About twenty years before, a Tyrian, by name Zoros, of the offspring
of Cadmus, a man of valour and knowledge, had laid the foundation of
the city of Carthage, or at least had enlarg’d the bounds of Carthada.
In his frequent voyages to establish a trade on all the coasts of the
Mediterranean, he had found no place for a settlement so convenient
as this little city, built upon that agreeable shore, which has ever
since been call’d, The sojourn of the nymphs. He at last resolv’d to
settle at Carthada, and to inlarge it. To this end he carry’d all
his vessels thither, laden with immense riches. He was receiv’d with
joy by the inhabitants, who were not yet arriv’d to that pitch of
opulency they soon after attain’d to by his assiduity. He enlarg’d and
embellish’d it to such a degree, that it was hardly known to be the
same; and he preserv’d its ancient name, only adding to it a Phœnician
termination. The memory of Cadmus, from whom Zoros was descended, and
whose virtues he pursu’d, made him valu’d, not only by the citizens of
Carthage, but of all those cities which were built by this hero 200
years before, in the neighbourhood of it; and with which the country
call’d Zeugitania was fill’d. Thus Zoros, in a very short time,
form’d a considerable state: but to render his growing authority more
acceptable, he chose to give his government the form of an aristocracy.
He instituted a senate compos’d of ten citizens of Carthage, and of
two of every other city, and for himself he only retain’d the title
of prince of the senate. This, according to my memoirs, is the true
origin of the city of Carthage, and conformable to the testimonies of
Philistus, Appianus of Alexandria, and some others of our authors,
put together; for the history of Dido is posterior to this epoch by
some hundreds of years; and it is besides certain, that this fugitive
princess only built the citadel of Byrsa, as an addition to this city,
which was long before founded.
The high-priest would immediately have known the name of the young
Carthaginian, whose fame was already sufficiently spread, but he
would declare it to none but to him in person, thinking thereby to
insinuate himself into his esteem. He was not yet acquainted with the
character of these inflexible men, who, in points of religion, were
no respecters of persons. The high-priest sent to acquaint him, that
he should not receive him in the temple, but he must present himself
at the gate of their college. That, in the mean time, he might have
forborn divulging himself an action which demanded an atonement, and
that these circumstances ought to have been reveal’d to the priests
alone. The Carthaginian, who was more asham’d of this reprimand than of
his odious exploit, in which he privately gloried, suffer’d himself to
be led peaceably to the gate appointed. They made him come in alone,
and told his attendants, they would hear no more of him till after
three days. The high-priest, to whom he was introduc’d standing in
the midst of his companions, without allowing him time to speak, told
him; That before he made enquiry whether he had slain his brother
spontaneously, or by accident; whether it was an actual assassination,
or a murder committed under the pretext of the publick good, or his
own defence; they all look’d upon the fatal occasion which had brought
him to this unfortunate action (so repugnant to nature) as a great
mark of the anger of the gods pour’d down upon him: That he wou’d be
put three days under strict confinement, and wou’d be allow’d but what
was barely necessary for his subsistance. According to the laws of
Egypt, added he, not only he who kills, but he who does not, to the
utmost of his power, defend a person that is attack’d, and in danger of
being assassinated, is guilty of death. We don’t subject strangers to
our laws, knowing, that with many, the punishment of homicide extends
no farther than exile; and the favourable tribunal of atonement is
not sanguinary even in Egypt. We endeavour to inspire a fear of the
gods, and a terror of their judgments into those Egyptians who are
brought before us only for accidents or involuntary misfortunes, and
into those strangers who are often sent to us for their crimes; that
as well one as the other may depart from hence more circumspect, and,
if possible, more virtuous than the innocent themselves. However said
he, to conclude, prepare to morrow to give a faithful account of
your action in our full assembly. ’Till then, we will hear nothing
concerning you. If your confession be then sincere, it will absolve
you before the gods; but if, on the contrary, it is false or disguis’d,
notwithstanding the exteriour expiation you will receive, you will
carry away your eternal damnation.
The next morning the Carthaginian was sent for out of his prison, and
brought as a criminal, cloath’d in sackcloth, into a great oval hall.
The high-priest was seated at the upper end, and all the other priests
on each side of him on seats something lower than his, as at the
tribunal of the labyrinth. Initiates were allow’d to assist at these
courts: so Amedes and Orpheus were present at this: they were plac’d
below all the priests, and young Sethos sate without the row, and below
the initiates. As it was the trial of a foreigner, who could not know
him, and as his exercises were so far advanc’d, they thought it might
be of advantage to him to hear judgment pronounc’d in a cause, which
appear’d to be of importance and singular. The Carthaginian standing,
and bare-headed, thus address’d himself to the court in the Egyptian
tongue, of which he was perfectly master.
Venerable chief of this sacred college, and you the priests of the
great goddess Isis; you see here before you Saphon, the son of the
renowned Zoros, founder of Carthage, the establisher and prince of his
senate. Tho’ my brother Giscon[59] and I were twins, the prerogative
of elder brother has never been disputed me. However, my father, who
begins to advance in years, having purpos’d to settle the succession,
during his own life, call’d my right in question, and annex’d to the
glory of filling his place on the throne, a condition, which he offer’d
my brother equal with me. The condition was, that which ever of us
should, within the course of three years, perform the most heroick
action, should be declar’d his successor, by him and by the senate. I
won’t attribute this thought of my father’s to an unjust prædilection
in favour of my brother, tho’ my friends had before warn’d me of it: I
rather choose to believe, that, enjoying the benefit of many victories
I had gain’d for him; and considering, that by the success of my arms
I had added all Numidia to his dominions, he did not question but I
should carry the prize before my brother; and that so, adding the
right of merit to that of my birth, I might thereby obtain a greater
influence over the people I was to govern after his death. I don’t
pretend by this discourse to insinuate that my brother wanted valour.
However, he not only had never attempted to inlarge the new empire
of Carthage, which he might have done on the other side; but he even
never assisted me in my expeditions. Since we have been both of age to
bear arms, his only exploits have been to repulse the Barbarians, who
made frequent incursions into our southern provinces upon which they
border’d, and who sometimes advanc’d to the very gates of Carthage. But
to do justice to his vigilance and patience, ’tis certain he never had
the opportunity of attacking and defeating more at once than parties
of forty or fifty of these rovers: so that all these skirmishes join’d
together, were in no measure to be compar’d to the glory and advantage
of three or four victories I had obtain’d, and which began to make our
empire one of the most powerful hitherto known. This was the state of
affairs when my father made us both the proposal I have mention’d, in
the assembled senate. I immediately concluded, that heroick actions
were alone to be sought in war; and being persuaded that the principal
virtue of a hero is valour, I prepar’d to fulfil the condition
prescrib’d, by taking arms, and extending the conquests I had already
begun.
[59] Saphon and Giscon are mention’d in ancient authors, who have wrote
of Carthage, as very nearly related; and some place them before the
Trojan war. See Mariana’s history of Spain, l. 1. & 2. and the remarks
of father Charenton.
Towards the conclusion of the two first years I had advanc’d beyond
Numidia, and conquer’d all Mauritania Sitifensis, so call’d from its
metropolis Sitifi, which I had taken after a long siege. I propos’d
to carry my arms to the foot of mount Atlas; and sparing none but the
sacred country of the Hesperides, I did not despair of reaching the
banks of the ocean in the course of the third year. But my designs were
interrupted by an unexpected and surprizing account I receiv’d from
Carthage, which oblig’d me to return thither. My brother disappear’d
the very day after the proposal made by my father; and I concluded from
that time, that he had given up all pretension: But I was inform’d at
Sitifi, that he was gone over to those rambling nations who before
us’d to invade our territories, and whom he himself had so often drove
from our frontiers. I was inform’d he spent the two first years of
his absence in going, with innumerable hazards and fatigues, either
to their caves, which were many miles distant one from the other;
or to their tents, which were frequently remov’d: That, by force of
reiterated invitations and remonstrances, he had at last prevail’d
upon them to unite, and to form a civiliz’d nation, to build cities
at proper distances for their common conveniency, and to lay the
foundation of a metropolis for the center of their dominions. We soon
got intelligence, that, on the other side of the mountains, which we
look upon as our borders to the southward, all diligence was imploy’d
in raising the walls of the city of Capsa, situate on a river which
empties itself into the sea over-against the little Syrtes. Thus these
people, who before were known by no other name than that of their
unhappy profession, rovers, affected now to be call’d Capsans, and
demanded respect from their neighbours, and even from us. We must
allow, that being now taken up with their settlement, they had for
some time forbore their irruptions into our territories: But you will
easily conceive, O! ye wise priests of Memphis, what an uneasiness
an empire thus rising up in the neighbourhood of our own, must cause
us. I therefore thought it for my honour, and a duty incumbent on me,
as well as for the interest of Carthage, to oppose the rise of this
state. I prepar’d therefore to fall upon them in their forts, which
were not yet finish’d, before their militia or even their republick
could be regulated. As I had already a large army, I was presently in
a readiness to march. As soon as my brother had notice of it, he sent
heralds to meet me; who, however, call’d themselves deputies from the
Capsans, and not from him. They declar’d, that they had no intention of
living in enmity with the Carthaginians; that their whole design was to
form a republick like ours; with this difference, that the inferiority
of their numbers depriv’d them of all thoughts of acting upon the
offensive: that they had begun to build forts and strong holds, and
should finish them, only to defend themselves against their neighbours,
if they should be so unjust to oppose their establishment. I answer’d
them, It was enough for me to look on them as enemies, and even as
criminals, that their chief was a son of the founder of Carthage, who,
instead of acting in conjunction with his brother for the glory of his
nation, destroy’d the hopes he had of making it one day the head of
all the inhabited Africa, by erecting a republick in rivalship to his
own; and who, if he was suffer’d to go on, would for ever set bounds
to the Carthaginian empire towards the south. They reply’d, they had,
indeed, follow’d the counsels of my brother, in forming themselves into
a sociable and reasonable people, with whom we might enter into an
alliance, and who would be our shelter against the incursions of the
Garamantes and other barbarous nations less civiliz’d than they had
been. And farther, that my brother had accepted of no command amongst
them; and that in case of a battle, it was with them alone I should
engage. As my motive to this expedition was state-policy, which would
not allow the delay of a negociation; and besides, as my whole aim was
the performance of heroick actions, I told them, in a word, I would
give them my final answer in battle.
I therefore follow’d the heralds in their footsteps; and tho’ I led a
whole army, they had enough to do to be more expeditious than I was. I
intended to have pass’d the mountains, and have met them at the foot
of the walls of Capsa: But as soon as the Capsans had receiv’d my
answer, they prevented me, by crossing these mountains themselves, and
thereby gain’d the advantage of fighting only on our territories. I
was surpriz’d to discover, from the eminency of a little hill at some
distance from them, an army that seem’d to be of about 40000 men, who
had the mountains on their rear, thro’ the passages of which they might
easily be supply’d with fresh troops. However, as my army consisted of
100000 men, I thought my self in a condition to attack them. I halted a
day and a night behind the hill which cover’d us, knowing, that as soon
as I came in sight, I must engage. The enemy, on their side, as if they
were as much inclin’d as I to end the quarrel by a battle, had left a
large plain before them, whither I led my troops in battle-array: They
even gave them time to post themselves, designing, without doubt, to
engage them all at once. But then attacking us in front, and on both
sides, they added to the order and resolution of disciplin’d soldiers,
as they actually now were, the cunning they practis’d in former times,
of giving the onset, and then immediately retiring. The battle, which
began before noon, had already lasted full five hours, and we began to
lose, by far, more men than they: I therefore resolv’d to make directly
up to my brother, whom I had long known by his Carthaginian armour,
and the motions he gave himself in the army he commanded; though, for
shame, as I presum’d, of being in arms against his own Father, and
of staining himself with the blood of his own country-men, he never
lifted up the visor of his helmet. Notwithstanding his activity, which
carry’d him to every part of the battle where he thought his presence
necessary, I soon came up to him. Traiterous son and brother (said I,
accosting him) let the death of one of us put an end to this battle,
too bloody for thy country. Without answering me, he with his sword put
by the blow I had aim’d at the bottom of his helmet: But as he turn’d
about to go away, I thrust mine to the hilt under his armour; and in
the same instant he fell dead at his horse’s feet. This blow chang’d
the face of the battle: The Capsans retir’d in good order thro’ the
passages of their mountains, and we remain’d masters of the field of
battle. However, as I perceiv’d they put themselves in a posture to
dispute the passage, and that my army, which was diminish’d 30000 men,
was weary’d and disheartned, I retir’d, and for this time abandon’d
the design I had of razing the walls of Capsa; so my brother’s fatal
enterprize yet subsists, notwithstanding the defeat of the Capsans, and
his death.
As soon as we return’d to Carthage, my father let me know, that the
first time he saw me should be in the senate: He there, in my presence,
declar’d to the whole body assembled, that the affliction he could not
forbear labouring under for the death of my brother, notwithstanding
his infidelity, to which he always gave the name of evident, had
depriv’d him of that freedom of mind which was necessary to form a
sound and upright judgment, with respect to me; and that therefore he
referr’d it wholly to them. After a long deliberation, during which
I retir’d, I was call’d in again; and the eldest senator, speaking
in the name of the rest, said, That the senate, judging only by the
exterior of things, and willing to prevent the danger of so ambiguous
an example as that of my brother, was about to condemn his memory, tho’
with regret, as having been slain in arms against his father and his
country; That in relation to me, without any decision on the condition
prescrib’d, and annulling the proposal which had been made us, since my
brother being dead, and I alone, it was now become unnecessary, they
confirm’d to me, even with the consent of my father, the succession to
the principality of the senate, to which I had before a natural right
by a moment of primogeniture; but that to avert from me the anger of
the gods, who alone know the grounds of things, and as a reparation of
the prejudice that might be conceiv’d against me of having, under an
honourable pretext, rid my self of a dangerous competitor, I should
repair to the priests of Memphis, the most renown’d of all Egypt for
their knowledge in religion and morality, and humbly supplicate the
atonement of my crime from them: This, O venerable chief, and ye most
sacred priests, is a faithful relation of my case, and the cause which
brings me before your tribunal; I intreat you will add to the expiation
I desire for what is past, your wise instruction for my future conduct.
As soon as the Carthaginian had finish’d his discourse, the high-priest
made him sit down on a stool which was plac’d behind him, and spoke
as follows: Saphon, Son of Zoros, we have long since had a very
great value for your father, the pacifick founder of Carthage, whose
exploits have always tended to the good of mankind. All the judgments
of your senate, which have come to our knowledge, have given us a
great idea of their wisdom. We honour’d the virtue of your brother,
before the last battle, which you have related to us, and of which we
had before no particular account. With respect to you, we perceive, by
your discourse, and we knew before by your fame, that you are a great
warriour; but your principles are not conformable to ours. We have here
a pupil, whom I will order to speak, and you shall learn from the mouth
of a beginner, how much the instructions of our goddess are superior
to those confus’d and tumultuous ideas of the greater part of mankind;
and especially of those who give themselves up to the blind passion of
war. The high-priest immediately call’d Sethos; who approach’d him with
great marks of surprize, modesty and obedience. He plac’d him standing
opposite to the Carthaginian, and order’d him to give such answer to
the discourse he had heard as the goddess should inspire him. The
high-priest look’d upon it as a happy rencounter, that there appear’d
some heroick actions in the history of Saphon and Giscon; and he did
not doubt but Sethos would in this discourse make use of what he had
been five days in preparing, in answer to the three questions propos’d
to him, viz. What is the principal virtue of a hero? Does heroism
consist in exceeding the bounds of duty? Is it heroick for a man to
sacrifice even his honour for the interest of his country, or the
advantage of mankind? Before the young prince began, the high-priest
told Saphon, That the birth of this young man alone would give him
right to answer him; and besides that, they were all there present
to lead him into the way of truth and justice, if he might happen to
depart from it. It was upon this circumstance, to which Orpheus was
witness, that he establish’d it as a rule in Greece, that the expiation
might be given by those kings who were initiated to the mysteries of
Eleusina; as Bellerophon went to receive it from Proetus, king of
Argos, not to mention many other examples. Young Sethos thus began his
discourse:
Isis, great goddess of the Egyptians, vouchsafe to guide my tongue,
and suffer me not to utter any thing that may be unworthy of the
instructions your sacred ministers have given me in your name. In my
opinion, Saphon, you did not rightly take the sense of the proposal
made you, when you believ’d that the heroick action requir’d of you,
consisted in assaulting your neighbours, and subduing them without
distinction. I don’t hint at the conquest you made of Sitifi after the
condition prescrib’d, because as you have not said for what reason
you took arms against that people, your relation (to which alone I
ought to confine myself) don’t furnish me wherewithal to judge whether
your conquest was good or evil. I am, however, persuaded, that if
you assaulted it for no other reason, but to gain the glory of having
done an heroick action, that very intention has made you fail of it;
because an heroick action cannot have the glory of him that does it
for its object and aim, but must necessarily have in view the interest
and advantage of others. You have given a long account of the motive
which led you against the Capsans; and your relation of it alone, in
my opinion, is sufficient to shew the injustice of your cause, which
sets you at yet a greater distance from heroism; because an heroick
action proceeding from a principle of virtue, it is impossible that
virtue should subsist with injustice. In reality, you have yourself
refuted the pretext of the danger of a republick being erected
adjoyning to you, when you allow, that the Capsans, being busied in
their settlement, had forbore their inroads into your dominions.
These incursions are dangers which those states that are too near the
savages can hardly ever free themselves from; because these people
never forming themselves into great bodies, it is impossible utterly
to root them out; and, slipping by without being perceiv’d, they find
passages by the sides of those fortresses and walls, which stop whole
armies. Thus your opposing, on account of a very distant danger, the
rise of a republick, which, by the narrow bounds of its territories,
in comparison of the extent of your empire, could not cause you any
apprehension; which, besides, offer’d you its friendship and alliance,
and which itself defends you from other more dangerous barbarians,
would have brought your country into a present and continual evil, to
obtain the honour of a victory profitable to you alone: An example
which has been but too often given by those warlike princes, who have
sacrific’d not only foreign and innocent nations, but the estates and
lives of their own subjects, to their particular fame. You was, I
think, yet more in the wrong, by alledging to the Capsan heralds the
hopes your nation had conceiv’d of overcoming all the habitable lands
of Africa: For, besides that your country has no more right than you to
make unjust conquests, the dominions of the Capsans themselves became
habitable only by the care they had taken to cultivate their grounds,
and to separate them by cities, since they were become a civiliz’d
people. So that by attempting to destroy them, it was not your fault,
if your country did not remain surrounded, as it had been before,
either by dens of thieves or frightful desarts: and you have imitated,
at least on this occasion, those conquerors, who, in all appearance,
would reduce the whole world into one vast desart.
The beginning of all these errors has been the false idea you have
conceiv’d of the character of a hero, when you imagin’d his chief
virtue was valour; whereas valour itself is rather a natural and
advantageous disposition of the mind and body, than a virtue. We may
make, as of several other the like qualities, a good or bad use of it.
It is often found in wicked men; and has sometimes made those men bad,
who without it would have been good. Valour can alone become laudable
and honourable when it is employ’d and directed by a superior virtue.
This virtue, in a subject or citizen, is the love of his prince and his
country, guided by his obedience alone. In a prince, or the head of a
republick, it is the love of his people, heighten’d by the justice he
observes with regard even to his neighbours and his enemies. In the
hero, to conclude, it is the love of mankind in general, or humanity
guided by a zeal founded upon a lively hope of the protection of
the gods. So it is this courageous humanity, this zealous love for
mankind, which is the chief virtue of a hero. True courage, which,
taken in general, is agreeable to every condition, and even to both
sexes; but which, apply’d to war, is call’d valour, consists always
in facing every danger in the pursuit of our duty. It is this only
view of our duty which distinguishes true and virtuous valour from
blind fury and unjust violence, and which renders heroism itself
reasonable. But I have been taught that there are two sorts of duty:
one of condition, and the other of inspiration: The duty of condition
regards those, who being necessary to their country or families, or who
even mistrusting their capacity, wisely confine themselves to perform
the common obligations of their condition, preferable in most men to
all other. The duty of inspiration is only proper to those whom the
gods seem to have singled out of the common order of men, to lead them
to works more sublime in themselves, and of more advantage either to
their country, or to mankind: and this last duty, generally pointed
out by the singular junctures into which providence puts some men,
becomes the duty of a hero. To perform it, requires a valour exalted
above that of vulgar conquerors; and thus we see that the true hero or
benefactor of mankind has always been esteem’d the most courageous of
men. A heart thus inspir’d, a man indued with this genuine heroism,
runs no hazard of stopping in the midst of his course; nothing is
dangerous to him, but going beyond the bounds of his duty; and his
whole attention is to resist every motion of an extravagant valour or
magnanimity; that is, which would only tend to his own glory, without
turning to the advantage of other men, to whom he has devoted his
labours and his life. He knows that sublime virtue is approv’d, not by
works of supererogation, but by an entire and perfect accomplishment
of those which his duty requires of him. This duty is as extensive
as the publick good; but then the publick good gives bounds to it,
which he will never go beyond. In short, the hero, far from hunting
after vain-glory, exposes himself, for the service of his country,
or mankind, to the capricious constructions and unjust judgments of
those very men he is serving. Uncapable of committing a base action,
under any pretext of advantage whatsoever, he never sacrifices that
real honour which is inherent in him: but being stedfast in his
undertakings, for the accomplishing of them, he readily sacrifices that
seeming honour which depends upon the transitory opinion of envious or
misinform’d persons. By these signs, Saphon, the true hero, has been
distinguish’d; and by his example we ought to learn, that those actions
which make the least shew, are not always the least heroick.
As soon as Sethos had finish’d this discourse, he turn’d about towards
the high-priest, who gave him a sign to return to his seat, and
then address’d himself to the Carthaginian in the following terms:
Saphon, said he, the same spirit which inspires all the servants of
our goddess, has made this young man speak, as we ourselves would
have spoken. The image he has given you of a hero agrees with that
of Giscon, your brother, in the two first years of his expedition.
And, indeed, in those enemies, who cost him so much labour while he
defended your dominions from their inroads, he discover’d men who in
that quality were worthy of his affection and tender regards; and, in
serving his country, he imagin’d he might serve them too. According
to your own testimony, he underwent all the labours and dangers which
attended this duty of inspiration: and to perform it, he, from the
beginning, expos’d himself to disadvantageous suspicions, which you
yourself have countenanc’d, and through which your father and your
senate alone have discover’d the truth. But we make a distinction
between these times, and those in which, according to your relation,
your brother march’d the Capsan troops into the dominions of Carthage.
They had a right of advancing that length to oppose your attack, but
he had no authority to lead them thither. This last circumstance is
the more blameable in him, and especially in the battle with the
Carthaginians, in which he commanded in person; as he thought it was
contrary to his duty to accept of any dignity among the Capsans, and
as, in all appearance, he had put them into a condition of defending
themselves. But let me tell you, you ought to reproach yourself for the
wrong he has done. Unjust proceedings often perplex virtue itself.
Your brother’s death has been an atonement to the gods for him; and we
shall concur with you to appease them in your favour.
However, notwithstanding the injustice of the motives which engag’d
you in the Capsan war, and urg’d you to the murder of your brother;
as both have been cover’d with the specious pretext of serving your
country, your senate has wisely decreed you successor to your father.
The title of heir to a crown, or other paternal dignities, do not
require those refin’d virtues which are inseparable from a hero: and
it is even for the advantage and ease of the publick, that successions
be rather dependant on the order of birth, than on the difficult and
often dangerous estimate of personal merit. Is seems even as if your
brother yielded up that right of succession to you, which he knew he
had no pretence to, by leaving Carthage to pursue his heroick design
of civilizing a barbarous nation. It is your duty, Saphon, to govern
your people according to the maxims you have here had a glimpse of,
and rather as a just prince than a great commander. This last quality,
which is glorious in a man of your age, who bears arms for the
service of his father, is by far less suitable to the head of a great
republick, who has actually taken upon him the care of his people,
and the maintenance of their laws. We are not so unjust, as not to
set a value upon your skill in the art of war; nor do we condemn all
your victories. We know that the Nomades, before you conquer’d their
country, were as unciviliz’d as the Capsans before your brother’s
expedition. We even know, that you was careful to preserve the fertile
meadows of Numidia; and that your father, to this day, treats that
country as one of his most faithful provinces. To conquer nations,
who are destitute of master and laws, in order to make them more
happy and more polite than they were before, is allowable. It is even
blameless to subdue people who have a chief, and are subjected to laws,
when they are unjust and irreconcileable enemies to your country, as
we have been inform’d the inhabitants of the Mauritania Sitifensis,
which you have very justly brought under your yoke, were, with regard
to Carthage. All you have hitherto been wanting in, has been to know
the true maxims of morality, and how to guide your valour, and the
other noble qualities the gods have endued you with. For want of this
knowledge and uprightness of intention, it has happen’d, that either
your actions have been unjust, or even those actions which have been
good in themselves, have not been acceptable in the eyes of the gods.
We shall here put an end to the instructions you yourself have desired.
Reflect on them in silence the remainder of this day. Tomorrow you
shall pass thro’ the corporal expiation; and the next day we shall
offer the expiatory sacrifice. The Carthaginian would have offer’d
something in his own defence; but the officers of the second order, who
had the care of his person, and who led him away, inform’d him, that he
was not allow’d to reply; and that, besides, it would be superfluous
before a tribunal of mediation and grace. As soon as he was retir’d,
the high-priest ask’d all his companions, if they did not think
Sethos had in his discourse fully answer’d the three questions which
had been propos’d to him six days before. They all reply’d, he had
sufficiently resolv’d them; and that, on occasion of the history of the
Carthaginian and his brother, he had made his answer as extensive and
as precise as could be requir’d of him. If so, said the high-priest,
we will finish the nine days fast, and invoke the gods, that they will
eternally imprint in the mind of this young prince, those maxims which
they themselves have inspir’d him with: And I believe we may likewise
dispense our house from that silence which they must otherwise have
kept three days longer in favour of any other candidate who had not
finish’d so soon as this. This silence would even be difficult to keep
amidst all the ceremonies of atonement for the Carthaginian. I believe
we may admit Sethos to them, because, by the answers he has given, he
has already merited the privilege of the manifestation. The priests
were unanimously of the same opinion.
The next morning at break of day, the priests of the expiation,
attended by several officers of the second order, went to fetch the
Carthaginian out of his prison; in which was a door that open’d to the
subterranean canal, which the candidates must pass in their trials
for the initiation. This door was near the water-fall, above the bars
through which the water enter’d into that canal. This door they open’d
on the inside for him to go out. Both sides of the water were made
light by means of torches, and discover’d to his eyes a frightful
preparation of machines, and of people appointed to manage them. On
the bank on his side stood a vessel of brass, fill’d with a thickish
liquor; and close by the water, a piece of red-hot iron, of the length
of the tallest man, and hollow’d out in its breadth, which was about
three feet, so that it resembled a long and large pipe cut in half
the length-ways: It was supported by iron-feet over a fire of coals,
and one end of it was a little sloaping towards the water: An officer
of the second order held the end of a rope of about the thickness of
a little finger; which crossing the breadth of the canal, was wound
round the concave circumference of a very large wheel on the other
side: Thro’ the center of this wheel went an axle, to which were
fasten’d two strong handles to turn it by, and several men stood ready
by them to that end. Several priests, and some initiates, together with
Sethos and Orpheus, were seated, on the right and on the left, by the
sides of the wheel. As intrepid as Saphon was, he could not forbear
asking the chief priest of the expiation, the only priest that was
with him, what was to be the nature of his punishment, that he might
prepare for it? The priest answer’d him, that he had some reason to
call the purifications he was going thro’, a punishment; but however,
that if he could bear the simple agitations of his body, and above
all, would not suffer himself to be overcome by a fear (which they
ought not to suspect in him) he would come out of them as sound as he
went in. They made him swallow some drops of a strengthening liquor;
after which, they tuck’d up his hair under a cap of incombustible
linnen: they next stript him stark-naked, and laid him upon a sheet
on the ground, stretch’d out at length: There, he who held the cord
ty’d his two wrists cross one another, and stretching out his arms
to their full length, he bound his feet together with the same cord,
leaving as much rope as was necessary to go from the wrists to the
feet, without hurting the natural situation of his body. All this was
done with a wonderful quickness and sleight of hand, and without
giving him the least reason of complaint. In this condition six men
lifted him up, and desiring him to close his mouth and eyes, plung’d
him over head and ears into the brass vessel, which was fill’d with a
dissolution of garlick, saffron, oil of worms, and other ingredients;
which, when mix’d, had the infallible virtue of resisting the force of
fire[60]. These officers took care, during the short time they held the
patient plung’d in the vessel, to shift their hands continually, that
every part of his body might be ting’d with the liquor. Immediately
afterwards, they laid him on the bed of red-hot iron: and the property
of the ointment was such, that it made the body slide rapidly from it,
and fall in an instant into the water; where were officers naked, ready
to receive him, that he might not strike against the banks which were
shelving; and others plung’d in and follow’d him, that he might not
touch the bottom. In the mean time, the wheel, to which the rope was
fasten’d, turn’d round with a regular motion, to draw the patient over
in such a space of time that he might not be suffocated by the water.
He came out feet foremost; and being drawn to the wheel, with his head
hanging downwards, he was fasten’d to it by leather straps under his
armpits; and in this condition the wheel was turn’d three times quite
round with him upon it. From this, Orpheus took his idea of the fable
of Ixion. He was then loosen’d from the wheel; and being laid on a
bed, was carry’d into an upper chamber, where the priests, who were
physicians, gave him all sorts of restoratives that might be necessary
for the relief of his body or mind. However, he was afterwards carry’d
back again into his prison, where he was to lie the following night. By
this description we see that the three parts of corporal atonement for
criminals, answer’d exactly to the three trials of the purification of
the body preparative to the initiation: but there was this difference,
that these trials of candidates for the initiation were voluntary;
whereas criminals, being always bound, were forc’d by the hands of
others to undergo their punishments. There were, indeed, atonements of
a more moderate nature for crimes less atrocious than murder.
[60] Erant ex Ægyptiis qui faciem certis inunctam succis in ahena
ferventia citra noxam immergerent. Epiph. ad finem panarii seu librorum
adv. hæreses.
The third day, before sun-rise, the preparations for the expiatory
sacrifice were begun. I shall not give the particulars of a ceremony,
which lasted almost a whole day; I shall only observe, that it
consisted of two principal parts, both of which were perform’d in
the temple; but the former, with the gates shut. In this it was they
undertook to appease Typhon, the mischievous genius or deity, which
the Egyptians look’d upon as the instigator of all the crimes of men,
and the author of all their evils. From thence Zoroaster, and the sages
of Persia, took their evil genius Arimanus, who was always the opposer
of Orimasus their universal benefactor; the Greeks, their Apopompean
and Apotropean deities in opposition to Jupiter Olympus; and the
Latins, their Averrunci, opposites to their assisting Jupiter, (_Jovi
juvanti_). In Egypt their custom was, on this occasion, to lead a red
bullock (of which colour they suppos’d Typhon to have been) into the
hinder part of the sanctuary. The priest, chief of the expiations, laid
his hand on the head of the victim, and pronounc’d these words, of
which part are related by Herodotus[61]: “May the guilt of the criminal
here present, with all the unhappy consequences which it ought justly
to draw upon him, his family and country, pass into this animal, which
we sacrifice to thee, O Typhon! as a representation of the death of
him who is the object of your hatred.” In that instant the bullock was
knock’d down by a blow between the horns; and the priest having cut his
throat, sprinkled the criminal, who was yet cloathed in sackcloth, with
his blood. But whereas in other sacrifices, the priests, and even those
who made the offering, divided and carry’d away the victim in pieces
for food; every part of the expiatory victim was cast out into the
fields.
[61] Lib. 2.
They next endeavour’d to appease the manes of the dead. Those who came
thither to obtain the expiation, found round about the temple sellers
of images of men and women, of ordinary workmanship, and always plac’d
upon little pedestals. They were of gold, silver, or brass; and their
height from three to twelve inches. They were made use of in this
ceremony to represent indifferently the person, or sometimes even
the deity offended. The sellers put those who demanded admittance to
the expiation in mind to take one in with them, of matter and height
proportion’d to their circumstances. Saphon, before he enter’d, had not
been wanting to choose one of gold of the largest size; which he was to
leave in the temple for a retribution according to custom. The priest
having set it before him on a table, to represent Giscon, pronounc’d
his encomiums in the name of the guilty, who was always suppos’d to
confess the good qualities of the person he had murder’d. In this
elogy, which was prepar’d the evening before, and written at length in
their ritual, the priest read several particulars of the life of the
deceas’d, which he knew by other means than by the confession of the
criminal, and at which he was often astonish’d. By practices of this
kind, manag’d with a great deal of cunning, the priests had acquir’d
the fame of having secret knowledge, and heavenly revelations.
To conclude; they purify’d the air round about the criminal, by means
of a suffumigation compos’d of sixteen drugs (a cubick number.)
Plutarch has preserv’d a list of them in his treatise of Isis and
Osiris; and the receipt of it is yet found in our dispensaries, under
the name of Trochisk of Cyphi[62]. All this being perform’d, he was
put into a bath; at his going out of which, he was cloath’d with the
habit he had on when he came into the college. They then presented as
well to him as to the priests and initiates, among whom was Sethos,
bread and wine; which they eat and drank on the spot in silence. After
this he was conducted thro’ the outward passages of the sanctuary into
the nave of the church; but he was as yet guarded by officers of the
second order. Then the children of the priests enter’d, either to wait
at the altar, or to perform the chorus’s of musick. The gates of the
temple were open’d, and the high-priest offer’d, in the front of the
sanctuary, that sacrifice to the propitious deities, which they call’d
pacifick, and in which they offer’d a white lamb.
[62] Marsh. p. 203.
Before the gates of the temple were open’d, Sethos, who was not yet
to be seen, was gone up into his seat; and after all the ceremony was
over, the Carthaginian, (who was to fast this third day till after
sunset, which was not yet approaching) was led away.
The moment they all went out of the temple, thro’ the end of the
sanctuary, to return to the college, news was brought the high-priest,
that there was a candidate in the subterraneous temple, who without
doubt would soon appear. The high-priest and his companions, who were
yet together, plac’d themselves in order behind the triple statue.
Quickly afterwards they heard the noise of the wheels inclos’d within
the pedestal; and the priests saw a man come out, who was not arm’d
with a helmet and cuirass, like Saphon, but who otherwise had as
perfect a resemblance of him, as could be between two twin-brothers.
The high-priest congratulating him, as customary, on his address and
valour, ventur’d to call him Giscon; which surpriz’d him extreamly.
But having afterwards made him kneel down, and having pronounc’d
over him that form of words, in which they call’d him, New Votary
of the great goddess Isis; the candidate arose, and said, “Venerable
priests of Memphis, I shall not conceal from you either my condition
or fortune; and I plainly see, by the knowledge you have of my name,
it would be to no purpose to do it: but I myself must confess, that if
you judge of me by the disadvantageous opinion the world has of me, I
am unworthy to be the servant of your goddess. I am, indeed, Giscon,
that unfortunate Carthaginian, proscrib’d by my fellow-citizens, and
banish’d by the Capsans. The first make me criminal for commanding an
army against my country; and the second, for refusing to bear arms
against it. The Carthaginians believe my death certain, and look upon
it as a punishment for a battle I had no concern in; and the Capsans, a
vagabond people, of whom I have form’d a republick, already renown’d,
have banish’d me, as a man who has refus’d to encounter with their
greatest enemies, the Carthaginians.” Here the high-priest interrupted
him, and said, “Giscon, we already know the greater part of your
history. We have approv’d of the beginning of it, and have condemn’d
the conclusion, in the manner we have been inform’d of it: But your
innocence is now confirm’d to us by seeing you alive. That, however, is
not sufficient: Saphon, your brother, who is actually in this house,
and on whom we have just finish’d the ceremonies of atonement, which
your senate enjoin’d him to seek here for your suppos’d death, must be
a witness of it. By that we make a considerable breach in our rule,
that no candidate is allow’d to discourse with any prophane person,
till the course of his exercises be finish’d. But as it is the duty of
a good man to clear himself as soon as possible from crimes laid to
his charge, it is ours to facilitate the means of it. Your brother,
in carrying your justification before you to Carthage, will carry at
the same time his own; and after having been purify’d here before the
gods for his unjust and wicked intention, he will clear himself, in
the sight of your father, your senate, and your people, from the ever
odious name of murderer of his own brother.” The high-priest first
made Giscon drink the cup of oblivion; and while he was drinking it,
pronounc’d the usual form of words: but he added, that while he was
relating to his brother, in their presence, what he did during the
battle; how the person who was kill’d instead of him came by his and
finally, why, when banish’d by the Capsans, he came into Egypt; he
should be very careful not to make any mention of those first trials of
the initiation which he had gone thro’; of the opening of the pyramid
thro’ which he enter’d; or of that of the pedestal of the triple statue
of Osiris, Isis, and Horus, thro’ which he now came thither. After
which, the high-priest made a sign to have Saphon sent for.
Giscon had time enough, before his brother came, to tell the
high-priest, that he had always had an ardent desire of being made
an initiate at Memphis, and to receive of him and his companions
those precepts and examples of virtue which made them esteem’d thro’
the whole world; but that since his misfortunes, he could hardly
pretend to a title so honourable, or to burthen a body of men, whose
reputation was so precious, with a man every where regarded as a
criminal. However, continu’d he, reflecting at the same time, that
the gods are the refuge of the unhappy, and that persecuted innocence
finds a sure sanctuary in them; What more favourable opportunity could
I have of offering myself to them, than my exile itself? and what
more pressing reason to devote myself intirely to their service, than
the state I was reduc’d to by injustice and ingratitude, of being no
farther serviceable to mankind, unknown, and fearful of being known?
I travers’d Ciniphi, Tripolitania, the country of the Nasamones, and
the desarts of Marmorica: In Libya I pass’d by the temple of Jupiter
Ammon, which I saluted at a distance, without daring to approach it.
I knew at Carthage, and from the very time I first aspir’d to the
initiation, that the opening of the pyramid was the way to it, without,
however, knowing that it led into this holy temple. But I had heard
mention made of the dreadful inscription at the bottom of the well; and
of the perilous purifications of the body, which were previous to the
preparations of the mind. I resolv’d, when I left Capsa, to undergo
the danger of the former, without any farther pretence to the latter;
or at least, to give a sincere relation of my name and circumstances
to the holy priests, who were to receive me. At my arrival, yesterday
evening, in the borough, nearest the pyramid, my host, whom I only made
acquainted with the desire I had of visiting it, made me a present
of a lamp, which he told me was proper for my design. I departed at
sun-rising; and being about two hours afterwards at the foot of the
pyramid, I ascended it with a resolution of perishing, if the disgrace
I labour’d under, with regard to man, was an effect of the wrath of
the gods themselves; and abandoning my justification to time, the
discoverer of all things. But what shall I say? My indifference, with
regard to death, strengthen’d me against it, and has led me to you, O
most holy priests of Isis, ready to submit to the lot you may judge me
worthy of upon my own confession. The high-priest answer’d; Giscon,
the thoughts of the gods are not conformable to those of men; and we
ourselves shall better judge of your past conduct by the account you
are going to give of it in the presence of your brother.
Upon that Saphon came in; but it is impossible to express the
confusion which arose in his mind, at the first sight of his brother.
He was not long in reflecting how he came into the hinder part of
the sanctuary, from whence he himself was but just departed: but he
now first conceiv’d, that another besides his brother might have
worn Carthaginian armour in the battle. Asham’d of his error, which
he perceiv’d was very palpable, he had a violent suspicion that the
priests themselves had had Giscon with them several days, and made
a secret of it to him, to make him undergo the horrible fatigues of
the atonement, for a crime of which he had rashly and falsely accus’d
himself. He remember’d, at the same time, the instructions he had so
lately receiv’d from a master hardly come to man’s estate, who had
destroy’d the pretended heroism of his exploits, and had shewn him,
that valour, his favourite virtue, had till then been in him only a
blind and pernicious passion. He saw this brother living, who was
pronounc’d a greater hero than himself, even at a time when he was
thought dead as a criminal. In a word, he found himself plung’d into
an humiliation, against which he could find no remedy in his mind.
Happily for him to recover his surprize, his brother Giscon was to
speak first; and he thus began his discourse:
Brother, these venerable priests enjoin me to appear before your eyes
this very moment, to justify us both; myself for having commanded an
army of Capsans against the Carthaginians; and you for having imbrued
your hands in my blood. However ardently I pursued my design of forming
the republick of the Capsans, and whatever diligence I us’d to put
them into a state of defence against the assaults of their neighbours;
I had declar’d to them, that tho’ I was ready to sacrifice my life
for them against all their other enemies, I would never take up arms
against my country. I did not even scruple to tell them, that I was
only theirs for a time, and that after having executed the design I
had conceiv’d so much to their advantage, as well my person as my
services were devoted to my father and my country. I had given them
this notice in time, to remove any suspicion that might arise of my
having united them only with a design to deliver their whole nation
with greater ease into the hands of the Carthaginians. Notwithstanding
all this caution I had taken, as soon as they were advis’d of your
march towards Capsa, they gave me to understand in their council of
war, that they should esteem me as a coward or a traytor, if I did not
take the command of their army against you. I answer’d, That I forgave
these their injurious terms, the remains of their former ferocity, but
that I was led by maxims superior to theirs; that no human constraint
should ever make me depart from a resolution which I had not taken till
after having maturely consulted the laws of justice and honour. I even
added, that tho’ I was oblig’d to them for the confidence they had
plac’d in me, in which they were not deceiv’d, if they kept within the
bounds I had prescrib’d them, they acted contrary to common prudence
in pressing me to accept of the command of an army, which I should
lead but by force, if I were capable of yielding to their desires.
That thus, all I could advise them to, was to inform you by heralds of
the equity of their pretensions, and the injustice of your assaulting
them: But I oblig’d them, for the maintenance of their own sovereign
authority, to enjoin those heralds to speak in their name, and not in
mine; and above all, that they should inform you in express terms,
that as I had not accepted of any office among them, it would not be
with me you were to engage in battle. I know all this was faithfully
related to you; and by this you might at least have suspected I was
not that commander you kill’d. In the mean time the Capsans, full of
indignation at your answer, immediately nam’d for their general the
person I had recommended to them as the most proper amongst them for
their chief after my retreat, the first to whom I had communicated the
design I had of uniting them, and who had been my chief instrument in
that undertaking. They moreover stript me of my armour, and put it on
him, to deceive you, and, against my will, to make me liable to the
suspicion and appearance of being concern’d in an action in which in
reality I had no part. They immediately pass’d the mountains which
separate them from the dominions of Carthage, and they affected to lay
waste on their side a greater spot of ground than was necessary to
inclose their army. The manner of the battle you are better acquainted
with than I who was not in it: But the Capsans who, in defending their
own country with all the resolution of a new-form’d republick, had lost
but very few of their people, return’d to their city, where they kept
me strictly guarded. There they elected in my presence, and without
consulting me, a new general; to whom, however, I should have given my
vote. After which, they enjoin’d me, by a decree in form, to depart
their dominions, without offering me any thanks for the past, or
indeed any other insult for the present.
It would have been natural for me to return to Carthage; and by shewing
myself there, to justify the only thing which could be imputed to me as
a crime, during the two years of my absence. But I had been inform’d,
as well by your answer to the heralds, as by other means, that you had,
as well in your army as throughout the whole nation, cast a blemish
upon the enterprize I had just succeeded in, of giving laws and manners
to the Capsans. Reason made me first conceive, and experience has
confirm’d it to me, that this was the only expedient which would free
us from these rovers, who never invaded us but in separate troops, whom
’twas impossible for me to rencounter in their own territories, and
from whom we had even nothing to fear, but by their being dispers’d.
This thought had long revolv’d in my mind, and the choice our father
had left us of our expeditions, when he engag’d to declare him his
successor, who should perform the most heroick action, gave me an
opportunity of putting it in execution. But having no design to dispute
a right, which was yours by birth, I left to you those glorious
advantages which you might render our empire by the fame of your arms,
and went to seek at a distance an obscure service, very dangerous
in its execution, and very doubtful in its success. I must confess,
however, I did not expect you would have imputed to me as a crime an
expedition actually accomplish’d to the benefit of our country, and
of which it had already gather’d the fruits in the security of its
highways, and the tranquillity in its plains. I thought it my duty to
let the storm of persecution you had rais’d against me, pass over; and
I would not oppose the proscription you had drawn upon me from our
senate, tho’ chiefly grounded upon the false supposition of my having
been in the battle, and of my death; and I very well know my father
was, in some measure, persuaded of my innocence; and that the senate
had not condemn’d me but with regret. But I am come into Egypt, to lay
myself at the feet of these holy priests, as the source of all justice;
persuaded, that a decision from this sacred tribunal, will re-establish
my blemish’d honour more securely, than an inconsiderate return could
have done. I have even no farther desire of returning to Carthage,
after what has happen’d; and it shan’t be my fault, if I don’t end my
days in this holy temple.
The high-priest, then beginning to speak, said; Saphon, before you
answer your brother what you may think proper, and that you may
have occasion to speak but once, I myself will put a conclusion to
his discourse, by telling you, That not only his conduct has been
unblameable from the first to the last step of his expedition, but he
has fully gain’d the advantage of you in having perform’d the most
heroick action. He has, however, no right to the prize your father had
set upon it. Whatever motive the wise Zoros may have had, the gods,
more prudent and mighty than he, have brought matters to their true
period, and have drawn even from the error of your senate, the just
sentence they have pronounc’d, by securing to you the succession to
your father. Giscon, as you have heard, gives his consent to it; and he
could not oppose it, without losing before the gods and men, the glory
of those great works he has hitherto perform’d. We don’t, however,
approve of the resolution he seems to have brought with him hither,
of renouncing the service of his country. The gods, who have no need
of us, look upon the services we do to men, who are the work of their
hands, as the surest mark of our piety towards them; and a perpetual
retirement is only commendable in those who never could, or can no
longer be of service to other men. It is true, the instructions we may
go in search of, or our meditations at different times, and especially
under misfortunes, contribute greatly to our perfection, and render us
more useful for the future. And thus your brother ought to be thankful
to the gods for the mischance which has led him hither, to receive the
initiation, to which we are going to prepare him: But as soon as he is
made partaker of it, we ourselves shall send him to Carthage, that he
may there continue to serve his country under your illustrious father,
during the remainder of his old age; and under you, when you shall be
invested with his dignity.
Saphon, then lifting up his eyes and his hands to the triple statue,
said; Isis, great goddess of the Egyptians, I at last yield to your
wisdom. I for ever disclaim my blind projects, and vain exploits; and
am too happy that even my transgression has been imaginary. I accept
with an entire submission, and a profound gratitude, those instructions
which I have receiv’d from your holy ministers, and from the youngest
of your disciples. They have all been confirm’d and justify’d by every
circumstance of this adventure, which is visibly a work of divine
providence. My dear brother, I am going to prepare the way for your
return to Carthage, by the most authentick justification of your
actions which I shall be capable of giving. The testimony of these holy
priests will be without doubt more respected; but it shall neither be
more faithful, nor so ready as mine. The high-priest made a sign to
Giscon to go to his brother; and they embrac’d with all imaginable
tenderness. Saphon was once more led into his apartment; and as the
setting sun began to quit the horizon, he there found a handsome but
frugal repast, and a vase fill’d with excellent wine. It was left
to his choice, either to go out that evening, or to take his repose
there in the bed he saw prepar’d. But Saphon, after having accepted of
the refreshment set before him, and being inform’d that his servants
attended without, express’d his gratitude in a polite manner to the
priests who bore him company, and who waited on him to the gate of
their college.
With regard to Giscon, as his exercises were not to commence till the
next day, he was conducted into the same apartment Sethos had, till
then, possess’d; but from whence he was that day to remove into those
destin’d for the initiates, who had always lodgings in the colleges
of the priests; in which, if they thought fit, they were allow’d to
spend their days. Antient history gives us examples of kings, who
were initiates; and who having, either by reason of their age or
infirmities, given up the cares of government to worthy successors, had
desired no other retirement.
All the initiates were allow’d this first evening to see the candidate,
for whom a great entertainment was prepar’d, but none eat with him.
The priests, who had carry’d Sethos thither, engag’d him to relate to
Giscon all that had pass’d with regard to his brother, and even the
part he had had in the instructions which had been given him. This
recital inspir’d the Carthaginian with an extraordinary respect for
this young prince; who, for his part, had before conceiv’d a very
high esteem for this stranger, whose eminent virtue might have done
honour to Egypt itself. And thus they cemented those bonds of solid
friendship, which will prove of such assistance to Giscon, to deliver
him from misfortunes which a fatal passion will plunge him into in the
sequel of this history.