling burden.
So they were oblig’d to let the Phœnicians have some ports of the
Red-sea, from whence they had a communication with the Indies. They
had even about six years before made a very considerable settlement
in the famous island of Taprobane, (now Ceylon) situate at the end of
that great peninsula which separates the Indus from the Ganges. Besides
the affairs of commerce, which carry’d them thither every year, they
were going this time to carry succour to their colony, whom the kings
of the island threatned with an approaching expulsion. So this fleet,
tho’ consisting of merchant-men, was equipp’d for war. Cheres, as yet
stretch’d out on his litter, was carry’d by them who bought him on
board of their general; to whom they presented him as an Egyptian taken
prisoner at the battle of Coptos by certain Ethiopian soldiers, who
had sold him to them for a sum of money. He call’d himself a common
soldier, who had indeed been reclaim’d by nobody: But, added they, for
the understanding and parts, which were visible in him, they hop’d,
after his recovery, which advanc’d apace, their general would be glad
to have him in his service. He receiv’d this prisoner very favourably,
and told him, that the Egyptians, tho’ of the meanest rank, were always
treated handsomely by them. That he might recover at his ease; and that
he should have no other employment impos’d on him than what he should
choose himself. They set sail the very next day. The wind, which was,
during the whole voyage, equally favourable, was no impediment to the
patient’s recovery. After two days he began to get up for some hours,
to acquire a knowledge in navigation, by applying what he saw put in
practice, without saying any thing, to the principles which he knew
better than those who made use of them. He heard, with pleasure, the
sailors, who, as they coasted Egypt, and the most northern part of
Ethiopia, nam’d successively those nations, a knowledge of whom he had
attain’d to by geography. Such were the Troglodytes, so call’d from the
caverns in which they dwelt, to screen themselves from the excessive
heat of their climate: The Adulites, slaves who had escap’d out of
Egypt, and built a fort there, call’d, Aduliton. The southern Blemyes,
men whose heads were so low and squat, that the first who discover’d
them said, they had none at all; and that their eyes, nose, and mouth
were on the upper part of their breasts. They shew’d the dwellings of
other people, who were no otherwise distinguish’d one from the other,
than by their different sorts of diet: As the Risophagi, who subsisted
wholly on roots: The Icthyophagi, who being border’d on the sea-side,
by an inaccessible shore, and towards the land by frightful precipices,
have no manner of communication with other men, and live only on
fishing[93]: The Struthiophagi, a little farther within land, who pass
their lives in hunting the Struthio-camelus, a great bird, with the
feet of a camel, with which they throw stones behind them at those who
pursue them, and that make no other use of their wings, which are very
short, but to run the lighter.
[92] Sesostris desisted from this undertaking; and Nechus, who
afterwards attempted it, lost one hundred and twenty-thousand men about
it. Vid. Marsh. pag. 376, & 531.
[93] Diodorus mentions these Icthyophagi; but he seems to place them in
Arabia.
Before they arriv’d at the Streights, they came near to the Sabean
Arabia, otherwise call’d, Arabia Felix, by reason of the beauty of its
meadows, but above all, for the abundance and variety of its aromatick
plants. The approach to this excellent country is known long before
you discover land. Diodorus expresses himself very eloquently on this
subject: “Nothing, says he, can equal the pleasure which this compound
fragrancy gives even to those who but coast this shore, and partake
of it at a distance. The land-breezes bring these precious exhalations
from the midst of the country even to the sea: they steal, as it were,
into the very innermost of the soul, and proceeding actually from the
very bosom of nature, they give travellers an idea of the ambrosia,
which poets feign to be the delight of the gods.”
They at last arriv’d at the Streights, of which Cheres heard some of
the ship’s crew saying, that it was not long since they were believ’d
to be clos’d up. Indeed, a certain Damastes, mention’d by Strabo, had
been of that opinion. They gave to this passage, at its discovery, a
name of evil omen, by calling it, _Sthenæ Deiræ_, the fatal Streights,
or the ruling Promontory of Ethiopia, or the isles which meet there:
Some authors even call it, _Ostium Luctus_[94], the Haven of Mourning.
Not that it is so very difficult or dangerous to pass; but in these
first times, when long navigations were very hazardous, they thereby
signify’d, that those who had the presumption to pass these Streights,
in order to go farther, run the risk of never returning.
[94] This is the signification of its Arabian name, Babel-mendeb.
They enter’d, however, into this sea, which washes the southern coasts
of Arabia to the Persian gulph, and to which the antients gave the name
of Red-sea, rather than to that which is inclos’d between Egypt and
Arabia, seldom calling the latter otherwise than the Arabian Gulph.
Continuing their coast toward the east, they row’d within sight of the
coasts of Carmania and Gedrosia, maritime provinces of Persia; and they
discover’d to the south of them that number of little islands [the
Maldives] which the sea does but just separate one from the other, and
some of which are not a furlong in circumference: Ptolemy accounts
three hundred seventy-eight; but some travellers affirm there are
twelve thousand, which they say are all subject to one king.
As they had been above a month on their passage, Cheres was perfectly
recover’d. The general, call’d Astartus, a man of knowledge and
experience, and even known to Cheres by his fame, observ’d more
and more something noble in his physiognomy, and a certain air of
distinction in his whole person. He gave great attention to his
answers, which, without departing from that modesty, which his present
condition seem’d to require, shew’d him possess’d of a great elevation
of mind and thought; but he was truly surpriz’d at the extent of his
knowledge, which had already serv’d to redress some observations of
the pilots by rules or methods surer and more agreeable than theirs;
and which seem’d equal in all the natural sciences, as well as in
the history, laws and manners as well of Egypt, as of all other
nations whom they undertook to question him about. Cheres manag’d
this advantage with art, and only saying upon every occasion what
was necessary, he made his knowledge appear inexhaustible: For, in
short, tho’ he would not be known for the person he was, he did not
refuse the esteem and consideration he could attain to naturally, and
without seeming to seek it. All the reputation he had gain’d as Sethos,
was of no service to him, and he was oblig’d to raise a new fame as
Cheres. However, tho’ alone, depriv’d of every thing, and having lost
to the very least tokens of his birth, he did not despair, in the
great views he had for the benefit of mankind, to see himself soon
chief of that fleet, into which he came as a slave. The general, being
at an uncertainty with regard to him, without changing, in outward
appearance, the condition of a soldier and prisoner, which Cheres had
himself taken, acted in other respects with him, as with a person from
whom he ought to bring no reproaches upon himself for the future; and
he put in practice, on his account, the very wise maxim of respecting
the unknown. To say true; the name of an Egyptian, kept up in this
stranger by a personal merit, was sufficient for Astartus to make the
chief officers of his fleet approve his conduct. Even these began to
regard Cheres as a young man of noble birth, whose too distinguish’d
education had made the queen of Memphis jealous of him; so they made no
difficulty of conferring with him, and they were even sollicitous to
engage him in the interest of the Phœnicians.
The time soon came which made them more sensible of the purchase
they had made in him. They already coasted the western shore of the
peninsula on this side of the Ganges, at the point of which is the
promontory, call’d, Cory. Opposite to this promontory, at the distance
of sixty miles towards the east is the northern port of Taprobane
[Ceylon]. This island, which was formerly call’d Palesimundus, is
now call’d Salica. If I would give an example of the variations
which have happen’d in the names of most places in the world, and of
the difficulty there is in knowing the present world in the antient
geographers, I should add, that the first name of this island was
Lamcab,[95] or Lamca; the second, Ilanarus; and the third, Tratane; of
which, it is said, the Greeks have made Taprobane. I purposely omit
the history of Jambolus[96], who having been put, with his companion
only, into a bark, by the Ethiopians, as expiatory victims, pretend to
have landed safe on this island; because this history appears in that
author, with all the absurdity of a fable. Taprobane was accounted,
a long while, the biggest island in the Southern Ocean; whether it
was that those which are larger were not then known, or whether it
was suppos’d to have been of a greater extent than it really is. And
indeed, the charts, made according to the geographical graduations of
Ptolemy, extend it under the Equator, tho’ it be at about ten degrees
northern distance from it.
[95] See the notes on the lesser geogr. of the Oxford edition, cap. 1.
pag. 76.
[96] Diodorus mentions this author, and his voyage, towards the end of
his second book.
After a very fortunate voyage, more with the help of their sails than
their oars; the Phœnicians were at the height of Cory, when the rising
sun discover’d to their view, on the side of the island, a fleet twice
as large as theirs. They easily perceiv’d, by the difference of their
flags, that the three kings of Taprobane had combin’d to oppose their
passage. Astartus, who began to be uneasy that no boat came off to him,
to inform him in what condition the affairs of the colony were, did
not doubt but they were entirely destroy’d. Not daring to take upon
himself alone to attack the enemy at such a disadvantage, and without
having had an opportunity of speaking with any of the Phœnicians of
the island, he assembled a council of war. He made Cheres stay in the
cabbin, under pretence of doing some service. The plurality of votes
was for returning; For, in short, said they, if our country-men are
exterminated, as their silence, with regard to us, gives us reason
to believe, we have not brought along with us sufficient provisions,
to make a new settlement in Taprobane alone, and by force. If we are
defeated, we shall have no retreat, and victory itself will be of no
service to us. Astartus, who had a private commission, but in good
form, which constituted him intendant of the eastern commerce, annex’d
to the employ of the chief of the colony, with whom they were not
satisfy’d, was uneasy to find their opinions run this way. Before he
gave his vote, he bethought himself to ask Cheres, as if by chance,
whether the Egyptians, in such a case, would be of the same mind?
Cheres coming nearer, and standing, thus address’d himself to the
officers; My lords, tho’ I am but a stranger in your company, I have,
methinks, a greater reluctancy to be so near Taprobane, and not to
land there, than you have to return into Phœnicia, without being able
to give the least account of your country-men. If they are murder’d,
don’t you owe to the interest of your nation, which has settlements
in many other places, the example of chastising their murderers? And,
if your brethren are in chains, don’t you owe to them your utmost
endeavours for their deliverance? Are not you better combatants by
land or sea than these Barbarians whom you fear? Valour and experience
in war are very little worth, if they won’t be an equivalent for a
number of ships which does not exceed the double of yours. The general,
to encourage Cheres yet more, said; Your arguments would be just, if
we had a prince Sethos with us, whose genius and courage might serve
instead of the soldiers we want. But the greater part of our company
is compos’d of men fitter for trade than war, and who would be more
assiduous in preserving their merchandizes than in acquiring glory. My
lord, reply’d Cheres, all Egyptians, at least those who have been bred
in the same school of virtue, and who have pass’d the same trials, are
equal. Attempt the combat only, I will endeavour to keep up among you
the honour of my country, and perhaps shall encourage your soldiers
to revenge theirs. These words, spoken in a tone which Cheres had
not before assum’d, made the whole council come to a resolution of
attacking the enemy’s fleet. All the officers returning to their
vessels, carry’d the same resolution thither, with which Cheres had
inspir’d them. They told their people, that the gods had sent a man
amongst them, in the person of an Egyptian, who had inherited the
wisdom and valour of prince Sethos, whose fame they had heard so much
of at the White Port; and that with such an assistance victory could
never fail them.
Cheres had already put on armour, the lightest he could find in the
vessel, and had even cover’d himself with it but in part, that he
might be more active: but he had provided himself with a large sabre.
He had desir’d the general to let him have the office of carrying his
orders throughout the whole fleet, to have, by that means, a continual
communication with him, upon all that might offer to be done in the
heat of the battle. To begin the exercise of his function, Cheres
went, within the space of an hour, to every vessel in the Phœnician
fleet. He did not always make use of a boat to pass from one ship to
the other, but, putting in practice the agility he had acquir’d, he
jump’d from one to the other of those which were nearest together.
He generally descended from the highest decks by the planks on the
outside, with such dexterity as astonish’d the most hardy sailors.
The surprize which he thereby caus’d to men, who were very little
accustom’d to the most common exercises of the Egyptians, contributed
as much as his discourses to heighten their hopes. In most armies, said
he, soldiers look upon their adversaries as enemies to their prince
or general, and not as their own. Thence it is that they fight only
to avoid reproach or punishment, to deserve their pay, or, at most,
strictly to accomplish their duty, and to withdraw from peril as soon
as is possible. You, on the contrary, as traders, at two thousand
leagues distance from your country, ought to regard these islanders
as your personal enemies, whose victory, if you suffer it to be on
their side, would be much more fatal to every one of you than to your
king or your commander. Defend yourselves in this consideration: you
won’t give a stroke in vain; each of you will, in some measure, clear
himself, danger will disappear in your own eyes, and you will find
yourselves conquerors, perhaps, without the loss of one of your lives.
The combat began about three or four in the afternoon; the islanders
began by shooting a vast number of arrows, weapons which are often lost
by land, and almost always by sea. The Phœnicians withstood this not
very perilous storm, without doing any thing, but warding it off as
much as they could. When the ships drew nearer, they began to make use
of their long poles with iron spikes at the end of them. This was the
beginning of the combat, hand to hand; and the Phœnicians, remembring
the exhortation Cheres had given them, overthrew a good number of their
enemy, without losing a man themselves. They at last came to boarding.
The people of Taprobane had, in their naval combats, a custom, which
gave their courage an appearance of ferocity and despair, but which was
sometimes fatal to themselves. They never boarded an enemy’s vessel but
they endeavour’d to fasten it to their own, by means of grappling-irons
made for that purpose; so that if they would, afterwards, they could
not, without a great deal of pains, disengage themselves. Thus the
ship that was defeated was of course a prize to the other. Cheres
being inform’d of this custom was resolv’d to take the advantage of
it. The general, after having regulated in his presence the general
dispositions for the battle, had declar’d to him, that he had his
authority to go every where, as he thought fit, and to give orders as
from him, for every thing he should judge necessary, ’till he recall’d
this general order. But if he had not given him this authority, he
would have taken it more than once in every ship he was in. For, on
sharp and perilous occasions, the man who is boldest and most active is
always the most follow’d. Cheres, nevertheless, leaving the officers
in all things the honour and extent of their functions, only told them
what was necessary to be done, to second him in what he might undertake
alone, and as a common soldier.
The vessel he was then in was the first that was fasten’d. As soon as
he saw the islanders grappling-irons fix’d, and that the attack was
begun on each side, without entrance, he leap’d over their heads into
the middle of their vessel, and with his sabre, which he knew how to
manage with a wonderful dexterity, he made himself an impenetrable
buckler, which dazzled the eyes of every one, and made a terrible
havock among all who were within his reach. This frightful massacre
drew the enemy from their ship’s side to defend themselves in the
middle; the Phœnicians, rushing in at the same time, made a terrible
slaughter, and soon became masters of the vessel. In the short time
they were employ’d in securing those who had deliver’d up their arms,
they saw Cheres doing just the same thing in another vessel, tho’ they
had not perceiv’d which way he went out of their ship, or how he got
into the other. He pursu’d his victory in this manner in five or six,
which all became prey to the Phœnicians, while the other vessels, which
he could not get at, defended and attack’d in a different manner, but
every where with great advantage. The islanders were not, however, as
yet, discourag’d. In the mean time the day drew near its end, and the
night, which in these climates succeeds almost without any twilight[97],
was going to put an undecided end to the combat. Cheres, who had
foreseen this inconvenience, had caus’d all sorts of combustible
matters to be got together, and design’d to put an end to a victory by
fire, which the sword had not sufficiently advanc’d. He repair’d on
board the general’s vessel, to inform him of his design. He propos’d to
him to sacrifice three of the vessels they had taken, the prisoners of
which might be put on board of another. These three he propos’d to fill
with combustible matters, which should not take fire ’till a certain
fix’d time, and after the Phœnicians, who at first should appear on the
deck, were got into the boats which must be in readiness to receive
them. The obscurity of the night would, said he, favour this design,
and soon afterwards these burning vessels, if they should have no
other success, would serve at least to give light enough to continue
the combat. The general having approv’d the plan, Cheres departed to
put it in execution. He chose for each of the three vessels forty of
the bravest and most active men of the fleet, and inform’d them, that
as soon as the sun was set, their business was to advance near enough
to the enemy’s fleet, to give the islanders room to board them on both
sides. He order’d them to make an appearance of resistance, while they
were fastning their grappling irons, according to custom; but that
done, they should immediately run to the poops of their three vessels,
and let themselves down by ropes, which he had caus’d to be plac’d
there for that purpose, into the boats which should be ready to receive
them, and which he would command himself. All this was executed at the
time and in the manner propos’d. The three vessels having taken fire,
soon communicated it to those which were grappled to them on the right
and on the left, and had the appearance of three floating Ætna’s. The
islanders held it no longer at this sight; but fearing that several
other ships of the Phœnician fleet might conceal the same snares, they
dispers’d, by force of sails and oars, some one way, some the other, as
they saw themselves pursu’d by the Phœnician vessels.
[97] For want of a greater density in the Atmosphere in hot Countries.
The general seeing night come, and perceiving the flames of the burning
vessels insensibly decrease, would not venture further in the dark,
and without knowing what fortifications the enemy might have on the
shore. He order’d the signal to be given for his vessels to retire, and
place themselves in a line ’till morning. Cheres was the first to obey
this order, and soon appear’d before Astartus. As they were beholding
together a remainder of the islanders, who with lamentable cries were
jumping into the sea from the tops of their burning vessels, others who
were yet swimming, and again others who were drowning; Cheres, tho’
the author of their misfortune by his invention, told Astartus, that
he could not reflect upon the cruelties of war without some grief.
That it was not to be excus’d in a king or the head of a republick,
but by the extreme justice of his cause; and that it ought not to be
resolv’d upon, but with a view to sacrifice some private persons to
the general good of society. But soon retaking a more gay aspect, he
added, That his grief for the fate of these wretches, whom he did not
know, was easily remov’d by the shouts of joy with which his victorious
fleet echo’d on every side. That he very much approv’d the orders he
had given for wine and other refreshments to be distributed to his
soldiers. That such indulgences properly plac’d made them forget a long
sequel of toils, and encourag’d them to expose themselves the next
moment to new dangers. Astartus took all these maxims in good part, and
was even charm’d to know the character of his Egyptian to the bottom,
that he might employ him more to the purpose. He invited the chief
officers of his fleet to a sumptuous repast on board his ship. Cheres
was plac’d in an honourable manner at the table, where, as well by his
discourse as his noble, discreet, and winning behaviour, he, without
exciting any uneasiness or jealousy, confirm’d them in an opinion of
his being every way superior to them.
The general, whose mind was justly taken up with reflecting on the
continuance of his enterprize, sent them all away at midnight, with
orders to let their ships companies immediately betake themselves to
rest, that they might be fit to enter into action again in six hours,
and at day-break. Cheres obey’d like the rest, and was soon plung’d
into a profound sleep, after the fatigues of the foregoing day. The
design of Astartus was to employ the night in examining the prisoners
about the state of the colony, of which he had, ’till then, no news.
He was just upon his departure to the vessels where they were confin’d,
when his outermost centry let him know, that two men in a small boat
had made the usual signal, to acquaint him, they desir’d to speak
with the general. He order’d them to be brought to him, and knowing
them, notwithstanding their wither’d and pale countenances, to be two
officers, who had formerly serv’d under him, he shut himself up with
them alone in his council-chamber. The eldest of them said to him, My
lord, we come here as deputies from Pheletes, the chief of our colony,
who six months ago engag’d in an enterprize which appear’d of advantage
to our nation. It has since been attended with fatal consequences. But
if you pursue the victory you have just obtain’d yet a little farther;
this undertaking, which has hitherto succeeded but badly, may have,
from this night, an happy accomplishment. You know, my lord, with what
readiness the islanders of Taprobane suffer’d us to settle at Galiba,
the fairest, and most convenient for us, of all their maritime cities.
From thence we have, in the course of the five first years of our
settlement, carry’d on a profitable trade to the Chersonesus Aurea
[Siam] to the three Sabadibæ [Sumatra, Java, and Borneo] and even to
the kingdom of Serica [Northern China]. Our chief observing, that
besides the great number of Phœnicians which were in Galiba, our trade
had drawn thither a great many of the inhabitants of the neighbouring
islands, all at our command, he projected the design of making himself
master of the city. Thinking every thing was lawful against Barbarians,
he took the opportunity of a dark night to surprize the governor and
garison of Galiba. The first was kill’d in his bed, and the latter put
to the sword; and having possess’d ourselves of the citadel, the rest
of the city immediately submitted to us. All went well so far; and our
chief had even taken the time when the king of the Galibians, (whose
capital is, however, in the country, and is call’d Anurogrammum) was
at war with the two other kings of the island, and when it was thought
it would be acceptable to them. But, on the contrary, as soon as they
knew it, they at once concluded a peace with him, and promis’d him
their assistance to drive us out of the city, of which we had taken
possession. Pheletes’s design was not to inform the court of Phœnicia
of his project ’till it was accomplish’d, to please the king the more
with the relation of a conquest already made. But being inform’d that
the three kings had immediately begun their march to retake Galiba, he
did not presume to let them know at Tyre the true cause of the rupture
between the islanders and us, for fear of being reproach’d with having
undertaken an ill-concerted project. He only entreated the king to send
him a ready and powerful succour against the kings of the island, who
threaten’d our colony with a speedy expulsion. These letters were sent
away a little before the siege was form’d: and he took care that there
were no other letters but his in the packet, which he sent by a trusty
messenger. But since that time it has been impossible either for him or
us to have any communication from without. The kings caus’d a triple
chain to be extended, from one point to the other, of the two moles
which form the entrance into the port, supported from space to space by
flat boats. Their ships cruize continually before this chain, to shut
out all succours that might be sent us from Phœnicia, and my boat had
not escap’d, but under favour of the disorder which your victory has
caus’d in their fleet. I must now inform you, my lord, that the enemy
has just beyond, and to the south of Galiba, a convenient bason, fenc’d
on the sea-side by a long chain of rocks. Thither the shatter’d remains
of their fleet are already retir’d. On the other side, towards the
north, opposite to which you now are, is a high plain, and at the end
of it are downs, the foot of which is wash’d by the sea. From thence
it is their land-forces besiege the city. The height and thickness
of the walls has defended it against them for almost six months. But
we must confess, that the famine to which they have reduc’d us, by
investing us so closely both by sea and land, had put us out of a
condition to hold out a week longer; when from the tops of our towers
we perceiv’d your fleet, as an auspicious star, rising to preserve
our lives. Now, my lord, what our chief proposes to you, and begs you
would put in execution this very night, to compleat the work you have
so happily begun, is this. A little more to the north you will be, at
about twenty furlongs from the city, in an excellent road, and will
have before you a low shore of the breadth of a furlong. There, under
favour of the darkness, and with the help of your boats, we desire you
would land all the armed men you have. I offer to be their guide, while
my companion will return with your answer to the chief of the colony:
you will run no hazard in the descent, since your victory has dispers’d
the enemy’s vessels which defended that coast. In the mean time, the
soldiers of your fleet being landed, and getting, by an easy ascent, up
to the downs, will have the army of the besiegers between them and our
garison, which will make a vigorous sally upon the enemy, at the same
time that you attack them behind.
The general, not a little supriz’d at what he had heard, said to the
officer; I believe, dear comrade, you yourself are sensible of the
rashness of this undertaking of your chief. The king, our master, when
he sent him into these seas, gave him a full power to do all that
he should think expedient for the good of the colony; and if he did
not tie him down to ask and wait for the orders of the court for too
distant expeditions; even this confidence renders him more blameable
by the ill use he has made of it. Be it however as it will, I consent
to pursue my victory. The animosity of the kings of the island against
us must now be so great, that, without dispute, nothing but their
entire defeat can bring them to a resolution of allowing us to reside
in Taprobane, even upon the footing we were before. The intent of the
Phœnician court was not that you should make a conquest of it, of
less advantage to our trade than the favour and amity of a people so
friendly as these islanders were to us. But our settlement being once
made, to the satisfaction of the inhabitants, the king of Tyre will
now maintain it, either by good-will or by force. I shall therefore
immediately undertake the descent you propose. I accept of you for my
guide, and will instantly send your companion back to carry my answer
to Pheletes. I only desire your chief, said Astartus, speaking to the
second deputy, to attempt nothing before day; and even not to attack
the enemy ’till I shall give him the signal, by hoisting red colours,
that I am ready to fall upon them on my side. The general accordingly
sent away the second deputy immediately, who got into the city as
happily as he came out: but turning to the first, he said; For you who
remain with us, I can’t enough recommend to you an exact silence to
our whole fleet, with regard to the conduct of your chief. We have an
Egyptian here with us, a man of a distinguish’d merit, who conceals
himself under the form of a common soldier of Memphis, made prisoner
in a battle which his king lost against the king of Thebes, a little
before our departure. It is to this Egyptian you owe your deliverance:
It was he who determin’d the officers of our fleet to hazard a combat
which appear’d so unequal to them: It was he, in short, who, by his
skill and courage, has made the victory turn to the least in number.
But since he has been in my vessel, I have observ’d such principles
of virtue in him, as would not favour the proceedings of Pheletes. If
he should have any knowledge of them, it would extremely allay his
fervency, and, of course, that of our soldiers, whom he encourages, by
his example and discourses: In a word, it is for your interest, that
he be not made acquainted with the cause of your misfortune, ’till
after your deliverance.
At the same time, Astartus, tho’ his fleet had enjoy’d but three
hours rest, instead of six, which he had propos’d, gave orders for
the descent. How numerous soever the boats were which they had in
their vessels, the troops they had landed could not be upon the downs
’till sun-rising. The enemy, having seen them at a distance marching
in good order, sent immediately three heralds to them. The chief of
them, directing his discourse to Astartus, who was at the head of
his army, with Cheres by his side, said; My lord! the three kings of
Taprobane, who are on the other side of the intrenchments which you
see before you, propose to you, by me, before you engage, to accept
of a conference with them in the midst of this plain: They will come
thither, attended only by a guard of sixty men, counting even the lords
who will accompany them, and will think it very proper for you to take
the same number on your side. They offer their word, and desire yours,
That the conference be held quietly; and that, if the peace cann’t be
concluded in it, that hostilities may not begin again on either side,
’till two hours after it be broke up. They earnestly intreat you will
cause Pheletes, the chief of the Phœnician colony, who is shut up
in Galiba, which we besiege, to be present at this conference. They
will allow him all the safe-guard necessary for him to pass our camp,
unless you chuse to send for him in one of your vessels. Our kings are,
against their wills, greatly at variance with Phœnicia. The fact alone
carries its decision with it, and we have no distrust of the equity
either of your king, or of you: but as either side may be prejudic’d in
their own cause, our kings are willing to accept of a third as arbiter.
The fame of the Egyptians in general is spread throughout the whole
world: but some prisoners, which we yesterday took from you, have given
us such encomiums of the singular virtues of an Egyptian who is in your
company, and who contributed so much to your victory, that our kings
are willing to refer every thing to his judgment. Astartus immediately
answer’d; That he consented to all the kings desir’d: That he would
send one of his vessels to fetch Pheletes, with only ten of the chief
officers he had with him in the city, and that he would lessen by so
many the number of those who should accompany him: That he would suffer
the Egyptian to give his opinion on the dispute in question; and that
he himself had a decision to give, with which, he flatter’d himself,
both parties would be satisfy’d. He even added; That being yet the
only one in his army who knew the bottom of the case, he would not
prepossess any one, but give their judgments a greater liberty upon an
affair which would not be brought to light ’till the conference.
The heralds being departed, extremely satisfy’d with their answer from
Astartus, he instantly dispatch’d one of his vessels to fetch Pheletes,
with ten of the chief officers of his colony. He was inraged, to find
that a quarrel, which, under the present circumstances of things,
seem’d to him so advantageous to be determin’d by force of arms, should
degenerate into a treaty. He plainly perceiv’d it would not turn to his
advantage: but he had reduc’d himself to a necessity of obeying a man,
who seem’d to be come only to his assistance, above whom his employ
would have plac’d him, in the natural course of things, and who, in the
common situation of affairs, ought to have receiv’d orders from him.
In the mean time both sides were preparing the spot of ground necessary
for the conference: They pitch’d upon it at an equal distance between
the intrenchments of the Taprobane army, and the first line of the
Phœnician army. The islanders furnish’d a large tent, under which
they might be shelter’d from the rays of the sun. Astartus, who
perfectly knew how to treat with an enemy, was present himself at the
regulation of every thing, and caus’d all the prerogatives of honour
to be plac’d on that side destin’d for the three kings. He order’d
their three seats to be plac’d upon an elevation, while there were on
his side only benches set in a semicircle over-against other benches
rang’d in the same manner for the lords of Taprobane, at the feet of
their kings. Pheletes being come, both parties enter’d into the tent.
Astartus took advantage, in a very graceful manner, of the right, which
his victory had given him, to regulate in some measure the ceremonials
of the assembly; and, by his conduct, he prevented all those cavils
which generally delay, and sometimes even break off, the most important
treaties. On his side he plac’d Pheletes on his right-hand; and next to
him, on the same side, the ten officers of the colony. He himself sate
next to Pheletes on the left-hand; and in the same manner plac’d the
ten chief officers of his fleet on his left-hand. Cheres, who was the
last in their row at the bottom, was almost between the two nations, by
the circular form of the benches.
Every thing being thus dispos’d, the king of the Galibians, being
seated in the middle of the two other, open’d the conference: He said,
That tho’ the two kings his allies, himself, and all the officers of
the island who were in the tent, understood the Phœnician tongue, since
the Phœnicians had settled in their island, yet it was some trouble to
them to speak it: That therefore he hop’d Astartus and his officers
would consent, that the herald, whom he had already sent as deputy to
him, and who had dwelt a long time in Phœnicia, might speak in his
place. This proposal having been accepted of, by a sign of general
consent, the herald arose, and began first, by giving a lively image
of the hospitality which the king of the Galibians had afforded the
Phœnicians the first day, when their fleet, shatter’d with the tempest,
appear’d before his port. He next shew’d the zeal with which he soon
after had procur’d them the friendship of the two other kings of the
island: But he expatiated far more upon the advantage the Phœnicians
had drawn from their factory at Galiba, to carry on their trade to the
most eastern shores of the Indian sea. He represented, that it was
by the conveniency of this factory the Phœnicians had enrich’d the
present world with the discovery of Serica, farther from Taprobane
eastward than Phœnicia is towards the west; and that this new world
had prodigiously increas’d their own riches, by that fine and shining
wooll which certain precious insects produc’d on the leaves of trees.
He did not forget the circumstance of so many strangers which the
kings of Taprobane had receiv’d in all the ports of their island,
upon the credit of the Phœnicians: That (said he) was the first cause
of our misfortune and theirs. Without this perfidious assistance,
their chief would never have attempted an undertaking, which we very
well know was disapprov’d of by his principal officers here present.
He massacred in one night the governor and the whole garison of
Galiba. He made himself master of the city, an abode quieter and more
delicious, before this attempt, for him and the Phœnicians, than for
our inhabitants themselves. He has made of this general rendezvous of
all the Indies, a place of famine and horror. Our kings having been
oblig’d to invest this city on all sides, in order to retake it, have,
with regret, reduc’d their own subjects to the greatest extremities;
because a single man, a traitor with respect to our citizens, and a
tyrant with regard to his own countrymen, has persisted for six months,
notwithstanding both, in an unwarrantable pretension. This is the only
cause of the war we have made against the Phœnicians, and on which,
Astartus, our kings accept of the virtuous Egyptian, whom you yourself
have brought with you, as arbiter; they are willing to accept of him
for their judge, tho’ he be of a nation which has always declar’d
itself a friend of yours, and which is even concern’d for its commerce
and increase.
Astartus answer’d; That, previous to every thing else, he thought it
would be just, to hear the reasons and defence of Pheletes, if he
thought fit to alledge any. Upon which, he arising with an appearance
of anger, with which he endeavour’d to hide his confusion, spoke thus;
I don’t know whether it be with the consent of the king our master,
that Astartus has accepted of a conference with the kings of Taprobane;
at least, I think that the victory he obtain’d yesterday, and which
might this day be follow’d by another, dispens’d him from taking so
soon the ways of accommodation. He leaves me here no excuse for an
attempt, which had been in his power to have render’d reasonable and
glorious. The same decorum is not requir’d in war, as at a conference.
It has never been a custom to ask the consent of a nation to take its
cities or provinces; and it is generally the gods, and fortune, and
not their conquerors, that vanquish’d people reproach for their fate.
A military undertaking needs no other justification but its success.
If the general himself, who is sent to my assistance, makes me fail
in this, at a time when his own victory has render’d it secure, it is
the king of Tyre, and not the kings of Taprobane, I shall trouble with
my complaint. Pheletes having sate himself down again after these few
words, Cheres rose up, and said; The fortune of war, made me fall into
the hands of the Phœnicians, and, which they, however, don’t know, tho’
since my captivity I have never been out of their sight, my choice
alone has plac’d me in their company. I have reason to be satisfy’d
with the regard they have been pleas’d to have for me, and which is
far beyond the condition under which I myself have presented myself
to them. I shan’t boast that I have recompens’d their goodness by the
services I render’d them yesterday, in the naval combat they gain’d
over the kings of Taprobane. These services, from that moment, would
become involuntary. The esteem I have for the Phœnician general, and
for the officers who are under him, makes me believe they themselves
disclaim their victory. Their attack at least, to which I confess I
greatly contributed, was only grounded, as well on their part as mine,
on the ignorance we were in of the real state of the dispute: But
before Astartus discovers his resolution on this affair, which is now
known, I shan’t let the opportunity escape, of discovering myself, what
every one may expect from me, during the whole course of my life. The
gods, by making me captive, have increas’d the liberty of my soul; and
being depriv’d of all fortune’s favours, I am more strictly devoted
to the love of virtue and justice. I acted against you, O ye kings of
Taprobane, while I thought you had exterminated from your island the
Phœnicians, of whom we saw none appear before the battle. I decide
against you, O ye Phœnicians, ’till you have punish’d the traitor,
who has actually committed the same crime against the islanders,
which I suspected them to be guilty of against you. At these words,
Pheletes rose up in a fury, and said; Astartus, when will you stop
the mouth of this unknown person, your prisoner and slave, who takes
upon him, in your presence, an authority which I should not suffer
from you yourself? Cheres then taking that air of authority, which a
distinguish’d birth, and heroick courage, are, upon all occasions,
capable of giving a man who is possess’d of them, said; I proclaim
thy death, thou who speakest; and my warrant is, the interest of thy
nation, which is under a necessity thereby to establish its blemish’d
honour, and to open again to its fleets the ports of every sea, which
the example of thy treachery unpunish’d, would keep for ever shut
against them.
At this instant Astartus arose, and stretching out his hand between
the two disputants, said; ’Tis neither the one or the other of you
two who will decide the matter; but the king of Tyre, who is going to
speak, by his orders, which I have about me. Ye kings of Taprobane,
you will now see, that Egypt is not the only nation that knows what
equity and justice is. As a faithful subject to my master, I should
not fear either the wicked or the good, in the execution of his will;
but his wisdom is going to give peace to the Phœnicians, and to the
Islanders. You would have sav’d yourselves the loss you suffer’d
yesterday, if the confidence you put in the number of your vessels, had
not hinder’d you from having recourse to a conference which you did
not propose ’till this day. You gave us reason, against our will, to
let you see the Phœnicians know how to make themselves fear’d by their
enemies; and they themselves will now shew you, that they know how to
make themselves esteem’d by their allies. Astartus having finish’d
this discourse, sate down in his place again, and taking the letters
patent from the king of Tyre from under his cuirass, he gave them to
his gentleman to read, who was plac’d standing opposite to the herald
who had spoken in the name of the kings of Taprobane. After the first
lines, which were only the title, they imported, that the king gave
commission to Astartus to carry his fleet, compos’d of fifteen ships,
laden with merchandizes, and equipp’d for war, to Taprobane: That the
forces of this fleet should be employ’d to support or re-establish
the colony of that island, which was threaten’d with an expulsion,
for reasons which they had but a confus’d notion of, and which seem’d
to have been conceal’d by Pheletes the chief of the colony. The king
said further, That he had shewn his acknowledgments in due time to
the king of the Galibians, and to the two other kings of Taprobane,
for the favourable reception they had given the Phœnicians at their
first landing: but that this courtesy being at bottom no more than an
observance of the laws of nature and nations, he insisted upon its
being preserv’d, either by good-will, or force, upon the conditions
formerly regulated, or that might for the future be regulated, as
occasion requir’d: That the Phœnician nation made no difficulty of
allowing that they obtain’d great advantages in trade, by their
factory in Taprobane; but that the islanders had likewise had a very
great share in these advantages, by the gold and silver which had on
this occasion circulated in their island, and by the vend of their
cinamon, which the Phœnicians dispers’d throughout the whole world:
That, with respect even to the troubles, the true circumstances of
which were unknown at Tyre, the king, being willing to give all manner
of satisfaction to his dear and much-honoured allies the kings of
Taprobane, appointed Astartus chief of the Phœnician colony; grounding
this choice on the great services this commander had done him by sea
and land; but particularly on the prudence with which he had always
behav’d himself among foreign nations, having more than once so gain’d
the affections even of those people whom he had conquer’d, that they
were enter’d into bonds of friendship and alliance with Phœnicia:
That, with respect to Pheletes, of whom he was already inform’d
that he was not belov’d by the islanders, and had been cruel to the
Phœnicians themselves, he charged Astartus to go back to the rise of
these suspicions and complaints; and if he should find that Pheletes
had been guilty only of imprudence, or involuntary failings, that he
should send him back to Phœnicia, with the usual honours, promising him
all manner of indulgence on the king’s part: but if it appear’d that
he had been the aggressor, and had offer’d the kings of Taprobane any
injury that was capital, or tending to promote discord between the two
people; that, in such case, Astartus should form a council of war,
compos’d of twenty of his principal officers, viz. ten of the colony,
and ten of the fleet, in which he should preside: That Pheletes should
be arraign’d before this council; and the sentence there pronounc’d
against him should be executed in the sight of the Phœnicians and the
Islanders. At these words, Pheletes said; I shall save you the trouble,
and know how to punish myself for having attempted to serve my country.
Immediately, preventing all dispositions that might have been made to
stop him, he ran cross a distance of about forty paces between the tent
and the brink of the downs, and threw himself into the sea.
The end of this man, who was more blind than wicked, rais’d some sense
of compassion in the whole assembly, which was in some confusion,
waiting to see what would be the end of his running with so much
precipitation out of the tent: However, the kings and Astartus caus’d
the whole assembly, each on their own side, to take their places again,
in order to come to a final resolution on affairs which began to change
their face. They soon came to an agreement, That all things should be
restor’d to the same condition they were in before this undertaking of
Pheletes, whose condemnation was to secure more than ever a mutual
confidence between the two nations. They were breaking-up, to go and
publish these tidings to the besieged, and to the besiegers, when
Cheres stepp’d forward, and intreated a moment’s audience. Ye kings of
Taprobane, (said he) and you my lords Phœnicians! How urgent soever
the publication of the peace, and the deliverance of the city, may be,
allow me, now you are so happily assembled, to propose an undertaking
equally advantageous to both nations. The gods seem to me to have
prepar’d every thing for the execution of this design with which they
have inspir’d me, to make the world acquainted with nations unknown,
and to give you new allies. My views are towards Africa, in which
my country is situated; but it is to discover the southern part of
it, with which the Indian seas will give you an easy communication
from hence. Tho’ I have not perform’d the voyage I propose, I have
a peculiar knowledge of it, the source of which I am not allow’d to
discover: but this I can assure you in general, I shall find nothing on
all the coasts I propose to survey, but what I am already acquainted
with. Give me a fleet of twelve vessels; six of the Phœnicians, whom I
name first, because I first devoted myself to their service; and six of
the Islanders, because their natural goodness, and their friendship
for the Phœnicians, make them worthy to be partakers with them of
the profits of this new commerce. These vessels must be equipp’d for
war; because among the people we shall meet with, there are some very
untractable and unsociable, and such as are only fit to be your slaves.
As for the ammunitions and provisions which we shall have occasion for,
and advice-boats to bring you tidings of us, while we are compassing
the coasts of Africa, these are articles which cann’t be regulated
here, and for which you have all the leisure necessary, while we wait
for the most proper season for our departure. The kings and Astartus
answer’d almost at the same time, That they did not reject this
proposal, and that they would examine it with him, as well in their
separate as united councils; but that, as he himself had insinuated,
the most urgent at present, was, to go and bring joy to both nations,
and to carry the besieged all manner of refreshments, which might make
them forget the long continuance of the evils they had suffer’d.
A description of the rejoicings which were made on both sides on this
occasion is foreign from my main subject. I shall only say, that
while the king of the Galibians and Astartus were entring the city
in ceremony, Cheres rambled, out of curiosity, into several streets
and squares. There were in Galiba several Egyptian priests in the
habits of merchants, as it was usual for them in foreign countries.
They conform’d with so much discretion to the customs of every place,
and behav’d themselves with so much prudence, that they were never
observ’d; or at least they were only distinguish’d by the good they
found opportunities of doing. Among these were fourteen or fifteen
priests of Memphis, and some officers of the second order. Two of
these priests, who met Cheres, knew him immediately. He, at the same
time, gave them the sign of religious secrecy, which was, by laying
his hand on his heart. He related his whole history to them; and they
immediately offer’d him their treasure, which the length of the siege
had not yet exhausted, and which was going to increase greatly by the
return of those sums they had lent to the citizens during the publick
calamity. Cheres took advantage of an offer which was a right to all
initiates: but he told them, that he had left his jewels in the hands
of the priests of Memphis, and that his design was, they should open
the box, and take out as many as would pay all the sums he might borrow
of them. To this end, he begg’d of them to conduct him to the house
where they lodg’d, that he might write to the high-priest of Memphis,
and leave his letter in their hands, to be carry’d by one of them, or
their officers, who might first return into Egypt. In this letter,
after an ample relation of his adventures, he took notice of the debt
he had just contracted, and those he might yet contract; begging the
high-priest to reimburse himself out of what he had put into his
hands, and which he desir’d him yet to keep for the same use, and
especially as it contain’d the late queen his mother’s ring, the only
exterior token of his birth which fortune had left him. He inform’d
him of his resolution, and the hopes he was in of undertaking to
coast round Africa, without delay, in a fleet of which he was to have
the command in chief; and sooner or later to return that way to the
Mediterranean-sea, and into Egypt. He promis’d to write to him, during
his voyage, by every safe opportunity that might offer: But above all,
he engag’d him, under the seal of religious and sacerdotal secrecy, to
leave the whole world, and especially the court of Memphis, in their
persuasion of his death; being convinc’d that was the most infallible
means to overthrow, in time, all those measures which had been taken
upon this false supposition; whereas, if his enemies knew he were
living, they would, at their leisure, take such as might be effectual
to exclude him from the succession to the throne which was his right.
But if the high-priest should, before his return, receive the certain
and unquestionable news of his death, he referr’d himself entirely
to him for the publication he might make of the truth of things, if
he thought it necessary, for the satisfaction of the good, and the
confusion of the wicked.
Cheres return’d soon enough towards the palace, destin’d for the chief
of the colony, to enter into it with his retinue; and in the evening,
taking Astartus aside, he offer’d him his ransom, what he knew he had
given to the Phœnicians who brought him on board his vessel. He begg’d
of him to receive it, tho’ it were but out of a formality, to which he
very well knew the idea of liberty was annex’d in publick opinion. My
lord, said he, don’t be surpriz’d at the sum I give you. I have found
in Galiba some Egyptians, unknown, in their habit, from the merchants
of your nation. It is an establish’d rule, especially with those
amongst us, who are ally’d by a religious association, that their goods
are in common in foreign countries. This it is which places me above
all necessity for my person here. I presume, however, to beg a lodging
of you in your palace, because I shall be the more at hand to pursue,
near your person, the preparations for the voyage I have propos’d.
Astartus answer’d him, That even before his ransom, which he only
accepted of to oblige him, he held him free; and that the services he
had render’d the Phœnicians, would have cancell’d all the engagements
in the world. He added, that at the first word he heard him speak, and
by the bare tone of his voice, he had believ’d him to be of a quality
far above what he assum’d, and even above the common race of men: But
that, in short, he had regard for his secret, and the reasons he had to
conceal himself, promising him, with an oath, not to communicate to any
one the thoughts he had of him, and which he stifled when he spoke to
him himself. He assur’d him, that he would immediately use all possible
diligence to put the fleet he had desir’d in a condition to depart as
soon as he should think expedient; and that he would represent this
expedition to the king, his master, as the most advantageous that could
be propos’d for the world in general, and for Phœnicia in particular.
Astartus was as good as his word, and wrote to the king of Tyre not
only what he had promis’d Cheres, but added, without his knowledge,
that the unknown Egyptian had, by his merit and valour, acquir’d
so happy an ascendant over the minds of every one, as promis’d all
success to his undertaking: But that he should likewise be accompany’d
by such officers and pilots with whom the interest of Phœnicia might
be intrusted. The new chief of the colony hasten’d of himself the
imbarkation; because at his arrival at Galiba he was inform’d, that
three Phœnician vessels were departed from Taprobane two months before
the siege for the great island of Menuthias [Madagascar]; and that they
had been promis’d they should soon be follow’d by others.
Astartus being more and more confirm’d in the opinion he had of the
probity and knowledge of Cheres, caus’d six large vessels to be
fitted out, and provided with the most excellent Phœnician officers,
and the most expert pilots of that nation. They did not forget the
astronomical tables, nor the instruments for observation, which would
be more necessary for them in unknown seas than in others. The kings
of the island, who had been prepossess’d in favour of Cheres, even
before they had seen him; whose part he had so generously taken in
the conference, and which he had since improv’d with a great deal of
care during their stay at Galiba, furnish’d the same number. With the
consent of Astartus, the partition of such possessions and settlements,
as in their discoveries might be to be made between the islanders and
the Phœnicians, was left to the sole disposition of Cheres. These first
vessels were follow’d by twelve others of lesser bulk, which were to
carry, and bring back again successively, provisions and merchandizes,
as occasion might require. They took care to furnish themselves in
abundance with all the little utensils, which, being put to the most
common uses, are of small value among civiliz’d nations; but which
must seem very curious to savages who have no idea of the conveniences
of life. Some of the priests of Memphis, who knew Cheres personally;
and who, according to their general maxim, travell’d to the different
parts of the world, as soon as they were discover’d, desir’d to
accompany him in his voyage. He would by no means refuse the pleasure
and assistance he had to hope from their conversation, advice and
ingenuity. The Phœnicians and the islanders of Taprobane had already
their priests, according to the religious customs of the ancients, who
never went to sea without them. For this reason the poets have feign’d,
that the Argonauts took Orpheus with them, and that the Greeks made
Calchas accompany them to the siege of Troy. Cheres was so urgent and
assiduous, that every thing was ready within a month; he then went on
board of the most gallant vessel, as commander; and this fleet, at its
departure from Taprobane, was attended with the blessings of the two
nations, who lin’d the shore a long way off.
At their departure from the port of Galiba, the wind bore them away
to the southward, which was their course to the island of Menuthias:
but it was the custom of those days to keep the coast; a timorous
way of sailing, which continu’d among us till Hipalus[98], a famous
mariner under the emperor Claudius, taught the Romans to traverse the
main sea in their voyages to the Indies. So this northerly wind was
contrary to the course Cheres’s pilots propos’d to take; which was,
to return the same way they came from the Arabian Gulph to Taprobane,
and then to pursue the African coasts from the north to the south.
Cheres was sorely griev’d to go so much about, because he had very
little curiosity to view those coasts which had already been seen by
himself or others: therefore, taking advantage of this circumstance
of a contrary wind that favour’d a design, which without this pretext
he would hardly have ventur’d to have propos’d: he call’d the pilots
together, and said to them; Comrades, dare you put trust in my presage?
The heavens seem to point out to us the way which we ought to take.
We are going in quest of new lands; but we shan’t be the first who
have procur’d this advantage to mankind; and your nation is already
famous for these sorts of discoveries. Let us teach future navigators
something newer, and more considerable, and which will render you
famous among the Phœnicians themselves. Let us make the world
acquainted with the main sea; and let us open a passage thro’ it by
our example. Let us take this opportunity of a favourable wind to do
designedly, what tempests and currents have oblig’d those vessels to
do which have landed on islands at a great distance from the shores
of the continent. Experience has taught us, that in crossing the sea
we are generally less subject to sands and rocks than in coasting
voyages. Those among you who have been at Menuthias by other ways, have
determin’d the situation of this island; so you know what course you
have to take. The certain advantage of a voyage, shorten’d at least the
half, by sailing in a direct line, seems, in my opinion, to outweigh
the hazard of it, tho’ not yet attempted. What would our navigation
now have been if your fathers had not undertaken things which none
before them had presum’d to do? They saw the times, in which not only
passengers landed every night, but the pilots drew their vessels on
shore. Yours are too great to follow them in this lamentable way of
working, which you leave to the Greeks; the greater part of whom
don’t yet venture, I don’t say out of the Mediterranean, but hardly
out of the neighbourhood of the Archipelago. You allow, that you pass
your nights more securely in your vessels, either at anchor, or even
continuing your course, than by exposing yourself on desart coasts,
or those where you mistrust the inhabitants. Navigation of itself
is look’d upon as the boldest attempt mankind has ever been capable
of; but we may say, it is become the more secure, in proportion as
it has been attempted with the greater boldness. I don’t despair but
this trial, which I propose to you, will exempt you, in future times,
from a thousand shipwrecks and encounters: Besides, the birds[99]
which you carry along with you, according to custom, will, by their
flight, direct you where those islands or continents lie, which you
are to avoid running upon. As soon as we suppose ourselves in the
neighbourhood of them, we will send some of our small vessels or boats
to sound the way before us. These are only particular methods: but
for the general direction of our course, I build very much upon the
knowledge you have of the stars. Mariners of other nations have no
other guide but the Great Bear; a constellation, tho’ very visible,
which discovers the northern region to us, but in an undetermin’d
manner. You alone know how to guide yourselves by the Cynosura[100] or
Lesser Bear; the point of whose tail directs you exactly to the polar
star. ’Tis true, as soon as we have pass’d the line, the northern pole
will disappear from our sight; and I know, that the nearest star to
the southern pole, which we must then have in view, is distant from
it above fifteen degrees. This inconveniency might seem capable of
reducing us to a pretty great uncertainty. But, not to mention the
assistance we shall have by easy reckonings, it is certain, that
bearing from hence to the southwest, as you know we must to steer in
a direct line for Menuthias, we shall likewise then find ourselves
very near to Africa; which we shall afterwards coast, according to the
manner of common sailing, during the whole remainder of our course.
[98] Dodwel, de autore & ætate Peripli maris Erythræi, cap. 16.
[99] Pliny, lib. 6. cap. 24.
[100] Namque Helice Graïos, Tyrios Cynosura per altum parva regit. Festus
Avienus in Arateis, & alii.
The pilots, being won by a discourse which Cheres had wisely turn’d
in their favour, and by which he seem’d to put confidence in their
knowledge, accepted of this proposal with joy. And moreover, this trust
which he profess’d to repose in them, was, as it generally happens,
the measure of theirs in him. In the mean time they doubled their
diligence, as well in taking every day the height of the sun, and every
night that of different stars, as to discover at as great a distance
as possible, the islands they were to meet with in their passage. The
continual vigilance, which new dangers oblig’d them to, procur’d them
the satisfaction, not only of rendring themselves more expert than they
had been before, but of finding themselves in reality more so than
they expected to be. Cheres, in order to exempt those who were to
follow him from the painful uncertainty into which he ran himself for
their sakes, caus’d a very exact journal to be kept of whatever they
observ’d either in the firmament or the seas. As they were then in the
middle of our winter, as soon as they had pass’d the line, they made
great advantage of the east wind, call’d, _Apeliotes_ or _Subsolanus_.
This regular wind, which always follows the sun in these seas, from
one tropick to the other, and which extremely qualifies the heat of
its perpendicular rays, carry’d them in less than a month within sight
of the most southern coasts of the island of Menuthias. We find it
call’d in some of our authors, _Cerna Ethiopica_, to distinguish it
from _Cerna Atlantica_, [the island of Madera] situate over-against the
western and northern point of Africa. My anecdote authors relate, that
the first, of which we are here treating, had been already discover’d
by the Phœnicians, in the following manner:
During the first years that Pheletes govern’d the Phœnician colony
of Taprobane, one of his boldest pilots propos’d to him, to extend
the knowledge they already had of the eastern coasts of Africa yet
farther. As Pheletes was puff’d up with the advantageous ideas which
had been given him of the Chersonesus Aurea and Serica, he flatter’d
himself with the hopes of greater profit for his colony and himself
from thence, than what he could expect from Africa; of which he had
heard no other mention made but as of a country hideous not only for
its inhabitants but for its desarts. Thus, whatever instances they
could make him, he would only grant one vessel to him who propos’d this
undertaking. This pilot, after having taken the common tour to come at
the cape of Aromata [Gardafuy] which is the most eastern promontory
of Ethiopia above Egypt, join’d with some Ethiopian merchants, who
accompany’d him to Rapta, over-against the middle of the island of
Menuthias. There they told him, they were never accustom’d to go
farther; tho’, according to an opinion spread among them, by advancing
a little farther, they would find the mines of Sophir or Ophir [now
Sophala]. Not, added they, that any stranger has ever seen them. If
there be any, they are barr’d from us by Anthropophagian Ethiopians,
who, without doubt, don’t know their own riches: but being animated by
a more brutish passion, they assemble in numerous bodies, to lay hold
of all travellers who have the misfortune to be cast on their coasts;
and they carry them away to eat them. Thus we have no other evidence of
their possessing mines of gold, but some dust of that metal which has
been found mix’d with the sand on their coasts.
Upon this advice the Phœnician pilot, considering that he was not
of force enough, either for an assault, or to defend himself, was
satisfy’d, as he pass’d the night on this coast, with sending a boat
to fill a barrel with this sand in haste. He then stood away for
Menuthias, where he had been told the inhabitants had not much more
understanding, but were more humane than the savages of Sophir. He
doubled the isle towards the south, and landed there: he took a just
account of the height of it, and brought away from thence several
refreshments, which he purchas’d for some trifles of little value.
Being return’d to Taprobane by the way he came, he presented the
chief of the colony his barrel of sand; out of which they drew, by
barely washing, a pretty large quantity of gold. At the sight of this,
Pheletes consented to equip three vessels, which were to land on the
southern coast of Menuthias, a little beyond the tropic, at the port,
which would be easily found by the first pilot he sent; and he made
them hope, as we have observ’d above, that they should soon be follow’d
by a reinforcement. The reason Pheletes alledg’d was, that the first
thing they had to do was to establish themselves at Menuthias, that
they might there concert the most expedient measures to make war with
the savages of Sophir. But tho’ it was near a year that these three
vessels were departed, they did not arrive at this island till eight
days after Cheres, with his fleet, was got thither, which was a great
honour to the undertaking he had just perform’d of crossing the main
sea.
As soon as this fleet, which consisted of twenty-four vessels, appear’d
in the road, they observ’d that the islanders, men and women, terrify’d
with a sight, the like of which, without doubt, they had never seen,
fled to a great distance, and driving before them all their cattle
which they could get together, left an open country. The Phœnicians
immediately enter’d into a very large haven, which nature[101] alone had
form’d. It is a kind of lake, screen’d from every wind, upon which
were a great number of fishermens barks, made out of one piece of
hollow’d timber, and laden with strong wicker baskets, which serv’d
the inhabitants for nets. They landed in a pleasant and fertile plain,
water’d with several rivers and brooks, which fall into the lake, and
full of cabins cover’d with leaves, to screen both men and beasts from
the great heat of the sun. They found every where provisions of rustick
food; and in several places some old men and children, who had wanted
strength to leave their dwellings. Cheres gave orders to his whole
company to appease the fear, which their accoutrements of war had
caus’d in these savage peasants, by all tokens of friendship. And, in
the mean time, they took possession of a place which the cowardice of
the possessors had made strangers, who desir’d no more than a courteous
hospitality, the masters of. After having pass’d some days in marking
out the ground they believ’d they might want for themselves, and for
those who would follow them, they began to fortify it, for fear the
fugitives might return with some unknown succours. For this work they
at first imploy’d their rowers, but they soon had other workmen.
The inhabitants came one by one, to see whether the strangers were
departed. Cheres and his people, by their gestures and the engaging
tone of their voices, prevail’d upon those of the old men and children,
who were able to walk a little, to go and meet their relations, and to
assure them they had nothing to fear of these strangers. This expedient
succeeded beyond all hopes; and the inhabitants return’d in a few days
to their cabins. It is true, they were now no longer masters there; but
whether it was that they were sensible they had lost their independancy
by their own fault; or whether they perceiv’d the superiority which
civiliz’d nations had over them, they submitted to their bondage
without reluctance. As they before aim’d at nothing more than a
livelihood, and they had never attain’d to it without labour, their
condition seem’d to be hardly chang’d. On the contrary, the inhabitants
of this southern canton having never had any chief in common to them,
and consequently no necessary and absolute judge in their quarrels;
they seem’d, by the loss of the propriety of their goods, to have
procur’d a more peaceable enjoyment of them. To conclude, one of the
comforts of these people was, that this new government freed them from
the injunctions which their soothsayers laid upon all mothers, of
exposing their children, when they found by their observations that
they were born under inauspicious omens[102].
[101] Dapper upon the island of Madagascar.
[102] Dapper, pag. 468.
The first thing Cheres did, was, to make particular laws for this kind
of slaves. He ordain’d, that they should only be call’d bonds-men or
servants. He regulated their food, such as they enjoy’d before. He
divided their hours equally between work and rest; but he promis’d them
particularly, in the name of the kings, their new sovereigns, that as
long as they behav’d themselves with that submission they had till then
shewn, they should never be carry’d out of their island against their
wills. These dispositions being made, they employ’d them in building a
fort, walls and dwellings, with the most proper materials they found in
the neighbourhood. At last, Cheres, by virtue of the power given him
at his departure, determin’d, that the fort, the new city, and all the
territory which surrounded it, ought, on account of the neighbourhood,
to appertain as a sovereignty to the kings of Taprobane, as well as all
conquests they might for the future make in every island.
He sent two of his lesser vessels, to inform the kings of his
disposition, and of the conditions upon which he had made them
sovereigns of the island, and masters of its inhabitants, or at least
of that part which was actually conquer’d. One of these vessels carry’d
a column of ebony wood, of a prodigious length and thickness. All their
people, to the very sailors, had quantities of topazes, granates,
amethysts, and other precious stones; which, as they said, and was
agreeable to the truth, they had gather’d in the rivers and brooks[103].
Cheres, in his letter, exhorted the kings to send a small fleet, with a
certain number of men and women, to begin a settlement in the form of
a colony at Menuthias. He advis’d them to send officers and soldiers
with them, that they might have a garison in this island, and a fleet
in its haven; because he should carry all the vessels and people he had
with him in quest of farther discoveries. He advis’d them, however, not
to let their people advance farther into the country, till after some
time, and when, by a mild and just dominion over their new servants,
they were sure of having zealous soldiers in them. He even exhorted
them not to extend their conquests but in the same manner as they
had been begun; that is, by convincing the inhabitants of the inward
parts of the island, that a reasonable servitude would be infinitely
more easy to them than the savage liberty in which they then liv’d. He
concluded, that if the kings of Taprobane would but never so little
hasten the imbarkation he propos’d to them, they might yet find him in
the same place, because the passage between the two islands was now no
more a tedious voyage.
[103] Dapper, page 446.
He wrote a private letter to Astartus; in which he observ’d, that
he had thought it most expedient to make this first present to his
allies, to cement their reconciliation with the Phœnicians, who stood
in need of their factory of Taprobane for their trade to the Indies.
That besides, these allies having fewer maritime forces, and less
correspondence in trade than Phœnicia, he had been glad to give them
a possession, which they might with ease keep and improve: But that
his design was to make the Phœnicians lords of all the eastern coasts
of Africa, from Raptum to the most southern point of this part of the
world. That the correspondence they already had with the northern
Ethiopians would soon make it easy to them to carry on their trade
directly to all Africa without going to Taprobane, or even stopping at
Menuthias. He advis’d him, that he was going to make a beginning by
the mines of Sophir, situate in a barbarous country, whose inhabitants
destroy’d and devour’d all those who fell into their hands. That
he reckon’d he had men enough to subdue them, and would inform him
from thence what troops the Phœnicians would want to maintain their
conquest. That after having made as many slaves as he possibly could
of these inhuman people, he would employ them in building upon all the
coasts such forts as he should judge necessary to secure to Phœnicia
those possessions which were advantageous in themselves, or would
serve for factories to depart from thence to places where they would
have a profitable commerce. He added, that he talk’d of reducing this
part of the eastern coast of Africa to slavery, only because it was
inhabited by monsters in human shape, uncapable of all society. But
that he hop’d to find on the western coast nations with whom they might
enter into some treaties of alliance or commerce. That it was not for
the interest of Phœnicia to go every where sword in hand: That they
would ruin themselves by so tedious an expedition, or at least their
dominion would be of no long duration: That it were to be wish’d for
them, they might always find people who would receive them as they had
been receiv’d at Taprobane. That he should be so far from destroying,
that he would not subdue all the Barbarians, who might at first make
some resistance: but that he would make use of his victories, as
Astartus himself had more than once given him an example, to reduce
the conquer’d to a friendship with the conquerors. That if he had
made the inhabitants of Menuthias bonds-men, it was because having
found no form of general and constant government among them, he could
not apply himself to any of them, in order to treat in safety with
the nation: That therefore he could bring them no otherwise but by
servitude to that communication of good offices, to which he believ’d
all the people of the earth were oblig’d one towards the other. That
in consideration, however, of their natural goodness, he had taken all
possible measures, that their yoke might rather be advantageous than
burthensome. That, in a word, he had acted very differently with them
from what he was going to do with the Anthropophagi, those enemies
to mankind, of whom he would endeavour to exterminate one part, that
he might make the remainder real slaves. But that in general he was
persuaded, the natural inhabitants of each country were only truly
capable of cultivating and preserving the fruits and production of
nature in their own lands, and to traffick with them advantageously
for those people themselves who want to purchase them there. That thus
it would be to ruin trade in its infancy, not only to exterminate, but
even to scare away or to alienate those people who were to be gain’d
by prudence and humanity. That, for his part, he had only offer’d
his service to Phœnicia and its allies in this view. That his most
fervent wishes were, to civilize the savages themselves, who might be
found susceptible of any manners, by the intercourse he would procure
them with polite nations. In a word, that all he aspir’d to in his
undertaking was, to make men advantageous one to the other.
Cheres, while he was waiting the return of his two ships, so hasten’d
the works he had begun, that the families of Taprobane found, at their
arrival some months afterwards, habitations finish’d, both in the city
and in the country. Their commander or governor had orders from the
three kings to distribute them according to the advice and dispositions
of Cheres, and to conform himself to the regulations he should receive
from him in what concern’d this conquest. These orders were accompany’d
with a letter of praises and acknowledgements to Cheres: but he was
more pleas’d with the approbation which Astartus gave, in his answer,
to the motives of his conduct; not only because Phœnicia having as yet
not had their share, this approbation seem’d more disinterested; but
because he was chiefly concern’d for the good of the Phœnicians, and
believ’d by serving them, he more immediately serv’d Egypt itself.
As Cheres only waited for the islanders of Taprobane to put their
colony in possession of a country he had won for them; as soon as that
was settled, he refitted his whole fleet: and having furnish’d it
abundantly with ammunition and provisions, he set sail for Sophir.
His design was to reach the coasts of Africa at the river Raptus
[Cuama]; where, as has been already observ’d, the Ethiopian merchants
always stopp’d, by reason of the dread they had of the Anthropophagi:
But a violent storm, such as is very common between Africa and
Menuthias, soon interrupted the passage of his fleet into this canal,
which he would not venture into but with a very favourable wind.
The calm was not intirely settled, when his vessel, being separated
from all the rest by a tempest, was found to be off of a point of
land, which he knew to be the promontory of Prason, and which Ptolemy
afterwards plac’d in the fifteenth degree of southern latitude. But
as there is no point of land beyond that of Raptum to the south till
you come to this promontory; which in my anecdots I find situated under
the tropick of Capricorn, I conclude this is the Cape, which Ptolemy
knew the name of, without knowing the situation of it, tho’ it was
truly describ’d to him by Marin of Tyre, whom he quotes on this same
subject[104]. Cheres calling to mind that this was the bounds of Africa,
known by the geographers of his time, resolv’d to land there, and took
his measures for the descent.
[104] Lib. 1. cap. 7.
He had perceiv’d, at a distance, a crowd of inhabitants on the shore;
and he imagin’d that these people, having discover’d several of his
vessels, were only assembled in so great a number to defend themselves,
in case they offer’d to approach them. He therefore thought immediately
of rejoining his fleet; and afterwards, that the savages might the
sooner separate, he got it quite out of their sight. In short, he
order’d matters so, that by favour of a night, which was the fifth
after the tempest, three of his smaller vessels, which he commanded
himself, fill’d with chosen soldiers, and back’d by the remainder of
the fleet at a convenient distance, attempted to land. He had observ’d,
as a land-mark, some cabins almost on the brink of the cape, at the
mouth of a river [the Inhambane]; and he judg’d, by the nature of the
ground, the descent would be easy there. His conjecture prov’d true;
and they even found no one to oppose them: so marching silently, with
sword in hand, they went up to these cabins, guided by the light of
some wood, which they saw burning there. About thirty savages, who
guarded the entrance into them, awak’d, and immediately made a great
cry; which was a signal for their own death. This expedition was
pursu’d with so much diligence, that not one of them had time to arm
himself with his bow and arrows, which he had by his side, or means to
escape, to give notice to his comrades at a distance.
Cheres and his company enter’d immediately into a sort of large
stable, supported from space to space by stakes. They found there
about fifty men, almost naked, lying upon leaves, and ty’d to these
stakes by branches of palms, twisted into the form of chains. These
men, who spoke different languages, all agreed in their tokens of joy
and supplicating tone of their voices. Cheres made signs to them by
favourable gestures to let one of them, who seem’d to be more zealous
than the rest, speak for them all: My lord, said he, you who are at
the head of these Phœnicians, whom I know by their armour, as being
a Phœnician myself: Heaven has, without doubt, sent you to be the
deliverer of us miserable wretches, who are here destin’d to serve
for food to the cruel inhabitants of this country. We have been drove
on shore here at different times by contrary winds. They come hither
in shoals, as soon as they perceive a storm, with a design to seize
the prey it may bring them. For otherwise, they have not the courage
to go to sea to attack any vessels they think capable of defending
themselves. They take advantage of the state of imbecility, fatigue
and agony, to which travellers, batter’d by the waves, and almost
drowned, are reduc’d to, to reserve those wretches for a death by far
more terrible than that they have escap’d. They keep us here in vast
pastures full of flocks, from whence they take their daily food, and
with which they nourish us, in order to make the same use of us at
their festivals as of their flocks: we are liable every month to the
frightful choice they come to make of us by the brutal estimate of the
plight we are in. Oh! young hero, whoever you are, give us our lives,
or at least preserve us from a death so unworthy of the human species.
We may, perhaps, be of some service to you against these barbarians,
of whose genius and customs, a fatal experience has given us some
knowledge. Receive us among the meanest of these brave warriors,
who have follow’d you in this glorious expedition, and who seem as
intirely devoted to your person, as fill’d with admiration of your
valour.
Cheres immediately caus’d the bonds of these prisoners to be cut;
and sent orders to the whole fleet to repair immediately into the
haven or bason, which forms the mouth of the river. Seeing himself
at last in this desir’d land, where he was beginning his labours for
the benefit of mankind, he was sensible of that joy which travellers,
after long voyages, have at their return into their own country. He
soon learnt from these strangers he had just deliver’d, that there
were at different places on this coast, going to the north, on the way
to Sophir, more of these infamous markets, where the Anthropophagi
traffick’d with one another for the men they took. He thought proper,
before he went to clear the shore of so many assassins, to form a
settlement at the promontory for his fleet; which might afterwards
remain for the use of the Phœnicians. It did not appear very difficult
to him. He saw he had to do with men, who being terrify’d, had
abandon’d the whole plain ever since he had landed, and who only
appear’d on the top of the hills; from which they immediately descended
on the other side as soon as they made a shew of approaching them. By
this example he was confirm’d in the opinion he had always had, that
cruelty and barbarity are generally the companions of the vilest
cowardice: He was very glad, at the same time, he should have less
occasion for blood-shed than he thought, in the reducing of these
savages: but their business was to seize as many of them as they could
alive; and in the execution of this design, the strangers were of great
help to him.
As there were several Ethiopians among them, who had observ’d that
the language of the savages did not differ entirely from theirs, they
offer’d Cheres to endeavour at bringing them back again. They told him,
that provided they were arm’d, they were not at all fearful of them.
They said, they would give them to understand, that their flocks, their
fruits, and their cabins being in the plain, the surest means for them
would be to trust to the mercy of the conqueror. Yes, said Cheres, and
you may assure them, that besides their lives, which I promise them, I
will employ ’em in something more advantageous to themselves, than that
horrible profession which has made them the abomination of the whole
world. Don’t forget to add, that I will make a great difference between
those who shall submit upon your remonstrances, and those who will put
us to the trouble of pursuing them.
These deputies being departed, to the number of twenty, their greatest
trouble was, to get near these savages; whom they call’d to come to
them in the most pacifick tone and gestures. But as soon as they could
in any wise get to speak with them; they soon made them sensible,
that being us’d to plenty as they were in their meadows along the
shore, they would soon perish with misery, if they were to seek their
sustenance for themselves and their families, with their bows and
arrows, upon barren mountains and desart plains. These, and the like
discourses, passing from one to the other, brought back, in a few
days, two or three thousand, and more follow’d. Cheres receiv’d them
courteously. He distributed them into several companies; at the head
of which he plac’d a Phœnician to command them, and an Ethiopian to be
their interpreter. He employ’d them to prepare the ground for a small
colony which he sent to desire of Astartus, while he employ’d himself
in disposing every thing for a greater settlement in the neighbourhood
of Sophir. He did not put these slaves to more tedious labour than he
had done the islanders of Menuthias. And he even order’d them a more
solid nourishment, in consideration of the custom they had contracted.
The greater part of his company were surpriz’d at this humanity, and
these regards; and they rather expected to have seen them chastis’d
exemplarily for their late inhumanity. But Cheres told them, there
was a vast difference to be made between crimes committed by private
persons against establish’d laws in a civiliz’d country, and customs
arising from the ignorance and barbarity of a whole nation. That pains
inflicted upon them before they were instructed, would be a criminal
revenge, and not a lawful punishment. That he made no scruple of
exterminating men who were pernicious to mankind; and that upon this
principle, he had no reluctance in massacring the thirty savages who
guarded the stables, because he then thought it necessary. But that
now he knew the character of these barbarians better, he should think
himself very blameable to destroy a people whom he was going to render
of service, by their labours, to the Phœnicians themselves, and by the
continuance of their commerce to all the nations on earth.
However, all the savages were not in a humour to abandon their
idleness, and the hopes they yet had of remaining canibals, in exchange
for tolerable but regular labours. It was soon known, that some of
them, keeping along the coast as far as Sophir, were gone in companies
to the other Anthropophagi, to keep them in a body, by telling them
they were threatned with such an invasion as had driven them from the
promontory. That therefore they ought to prepare for their defence, and
turn their courage against their common enemy; which they had hitherto
only exercised in destroying one another singly, for private and
personal quarrels. Cheres being inform’d of these proceedings, resolv’d
to go in search of these savages by land, that he might take them on
all sides. But as it was near a hundred leagues from Prason to Sophir,
he imagin’d horses would be of service to him; and the more, as the
vigour and swiftness of these animals, which this people had never yet
seen, would infallibly strike terror in their most numerous troops.
Upon this he dispatch’d four vessels of his fleet, commanded by
Phœnicians, but with several Ethiopians in their company. He gave
them a sum of gold sufficient to purchase ten thousand horses in
Ethiopia, where they are in great numbers, beautiful, and so hard of
hoof, that without being shod, they ascend and descend the most rocky
mountains[105]. He did not think much of this expence, which he hoped
would be abundantly reimburs’d out of the mines of Sophir. These four
vessels, which were the largest of his fleet, were to serve as a convoy
to the flat-bottom’d vessels which were to bring the horses and their
leaders. He foresaw that in this interval of time the Phœnician colony
would arrive; and that they being sufficient to guard the promontory,
he might take his whole army with him.
[105] Dapper, pag. 419.
Presently after the return of the vessels which he had sent into
Ethiopia, and the arrival of the Phœnician colony which he expected
from Taprobane, he began his march towards Sophir. He order’d his fleet
to coast along the shore, with all sorts of necessaries that they
might want in crossing the country, which was not every where equally
fruitful. It was likewise design’d to harbour the sick and wounded, if
there should be any, and the slaves he hop’d to make. And as he had
only mounted six thousand soldiers, the flat-bottom’d boats transported
the remainder in case of need.
The savages, who were not ignorant of these motions, had the courage
to advance within three days journey of Prason. They were assembled
in a plain, at the foot of an eminence which Cheres was to pass, not
an army, but a great number of men, who all thought that nothing was
requisite for a battle but numbers. For that very reason, knowing his
arrival on the other side of the eminence, which separated them, they
had the assurance to send him a threatning deputation; because they
had heard of the Ethiopians, who were sent to them at the beginning,
that among all nations deputies were inviolate. The three savages being
presented to Cheres in his tent, were struck with the majesty of his
appearance and countenance; and whether it was that they were sensible
of the natural superiority, which it has been always said the blacks
observe in white men; or whether frightned with their habits of steel,
and helmets adorn’d with plumes and tufts of feathers, which they saw
not only on Cheres, but on all the officers who were about him, they
did not dare to open their mouths. Instead of speaking, they repeated
continually their prostrations, such as they were us’d to before
their idols. Cheres was oblig’d to let them know by the Ethiopians,
who serv’d as their interpreters, that they should put an end to
their ridiculous compliments, and inform him of their commission. The
deputies, trembling and stammering, gave him to understand, that if he
advanc’d farther, their chiefs would immediately burn alive all the
strangers they had in their markets. Cheres answer’d, They might do as
they thought fit; and that they would themselves mark out the measure
of their own punishment: But that a desire to change the kind of death
of some hundreds of men should not hinder him from purging human
nature of such monsters as they were. These poor negroes carry’d the
impressions of their fear to their chiefs, which did not hinder them
from causing all the strangers they had in a neighbouring market to be
massacred; because, finding themselves press’d to prepare for battle,
they did not think they had time to put them to more lingring torments.
They form’d a sort of square batallion, very close, so that there were
not above two or three of the first rows, who could aim at the enemy
when they drew their arrows, and the remainder were oblig’d to shoot
in the air at random. These arrows were pointed with little sharp
stones; which naturalists finding sow’d in the plains of Africa, have
since taken for thunder-bolts, and call’d them _Ceraunia_.[106] They had
behind them a very strait mountain, the top of which was cover’d with
the incorruptible wood of Thya, a sort of cedar, which render’d this
country famous in ancient times. There they had conceal’d their wives
and children, and thither they propos’d to retire themselves in case
of bad success. Cheres, having observ’d this disposition, order’d the
two wings of his army, compos’d each of two thousand horse, to ride
full speed, as soon as they were got on the top of the eminence, to
get behind the batallion of the savages, by the two spaces they had
very imprudently left, one on each side of them; while he himself would
face them with the ten thousand men which remain’d. The barbarians
expected these horses, which several among them had perceiv’d before;
but had describ’d them to their comrades as animals, which were very
slow in the march they had seen. They were therefore in a strange
consternation, when having hardly had time to place their arrows in
their bows, they saw their batallion inclos’d the first moment, their
ranks broken in the second, and in the third the most of them thrown
down, and trodden under the horses feet: they but escaped one sword
to meet with another: They found they were conquer’d at the first
onset; and their resistance was hardly as long as my description. They
stretch’d out their arms to beg quarter; and the combat ceasing at
once, they were convey’d to the ships by thousands, where they were put
in irons. In the mean time, Cheres finding the stable where they had
just murder’d the strangers, he pick’d out the chief of the barbarians,
and order’d them to be hang’d along the sea-shore to intimidate the
rest, and to shew travellers that they might with safety not only pass
that channel, but land on that shore.
[106] Mem. of the Academy of Sciences. An. 1723. By M. de Jussieu.
After this execution, he made the Ethiopians publish an amnesty, by
which he promis’d all the savages of the country, who would abandon
their former barbarity, and acknowledge themselves slaves to the
Phœnicians, not only their lives, but a favourable reception. This
brought in the wives and children of those who were in chains. They
were separated into families; and Cheres promised them, in his own
name, and in the name of the Phœnicians their masters, to join them
always after that manner in the labours they should impose upon them.
He excepted from this rule none but the young men who were not marry’d,
of whom he made rowers, in the stead of those he had brought from
Taprobane, who were converted into soldiers, to increase his troops.
But he promis’d all these new captives to take off their chains as
soon as they had given sufficient proofs of their fidelity. These
marks of goodness from a conqueror, who had appear’d so dreadful, was
some comfort to them in their defeat and slavery. Those whom he left
in their own country took, with less regret, to those labours which
are plac’d in the list of punishments for criminals, but to which many
other men willingly submit only to get a livelihood; I mean the mines
which they were made to open in the territory of Sophir, whither Cheres
arriv’d without any opposition, and deliver’d in his passage all the
captives of the Anthropophagi.
These mines appear’d to be surprisingly rich; and tho’ the Phœnicians
were great artists in the management of this sort of works, which were
not new to them, the Egyptian priests, who were with Cheres, taught
them the real secret of separating the gold from the fragments of
stone which is taken with it from the mines. This they did before,
by grinding it to powder with prodigious labour, and afterwards by
reiterated meltings. The Egyptian priests taught them, that quicksilver
poured upon the stone, when but slightly pounded, would imbibe
the precious metal: That it was easy afterwards to separate this
amalgamation or mixture from the sand or gravel which yet clog’d it;
and that lastly, they had nothing to do but to make the quicksilver
evaporate by fire, which would leave the pure gold at the bottom of
the vessel[107]. They farther acquainted them, that this property of the
quicksilver extended itself even to silver, but had no effect upon
baser metals, with which it would not unite; tho’ they only wanted
it for the former at the mines of Sophir: And we know that, in the
following ages, they furnish’d the most renown’d nations not only with
the gold, with which they cover’d the temples of their gods and the
palaces of their kings, but with precious stones without number, with
which their women adorn’d themselves. Not to mention those whose names
are common, it was from thence they had the pantarba, which had, as
it is said, the virtue of repelling the operation of fire; and the
sideropœcilus, a kind of load-stone, to which was ascrib’d the yet more
fabulous property of keeping up enmity among those who carry’d it about
them[108].
[107] Pero Fernandez de Valasco gave this secret to the Spaniards in
1571; who employ’d it in the mines of Potosi. Mer. Ind. p. 1. c. 4. and
Rohault has explain’d this effect in his physicks, p. III. c. 6. art.
27.
[108] Heliod. cap. 4. & 8. But see M. Huet de Navigatione Salomonis, c.
6. p. 179.
Astartus having given an account of these advantages, obtain’d of the
king of Phœnicia himself a more numerous colony for this settlement,
which was already provided with slaves, than the Phœnicians of
Taprobane could have made up. This people, who were accustom’d at Tyre
and Sidon to all the delights of life, found no want of them in this
new habitation. They built houses of several sorts of vein’d timber
of all colours, of great lustre, and fitter for carving than marble.
Besides salutary as well as delicious food, which both land and sea
afforded in abundance, the plains were fill’d with peacocks, parrots,
monkeys and other animals, which, for the beauty of their form or
singularity of their qualities, were worth sending, as they were long
afterwards, to all those nations who had money to spend in amusements.
To conclude, tho’ Cheres had no design that the islanders of Taprobane
should partake with the Phœnicians in the dominion of Sophir, or in
the propriety of its mines, he assign’d them here, as well as during
his whole course in every settlement, a quarter for them to dwell in,
and gave them a proper interest in the Phœnician commerce. The kings
of Taprobane had themselves intimated, that tho’ they were overjoy’d
that he would teach their subjects trade and navigation, they were not
desirous of acquiring very distant possessions, for which they would
have enough to do to furnish colonies.
The settlements Cheres had procur’d for the two nations, who had
furnish’d him with their soldiers, were no settlements for him. His
mind being fill’d with more extensive projects for the advantage of the
whole world, and even with the desire of returning into his own country
with all the glory and authority which great actions could intitle
him to, he found he was yet very short of his aim. He had actually at
heart the finding out the utmost point of Africa; a design really new,
that would give a facility to trade; the value of which was very well
known, but the hopes of it look’d on as chimerical. Being return’d from
Sophir to the promontory, it was in that part he imbark’d for this new
expedition. He had increas’d the number of his people by a great many
of the strangers whom he had deliver’d. They had themselves desir’d
to follow him, after he had granted them full liberty of returning
into their own country, loaded with the gold of Sophir. As there were
among those who devoted themselves to his service, merchants of every
nation, and even Phœnicians already establish’d in the most northern
parts of the Atlantick-sea, and who had pass’d the Mediterranean to
come and imbark in the Red-sea; he was very glad to have in them proper
interpreters for the coasts he was to attempt. He thought it proper
to take with him all the horses, after the service they had done him
against the Anthropophagi. But before he departed from Sophir, he
chang’d his flat-bottom’d boats, which had brought them from Ethiopia,
into vessels which drew more water, and were fitter to hold out against
a tempest.
+End+ of +Vol. I+.
Transcriber’s Notes
In the .txt version, surrounding characters have been used to
indicate _Italics_ and +Mixed-Case Smallcaps+.
In all versions of this ebook except HTML, decorative drop-caps have
been changed to typed characters.
Errata (listed before the first chapter) have been corrected.
Original page numbering has been retained: p. 128 is followed by 139;
p. 154 is followed by a second p. 151.
(Alt/Descriptive text) has been added for illustrations.
Positioning of footnote markers, whether attached to the preceding or
following word, has been retained; markers placed evenly between
two words have been attached to the preceding word.
Footnotes have been renumbered and moved to follow the paragraph from
which they are referenced.
Period spelling and punctuation have been retained.
p. vi joined “_nati-tions_” as “_nations_”
p. ix-x changed “Egyption” to “Egyptian” (per catchword)
p. xi changed “Agustus’s” to “Augustus’s”
p. 8 changed “Piin.” to “Plin.” (and retained “c. 35.”, although the
correct citation is likely c. 85.)
p. 12 added period after “king” in “the king. The”
p. 17 changed “withwhich” to “with which”
p. 55 changed comma to period following “private persons.”
p. 83 joined “describe-ing” as “describing”
p. 84 changed “inventers” to “inventors”
p. 94 joined “move-ing” as “moving”
p. 117 changed “permited” to “permitted”
p. 122 changed “Tapofiris” to “Taposiris”
p. 151 changed “shaddow” to “shadow”
p. 158 removed second “are” in “We are not posted”
p. 174 changed “greek” to “Greek”
p. 191-2 joined “men-mention’d” as “mention’d” (per catchword)
p. 209 removed second “to” in “now to be call’d”
p. 257 changed “menachick” to “mechanick”
p. 258 changed “throgh” to “through”
p. 271 changed “childen” to “children”
p. 287 added period after “circle” in “circle. This”
p. 308 joined “trade-ing” as “trading”
p. 327 changed “towrads” to “towards”
p. 350 removed second comma following “disposition,”
p. 354 removed second “the” in “annoy the besieged”
p. 372 added period after “prisoners” in “prisoners. The king”
p. 379 changed “unreasonabless” to “unreasonableness”
p. 385 changed “snbject” to “subject”
p. 396 changed “dazled” to “dazzled”
p. 399 changed “eccho’d” to “echo’d”
p. 413 changed “your’s” to “yours”
p. 435 changed “Assoon” to “As soon”
p. 457 changed “amalgation” to “amalgamation”