to work, too proud to be instructed, and their formed habits too savage
and firmly rooted to give way before the meek truths of the gospel.
All such attempts must prove abortive; it is anticipating by an age
what should be their present course among the children. We would say
let all the grown generation die as they have lived, though before that
event took place many of them would have the satisfaction of seeing
their children in comparatively happy and improved conditions. This is
the only right beginning. Bring them up in the proper way, impressing
moral truths and industrious habits when young and fostering the same
in maturity. The Government can do this, should do it, and would be
extending a charity to a part of the human race but few sympathize
with, and opening a way for the remnant of aborigines to become a
useful and intelligent people. We repeat it, there are no objections
to this among the Indians. Proffers of the kind would be readily
acceded to by any tribe, even the Blackfeet, and all sensible traders
would assist. It would not benefit them, might perhaps hurt their
business some, and would in the end lead to its discontinuance. But
this is of minor consideration. We are confident that establishments
on the principles we have suggested would succeed and answer great
ends. But they must begin with the children as their foundation, not
merely for the observances of religious duties, without combining
active agricultural and pastoral pursuits, with a judicious choice of
mechanical arts.
It does not follow that the Indians should abandon their hunting
altogether to accomplish these ends. Those who wished to hunt could
still do so, as they now do at Red River, and when hunting failed,
as it eventually must when white emigration settles the country, the
Indians would find themselves in a position to live fully if not more
comfortably than before. Some of the money of the United States could
not be applied to a better purpose. One-half of the amount Congress
expends on the repairs of some old bridge would be sufficient to rear
and educate several hundred children. Indeed, after the boys and
girls had attained the age of 12 to 15 years they could more than
support themselves by their labor. Abstruse studies or extensive
mental acquirements should not be striven for except with the view of
providing teachers or physicians of their own nation, but generally
the rudiments of English education, such as is taught the peasantry
of England, would answer better. Too much education would produce an
unwillingness if not an inability to work.
Physicians of their own people would tend more to banish their
superstitions and encourage these institutions than all the preaching
in the world. Correct medical knowledge would be apparent in its
effects, and be the greatest acquirement in the eyes of the Indian.
With its introduction would disappear the host of jugglers, conjurers,
medicine men, and humbugs that now impoverish and kill most of their
patients. A distinct idea of crime and the necessity of law would
follow. The democratic principles of government already implanted would
assume an effective form and civilization and Christianity would be the
result. To accomplish this present payments of annuities should not be
curtailed, as it would hazard the ill feelings of the grown Indians
who, seeing no immediate benefit arising, would become dissatisfied
with the appropriation of their funds. Separate appropriations or funds
could be raised for the purpose.
WARFARE
The usual cause of war among the prairie tribes is the stealing of
horses. Indians must have horses, can not well live without them, and
will risk everything to obtain them. Moreover, horses are looked upon
in a measure as public property; that is, those nations who have few
think they have a right to take them from those who have many. Whether
it is a right or not they do it, and in these expeditions frequently
men are killed on both sides. This produces an obligation on the part
of the relatives of the deceased to revenge their deaths, and war
continues with various successes on both sides. The occupation of war
is also the most honorable an Indian can follow. The young men are not
noticed, neither can they aspire to the hand of a respectable young
woman, without having distinguished themselves in war excursions. They
are taught this when young, and as things now stand, it is difficult to
change. Nevertheless it can be done. Not immediately, but in the course
of a few years. There is always an opening to the heart of the Indian
through his love of gain. Most chiefs, soldiers, and heads of families
are open to bribes. The object of war in the first place is gain, and
the dangers attending it make it honorable.
This object (gain) must be superseded by an equivalent and the idea of
honor transferred to other sources. Take, for instance, the Blackfeet,
who are the most numerous and bloodthirsty nation on the upper
Missouri. Assemble them in treaty and make a distribution of $25,000
or $30,000 in merchandise among them and the deputations of other
nations with whom a peace is to be concluded. How would this operate?
The soldiers of the camp who would be appointed to distribute this
merchandise are the most powerful party, have generally the raising and
leading of war parties, and would take a liberal share of the presents
for themselves. The chiefs and heads of families would also receive a
large amount and the rest be divided among the young men, warriors,
women, etc. The peace would be made, all would be satisfied for the
present; but unless these payments were continued for a number of
years, or until the benefits of peace were realized and acknowledged,
nothing would be gained. An Indian does not reflect upon what he has
received but what is yet in store for him. The prospects of an annual
repetition of these presents would induce them to keep the treaty
stipulations. Why and how? The soldiers, chiefs, and heads of families,
whose voices only could make war, are held in check by the prospects
of gain, and should any parties be raised would be paid to stop, or if
they continued and stole horses, or killed a few of the nation with
whom peace had been made, the affair would be paid for and hushed up on
both sides, on account of the coming presents.
The reason why persons killed in time of peace between two nations
can be paid for, and privately not, is that in the former case the
voices of all, except the immediate relations of the slain, are against
revenge, inasmuch as it would affect their interests with regard to the
presents granted by the treaty. This operation going on in both nations
at the same time leaves the relatives too few to effect a revenge, and
the dishonor is evaded by the compulsion. In the course of a few years
all old causes for revenge would be forgotten. By visiting each other
and exchanging property, horses (the usual cause of war) would become
more equally divided, by being bought by those who wish them, instead
of stolen. Acquaintance with each other’s language, intermarriages, and
other ties would follow, and the advantage of receiving a large supply
of merchandise without the labor of hunting skins for it, together
with the honor and increase of power of the soldiers, by having the
distribution of this merchandise, must effectually throw the popular
voice against war. The voices of the women, though not consulted,
would be felt. They are vain, fond of dress, and would, of course, be
in favor of the treaty which enables them to gratify this passion in
a greater degree by furnishing them with clothing gratis. Therefore
war would be discontinued by them, and the hand of a peaceable man
preferred to one whose conduct militated against their own interests
and those of their parents. For we apprehend that the favor warriors
find in the eyes of the women and their parents is the result of their
success, not the glory in their bravery.
It is the horses stolen from their enemies that gives them wealth to
purchase any woman they please, and the father-in-law is anxious to
have a son-in-law who can at any time replace his loss in horses.
Indians are poor; that is, they are always in need of articles they
can not purchase, and getting a supply gratis is of great advantage to
them. The power of these annuities is great, and could be wielded with
sufficient force to bring different bands to war upon their own people,
and compel them to preserve the treaty stipulations.
We do not think that the display of military force on treaty grounds
is either necessary or politic. If to inspire a feeling of fear be the
object, it would require the presence of three or four thousand men
to effect it with the Blackfeet, and even then, there would be great
danger of collision with the troops who would endeavor to enforce
military regulations when they can not be understood and are not
required. Neither would Indians be induced to assemble when such a
body of armed men are brought without their consent, or if they did,
it would be with hostile feelings, and they could give no assistance
to the commissioners. A lesser force, or one inadequate to present the
idea of coercion, would incur their contempt, as they would necessarily
conclude that the Government had sent all the men they could raise, and
the few present would be imposed upon.
Indians do not like to be forced into measures, the utility of
which has yet to be made apparent. Besides, the spirit of treaty is
compromise, not force, as would be implied by these proceedings.
It must be a voluntary act on the part of the Indians, for and in
consideration of a certain sum, to obtain the stipulations. Again it
is entirely on the present state of the Indian and their government to
carry out this treaty we depend after the military force be withdrawn.
Their organization as pointed out in these pages shows them capable
of preserving order among themselves on these occasions, and a few
good, patient commissioners and sensible traders and interpreters
would secure what is necessary when force or appearance of it would
fail. If anything more was added it might be a few military officers
in full uniform and a good band of music. After satisfaction the
treaty would operate in detail as has been mentioned, and the next
best thing would be to take deputations of the principal men of each
nation to Washington, where they could council with their Great Father
(the President), and at this time the power and disposition of the
Government could be exhibited without giving offense, which in their
return among their people would be made public and the proper feeling
instilled. But Indians should never be treated with at the seat of
Government for many reasons.
The principal is that no deputation of prairie tribes could be taken
as the general voice, and even then would not think themselves treated
with on fair grounds—would agree to any and everything and afterwards
say they were forced to do it. Large bodies of whites in the interior
and on treaty grounds would necessarily be very expensive, and are
inexpedient, as pointed out, though the support of a great many Indians
would be very little. They bring their supplies along, hunt their
way back, and but a few groceries would be sufficient to feed them
during the short stay the business required. Another thing not to be
overlooked is that the assembling of different nations in a body at a
certain point is a great affair to them. It forms an epoch, a date, an
event, to be talked of for years. Each nation on these occasions feel
themselves bound to be polite, liberal, and attentive to strangers.
Hostilities for the time are laid aside or forgotten, and the whole
active force of the nations on whose ground the treaty is held is put
in motion to keep order. If the question of buying their lands is not
introduced, all goes on well, but on this subject they are jealous and
suspicious to a great degree.
In no instance should the principal of an Indian fund be placed in the
hands of any member of these prairie tribes to be distributed by him to
his people. They can not appreciate the use and expenditure of money;
neither could they with safety be placed in charge of any large amount
of goods for distribution.
If handed to the chief, they would be given by him to a few of his
immediate relations and friends, and the rest of the camp would get
nothing. The present way of distributing annuities is the best, if
not the only one that could give general satisfaction, and is thus
conducted. The whole amount of merchandise is separated into as many
portions as there are bands in the nation, according to the number of
lodges in each band. One of the bands is then visited by the Indian
agent, who, with the advice and consent of the chief of the nation,
chooses therefrom four to six soldiers and dresses them. The whole
band, men, women, and children, are formed into a semicircle with
these soldiers in front, and that portion of the annuities intended
for the band is laid in front of the soldiers, who separate it equally
among all, retaining, however, a reasonable share for themselves. This
appears to give general satisfaction. We can suggest no change in
the existing laws that might benefit the Indians, unless it be that
Indian agents should be people who have a correct knowledge of Indian
character. If it be really the object of the Government to benefit this
race of people their agents should be chosen from experienced traders
or others who have and still reside with them and are well acquainted
with their manners and customs.
How can a stranger who perhaps never saw an Indian, merely by
counseling with a few during his short annual visit, know their wants,
study their welfare, or make satisfactory reports to headquarters?
Besides, so much being dependent on these agents, their term of office
should not be limited to a change in the administration, as at present.
It is unlike other offices and requires many years’ close application
and constant residence among Indians to be of any real benefit to
learn in what manner they can be better regulated or to carry out any
series of measures the Government may wish to introduce. The pay of
these agents is also inadequate, and there are too few to be of much
service. The Sioux Nation alone is numerous and widely extended enough
to admit of an agency; the Mandan, Gros Ventres, and Arikara another;
the Assiniboin and Crows a third, and the Blackfeet a fourth. As it at
present stands, one man is appointed for all this, and the consequence
is some of them are neglected, if not the greater number. It can not
be otherwise. The nations are situated hundreds of miles apart and
each scattered over an immense district. Even one nation can not be
collected, consulted with, annuities distributed, and all business
settled in a less time than six months and often more. Should the
present officer do nothing but travel he could not make the round of
the whole in a year.
PROPERTY
The personal property of these tribes consists chiefly of horses. A
man’s wealth is estimated by the number of these animals he owns.
Besides which they have their lodges, guns, clothing, and cooking
utensils. Possession of an article of small value is a right seldom
disputed, if the article has been honestly obtained, as their laws of
retaliation are too severe to admit of constant quarrels. But horses
being their principal aim, possessing them is nothing without force
to defend. To explain this fully it will be necessary to give a few
examples of the different kinds of rights and their tenure. Rights to
property are of the following description: Articles found, articles
made by themselves, stolen from enemies, given them, and bought. Two
Indians traveling together, one discovers a lost horse and points it
out to the other, who pursues and succeeds in catching it. Now the one
who made the discovery claims a portion of the horse on the ground
that had he not seen it or not shown it to the other most likely it
would not be in his possession. The other, therefore, to extinguish
this claim, would be obliged to pay some article equivalent to half
the value of the horse, which in case he refused to do would end in
the horse being killed on the spot, and the dispute terminated. The
same rule would apply to finding a gun, but smaller articles would not
attract attention enough to produce a quarrel. An article is considered
lost when the owner has abandoned the search.
All clothing, skins, arms, etc., made by themselves are the sole
property of those who made them, and this is the only general right
among them that admits of no dispute. To take away such things by force
would be reckoned a mean action; would be discountenanced individually
by all; and the perpetrator would fall into general disgrace, among
both men and women. When horses are stolen from enemies the case is
different. Suppose seven Indians conjointly steal 45 horses in the
night from their enemies. They would drive them off in a body until
beyond reach of pursuit and then each would lay claim, catch, and keep
as many as he could manage and defend. No equal division or anything
like it would take place. Men of desperate character would take the
greater part and leave milder or less strongly supported Indians with
one or two and some would get none. To do this sometimes two to four
will combine against the others and take the largest share, but one or
two men seldom carry this so far as to incur the resentment of the rest
of the party. It generally depends upon the number of relatives each
has with him, or his force in camp, before either of which those not
so strongly supported must give way. Quarrels often occur about these
divisions, and horses in dispute are killed or stolen in the night by
those who have few from those who have many before their return home.
An Indian never gives away anything without some expectation of a
return or some other interested motive. If one observes another in
possession of a fine horse he would like to have he will take the
occasion of some feast or dance and publicly present him with a gun or
something of value, flattering his bravery, praising his liberality,
and throwing out general hints as to his object, though not directly
mentioning it. He will let the matter rest thus for some days, and if
the other does not present him with the horse will demand his gift
returned, which is done.
One will sometimes give a horse to another for some purpose or
equivalent and allow him to keep it; but should the receiver give the
horse to a third person the original owner will often claim him and
take him back, giving for his reason that he did not bestow him on that
person, and although he had presented him to the first, he should have
kept him and not given him away to another. Smaller gifts are regarded
in the light of loans and generally paid for in some way. They may be
considered as exchanges of necessities which they take this way to
effect.
One would think that an article bought by them or of them should be
the property of the purchaser, but this is not always the case. If an
Indian buys a horse from another and it is stolen the first night or
two afterwards, or lamed the first race, part, and sometimes the whole,
of the payment must be returned to pacify the loser.
If a gun is bought and it bursts or is broken shortly afterwards,
in like manner a refund of a portion of the purchase money would
be required. And worse still if the gun in the act of bursting had
crippled the man’s hands, which is often the case, the accident would
also be paid for by him who sold the gun. These things are so well
known and anticipated among them that the vendor immediately after
the accident or loss invites the loser to a feast and by the payment
of something settles the matter. This has the effect of their having
but few bargains or dealings with each other, so much so that a horse
bought and paid for by us from them can not be resold to one of their
own people if they know it, because the original owner will take it if
he sees it in the hands of one of his own people and that person is in
a situation to be thus imposed upon. Most of their horses having had
several owners, they are always a precarious gift or purchase. Property
obtained by gambling is also held by a very slight tenure, so much so
that the loser has many chances in his favor and these operations are
much fairer among them than among whites.
Robberies of each other on any large scale are seldom attempted.
They would attract the notice and induce the interference of the camp
soldiers and relations of the robbed, and bloodshed would be the
consequence. Infractions of smaller rights are left to individual
settlement and are paid for. What prevents impositions in smaller
matters is the disgrace and disgust that would fall upon any man guilty
of petty infringements of personal rights.
With regard to the Indian of the British dominions applying to an agent
of the United States for the payment of a private debt contracted by a
north Briton, a resident of Hudson Bay, the probable operation of his
mind was as follows: “All whites are very particular in endeavoring to
collect their debts from Indians, and the richer are less generous.
White traders are interlopers. The country, game, and all else in
the territory belong to the Indians. The whites have no claims upon
our generosity; are entitled to nothing without paying for it. Now a
white man owes me, and from him I can get nothing. Indian agents are
sent expressly to see justice done the Indians, are responsible and
sensible, besides being rich and powerful. He will perhaps allow me my
claim, or interpose his authority with the Hudson Bay people to make
them pay. It is at least worthy of a trial, for if I gain nothing I
lose nothing.”
Most Indians of the British possessions in America, at least the Cree
and Chippewa, are a great deal farther advanced in knowledge of every
kind than those of whom we write. They have tolerably correct ideas
of right and wrong and are famed for the shrewdness they exhibit in
all kinds of dealings, to their own advantage. It is not even likely
that if this Indian claim was not settled by the agent spoken to, he
therefore abandoned it, but it is more probable that he dunned every
one of the Hudson Bay traders for years until he got some remuneration.
We have known an Indian at Fort Union to claim payment for carrying out
three bundles belonging to one of our people when the fort was on fire.
This demand was made 12 years after the circumstance happened. They
never forget a claim on whites, but never recollect one upon themselves.
TERRITORIAL RIGHTS
How right to territory originally accrued can perhaps be learned by
the way in which it is here discussed. None of these prairie tribes
claim a special right to any circumscribed or limited territory. Their
arguments are these, and have been before mentioned. All the prairie
or territory in the West (known to them) and now occupied by all the
Indians was created by Wakoñda for their sole use and habitation. To
maintain this they state the entire fitness of the Indian for the life
of a hunter; his good legs, eyes, and other qualifications which they
do not allow to any other persons. The suitableness of the prairie for
the support of great numbers of buffalo, and the wooded streams for
smaller game, together with the adaptness of the game to their wants in
meat, clothing, lodges, etc. All this is to prove their general right
to the whole of the hunting grounds, where buffalo are to be found and
Indians stationed. Now each nation finds themselves in possession of
a portion of these lands, necessary for their preservation. They are
therefore determined to keep them from aggression by every means in
their power. Should the game fail, they have a right to hunt it in any
of their enemies’ country, in which they are able to protect themselves.