The late viceroy of Nanking, Liu-kun-yi, was now appointed to the chief

command of all the Chinese forces in the field, thus superseding Li Hung

Chang and Prince Kung so far as military command was concerned. He had

made an impression at the palace by his energy and by his plans for

resisting invaders. Immediately upon his appointment Liu petitioned to

be relieved from the office, pleading indisposition, but his request was

refused at the palace. His desire was taken as an indication that he

felt himself incapable of successfully carrying out the arduous task

imposed upon him. In the face of the emperor’s imperative orders Liu

could not avoid accepting the command, and he therefore began making

appointments to his staff and preparing for his immediate departure to

the front.

At last on December 21, it was given out to the world that peace

negotiations with Japan were to be begun in earnest, in the hope that

the crowning humiliation of a Japanese occupation of Peking might be

averted. The emperor selected Chang Yen Hoon, vice-president of the

Tsung-li Yamen as his peace envoy and, it was said, invested him with

the fullest powers to treat. It was announced that he would proceed

immediately to Japan with an adequate suite and ample credentials. He

was a man of great ability, and great confidence was expressed in the

success of his mission. Mr. Dun, United States minister at Tokio,

learned that the Japanese government would receive the Chinese envoy

with every consideration due to his rank, and with an honest desire to

help him to bring his mission to a successful conclusion. But from the

very beginning there was strong evidence to indicate that China was not

acting in the best of faith, for no authoritative statement was made by

the government at Peking of the appointment of such a plenipotentiary.

This suspicion was only too well corroborated a few weeks later.

The Chinese government, after deciding to send an envoy to Japan,

addressed a formal request to President Cleveland for the assistance of

a recognized statesman in connection with the forthcoming peace

negotiations in Tokio. The president lost no time in replying. It was

officially announced in Washington December 27, that the Hon. John W.

Foster, Secretary of State in the cabinet of President Harrison, after

the death of secretary Blaine, had been appointed legal adviser to the

Chinese peace plenipotentiary who was about to be sent to the government

of Japan. Before entering President Harrison’s cabinet Mr. Foster had

represented the United States as minister at Madrid and he acted as

agent of the United States in the court of arbitration of the Bering Sea

question at Paris. He was one of the foremost among international

lawyers in the United States, with large experience in Chinese affairs.

His selection by President Cleveland was not an official one, but was

merely in response to a request from China for friendly assistance. Mr.

Foster had no official standing from the United States, but acted simply

as an adviser to the Chinese envoy.

A curious incident comes well substantiated regarding Mr. Foster’s

preparations for his trip. Shortly before he sailed for China, it is

said, a party of Wall street men went to see him on the subject of the

Chinese indemnity. This indemnity was destined to have an important

bearing upon American politics. Should the indemnity be paid in gold,

our own treasury reserve would be drawn upon rather seriously. Should it

be paid in silver the demand for the white metal would undoubtedly

create an enormous demand for the product of western mines to the great

advantage of the silver producing states. The Wall street men visited

Mr. Foster in a body and urged him to favor a gold settlement. The

diplomat became very much incensed at this. He declared that the

representations of the bankers were a gross violation of diplomatic

ethics, and that he would act as he thought best in the interests of

China. From that time forward the prospective treaty was anticipated

with great interest by American bankers.

The eighth session of the Japanese parliament was opened at Tokio,

December 24. In the absence of the emperor at Hiroshima his speech was

read by one of the ministers. It took occasion to congratulate the

country for the success of the Japanese arms and declared the need of

further persistence towards the successful conclusion of the war.

Political sentiment, so far as party spirit was concerned, did not run

high in Japan, for nearly all parties were united in support of the war.

The session of parliament therefore awakened no marked interest.

The collossal nature of the task that devolved upon Japan when she

undertook to reform the Corean administration was becoming daily more

apparent. The first difficulty presenting itself was the fact that all

the high offices of state were occupied by proteges of the queen,

members of the Ming family. The queen was a woman of considerable and

large ambition. She exercised great influence over the king and employed

it to secure preferment and appointment for her own relatives. But the

queen and her friends were indefatigable supporters of China. The

Chinese resident always worked in their interests; they firmly believed

that Chinese supremacy would be re-established sooner or later; and they

were wedded to Chinese systems as affording the widest scope for

self-aggrandizement. Thus they stood in the very forefront of the

opponents of reform. That was recognized from the outset, and the device

was adopted of entrusting the chief powers to the Tai-wen Kun, an

inveterate enemy of the Ming family. But the old prince whose political

record was written in blood cared not one jot for reform. His one idea

was the Tai-wen Kun. Moreover, he too believed in the restoration of

Chinese influence and wishing to enlist it in his own behalf he opened

secret correspondence with the Chinese generals, promising them that the

appearance of their troops before Seoul should be the signal for a

widespread insurrection of the Tonghaks to attack the Japanese

simultaneously. These letters were discovered and placed in the hands of

Count Inouye. He invited the Tai-wen Kun to the Japanese legation and

quietly showed him the incriminating documents. Of course there was no

imperative reason why any Corean subject should prefer Japan to China.

The Tai-wen Kun had a right to choose between the two, but he had no

right to hold the regency under pretext of furthering reforms which he

was secretly working to defeat. It was not difficult to induce him to

resign the regency. He saw that the game was lost and consented to

efface himself from the political arena. At the demand of the Japanese

minister, the Corean king formed a new cabinet more satisfactory to

Japanese influence and the crisis was passed. The revolts of the

Tonghaks, however, seemed to be almost continuous and every day brought

news of a riot engendered by them.

The Japanese armies which we left in Manchooria near Kai-phing, were

posted on a curve extending from that city near the sea, to Hai-tcheng,

which was strongly fortified, and posts also extended from there to the

Mo-thien-ling hills. They thus occupied a strong position for defensive

and offensive purposes. Very severe weather had set in early in January

and hundreds of Japanese soldiers were suffering from frostbite. The

Chinese forces had withdrawn to Kao-khan near Niuchwang, although the

force occupying Liao-Yang had advanced some distance towards Hai-tcheng,

which the Japanese were occupying.

Early on the morning of January 10, a brigade under General Nogi marched

against a Chinese force encamped in the vicinity of Kai-phing. The

attack was made at dawn, but the deep snow rendered military movements,

especially the bringing up of guns, a matter of great difficulty. The

Chinese had twelve fieldpieces and two gatlings which were well handled.

Their force numbered about three thousand. The fight lasted four hours,

and consisted mainly of an exchange of shot and shell until the Japanese

were in position on the Chinese flank, when an infantry charge was

ordered and the Chinese fell back before the heavy fire. The final

attack upon the center was splendidly made and by 9:00 o’clock the

Chinese were well beaten. There was some stiff fighting at the last, but

by 10:00 o’clock the Japanese were in full possession of the town. Two

hundred Chinese were found dead in the positions which they had held,

and one hundred and fifty were taken prisoners. The Chinese force was

commanded by General Seh, who expected to be strongly reinforced before

the Japanese attack could be made. On learning this, General Nogi sent

out scouting parties towards Yo-chow. They reported that a Chinese army

estimated to number ten thousand men had been marching upon Kai-phing

but having heard of the defeat of General Seh this large force had

immediately retired towards Ying-tsu, the port of Niuchwang.

Either confidence or desperation of the Chinese was exemplified in the

vicinity of Niuchwang a few days later when two Chinese corps marched

against the Japanese advanced lines, and opened an attack. One of these

corps advanced from Liao-Yang, whilst the other marched from the

direction of Niuchwang. They were estimated at from twelve to fourteen

thousand men and they had with them several fieldpieces and gatling

guns. They came in sight of the Japanese lines before noon and continued

their advance until within less than two miles. Then they halted and a

consultation was held amongst their staff. They made no further advance,

much to Japanese disappointment, but simply began a heavy fire from

their artillery. At 2:00 o’clock in the afternoon, General Katsura

ordered the Japanese to reply, and a concentrated fire was opened upon

the Chinese ranks. The total Japanese force concentrated to receive the

Chinese attack consisted of four battalions of infantry and one

battalion of artillery with twelve guns. The artillery fire continued

for an hour, when seeing that the Chinese were being thrown into

confusion by the bursting shells, General Katsura ordered a charge upon

the enemy’s right wing. It proved to be entirely successful. Five guns

which protected the enemy’s right were captured at once, and the whole

force immediately retreated. Another charge upon the center scattered

the Chinese. The majority fled to the north, whilst a portion retreated

in the direction of Niuchwang. The Chinese losses were roughly estimated

at nine hundred, and the Japanese scarcely one-tenth of that number.

The first army, finding the country in the direction of Mukden wasted

and deserted while guerilla troops harassed them continually, now

virtually abandoned the march to Mukden and formed a junction with the

second army drawing together at the acute angle to which they had been

so long converging. Oyama and Nodzu met and from that time worked with

their forces conjointly. The Chinese were becoming bolder in the

vicinity of Hai-tcheng which made the necessity greater for a union of

forces. At the same time Mukden itself was in a state of riotous

disorder, the Manchoo and Chinese troops continually at conflict with

one another and therefore scarcely needing the attention of the Japanese

to attack either side. Military operations in Manchooria were now

exceedingly difficult owing to the depth of snow and the bitter cold

weather. Both armies were suffering from the rigors of the season, and

neither regretted the opportunity for a cessation of active hostilities.

General Nogi moved forward his headquarters to Huntsai. Cavalry

skirmishes between scouting parties between Niuchwang and Kai-phing, and

between Niuchwang and Hai-tcheng were of daily occurrence and with them

we will consider the season’s campaign of the armies in Manchooria

closed.

The raising of Li Hung Chang’s enemy, Liu-kun-yi, to the chief military

command in China stirred up more and more trouble for military and naval

officers as the time went by. Half of the generals of the army and the

admirals and commanders of the navy were arrested, charged with various

degrees of guilt, and many of them were sentenced to death. As a matter

of fact, however, not many of these sentences were carried out, although

General Wei was beheaded in Peking, January 16. The influence of Li Hung

Chang could not, however, be destroyed, even though he had been relieved

of all his functions except that of governor-general of his province.

His connections with prominent officials in China had been too intimate

and his strength too great that all could be taken away from him even by

imperial edict. The old viceroy, the Bismarck of Asia quietly bided his

time and waited the results that he felt sure would come. The Chinese

envoy and his suite of fifty-six lingered at Shanghai day after day

delaying their start to Japan with the avowed explanation that further

instructions were expected, but with the understanding frankly held by

every one except themselves that they were really detained in the hope

that something would turn up, that some special providence would

interfere to relieve them of the necessity of presenting China’s suit

for peace to her ancient enemy.

And now the third Japanese army was ready for its descent upon the

Chinese coasts and another invasion of the Celestial Empire was

impending.

THE EXPEDITION TO CAPTURE WEI-HAI-WEI AND

ITS SUCCESS.

--------------

Plans for the Third Japanese Army—Description of Wei-hai-wei and its

Defenses—Arrival of the Japanese Troops—Landing of the Forces at

Yung-tcheng Bay—Bombardment of Tengchow—Capture of Ning-Hai—Wei-hai-wei

Forts Taken—Severity of the Weather—Action of the Fleets—The

Torpedo Boats—Continuing the Bombardment—A White Flag From the

Chinese—Surrender—Admiral Ting’s Suicide—After the Surrender.

The command of the sea definitely gained by the Japanese at the battle

of the Yalu, now enabled another expeditionary force to be landed on the

shores of China, this time on the Shantung peninsula, which juts out

between the Gulf of Pechili and the Yellow Sea on the south, as the

Liao-Tung peninsula does between the Gulf of Laio-Tung and Corea Bay on

the north. Since that eventful action, the Chinese fleet had remained in

port, and the Japanese had been free to use the water-ways of the east,

as if no enemy’s ships existed. To undertake a new enterprise was merely

a question of men and means. The transports employed at Port Arthur were

available, and a third army twenty-five thousand strong was mobilized at

Hiroshima in December. These troops were embarked for an expeditionary

force to threaten Wei-hai-wei. There were fifty Japanese transports in

the squadron, convoyed by a few war ships, and the fleet sailed away

from Japan just before the middle of January.

Wei-hai-wei is about twenty-five miles west of the extreme northeastern

point of the Shantung promontory, and fifty miles east of Chefoo, which

was the nearest treaty port. Wei-hai-wei consists of an island some two

miles long, and the adjacent mainland, running in a semi-circle around

the bay. Between the island and the shore is a large and safe harbor,

with an entrance at either end. At both entrances, two rows of submarine

torpedo mines furnished protection against invading squadrons, and on

the island stood the naval and gunnery school of China, and the houses

of the foreign instructors. The island was defended by three forts, one

at the east end, one at the west, and the third on a little island

connected with it. On the hills which rise from the island also six

small batteries with quick firing guns. In one of the forts were four

heavy Krupp guns, in another three, while in the third were two

Armstrong disappearing guns of twenty-five tons, on revolving planes. On

the mainland was a small village, while three forts commanded the

eastern entrance to the harbor, and three the western, armed in the same

way as the forts on the island. Seven men-of-war remaining to the

Chinese fleet were at anchor in the harbor, and would be useful in

defense of the place, though not enough for battle at sea against a

fleet. The fortifications were built under the direction of Captain Von

Hannecken, and several foreigners in the Chinese service had remained

there throughout the war as artillerists and in other capacities. The

Chinese Admiral Ting was also there, against whom the Chinese censors

had been speaking so bitterly. There were strongly equipped forts, a

beautiful harbor, a good naval school, and all was ready to be captured

by the Japanese.

[Illustration: DISTANT VIEW OF WEI-HAI-WEI AND ITS SURROUNDINGS.]

The Japanese transports touched at Talien-wan Bay on the way to the

Shantung promontory, and took on board some of the officers who had been

with the army around Port Arthur. Except for these however, the troops

moving on Wei-hai-wei were all new in the field. On the 18th of January

a small reconnoitering party of Japanese naval officers landed from a

boat in Yung-tcheng Bay, having left their ship out of sight around the

eastern headland. They arrived in the night, cut the telegraph lines

connecting Shantung promontory lighthouse with Wei-hai-wei, and

afterward, being of course in disguise and familiar with the Chinese

language, made inquiries of the peasantry. They discovered that the

commander of Wei-hai-wei, having heard of warships off the promontory,

had sent some five hundred troops to defend Yung-tcheng. The Japanese

then decided to land at dawn on the 20th. Yung-tcheng Bay is about four

miles southwest of the northeast promontory lighthouse, and faces nearly

due south. On the east is a bold headland connected by low hills with a

chain of abrupt heights running west. The west headland, enclosing the

bay, is not so high and ends in a spit of sand and rocks, beyond which

are two smaller shallow bays, and Yung-tcheng town about seven miles

away due west. Nestling close under the west slope of the strip is a

small village. Yung-tcheng Bay is about a mile wide, and hemispherical.

The anchorage is good for large vessels to within one hundred yards of

the beach, and the large fleet assembled there for hostile purposes was

well protected.

The Japanese flotilla was led by five war ships which were two or three

hours ahead of the rest—twenty transports carrying one division of

infantry, with an escort of four war ships. Other war ships were on

patrol duty, with torpedo boats blockading Wei-hai-wei completely. The

transports which came on the 22nd contained another brigade of infantry,

a strong force of artillery, some cavalry, and the large and important

commissariat and transport sections.

The Chinese troops first took up a position on the sand spit and opened

fire on the ships with four fieldpieces, without effect. Meantime some

two hundred Japanese marines were being landed on the beach under the

eastern bluff. As the boats drew near the shore a few shots came in

their direction, but the Chinese marksmanship was utterly useless. The

Japanese succeeded in getting ashore without any mishaps whatever by

7:00 A.M., while daylight was still faint. The ground was covered with

snow a few inches deep. A shell from one of the war ships set fire to a

small cottage where the Chinese were, and they were forced to retire to

the village behind the knoll. Here planting their guns, four Krupp

fieldpieces, on rising ground, with infantry in the broken ground about

the village, they tried their best to make a stand; but the guns of the

war ship were making the position untenable, and a bayonet charge of

marines put an end to their resistance. They fled to Yung-tcheng,

leaving their cannon. The losses on either side were slight. By eight

o’clock the transports had arrived, and the landing of troops began,

finishing before dusk. The disembarkation of the rear guard, which came

on the second fleet of transports, was also carried on expeditiously on

the 23rd.

During the afternoon of the 20th a battalion of the newly landed

soldiers pushed on without delay or rest to Yung-tcheng. The Chinese

force of about five hundred made slight resistance; there was a little

firing, but no casualty on either side, and the place was taken. A

detachment of Japanese followed westward in pursuit of the enemy. A

quantity of arms, ammunition, and stores fell into the victor’s hands at

Yung-tcheng.

The first thing done by the Japanese on landing was to make a small

floating jetty of sampans and planks, from the sandy beach to water deep

enough for launches. Rough sheds were also erected rapidly, so as to

make the place a convenient depot as a subsidiary base of operations.

Here the troops were sheltered as they landed, moving over to

Yung-tcheng as rapidly as possible, so that within a few days they were

almost all quartered in the town and surrounding villages. The

inhabitants went about their business as usual, evincing only a little

timid curiosity towards the invaders.

Japanese strategy was to be credited, to considerable extent, with the

easy landing granted to their troops in Yung-tcheng Bay. War ships had

been cruising back and forth along the north shore of the promontory,

keeping the commanders of various posts nervously expectant of an

attack. Finally on Saturday, January 19, war vessels drew near to

Tengchow, some thirty miles northwest of Chefoo, and began a bombardment

which lasted throughout the day. The Chinese worked their guns well, but

were not equal to the Japanese gunners either in rapidity or precision

of fire. Many of the Chinese guns were dismounted by the Japanese fire,

and others were rendered useless through absence of sufficient

ammunition. By nightfall all the forts were silenced and the city was at

the mercy of the invaders. Two thousand Japanese landed and kept up an

incessant fire from fieldpieces upon the land side, while the ships were

bombarding the water front. This demonstration was only for the purpose

of creating a diversion, and attracting Chinese attention to Tengchow,

while averting it from Yung-tcheng.

On January 23, a Japanese force landed at Ning-Hai, midway between

Wei-hai-wei and Chefoo, and the former city was therefore surrounded.

The landing was covered by the guns of a dozen war ships, but there was

no opposition. The troops at once marched upon the city of Ning-Hai,

situated near the point of landing, and the place fell into their hands

after a very feeble resistance. The occupation of Ning-Hai isolated

Wei-hai-wei from Chefoo. The Chinese arsenal was almost exactly half way

between the two Japanese landing places, and the coast road being in

occupation of the Japanese, news from the threatened garrison had to be

carried over mountain paths with considerable difficulty.

The strong Japanese fleet of war ships, transports, and torpedo boats

was now assured of safety from any possible attack in Yung-tcheng Bay,

and the war ships patrolled back and forth between the two landing

places in constant threat of Wei-hai-wei, and forbidding the exit of the

Chinese vessels which were penned in that harbor. The expeditionary

force had landed all the necessary heavy guns and ammunition, beside

forage, food, and other necessaries. The British and German flagships

were in Yung-tcheng Bay, besides several American war vessels. The two

land forces now moved upon Wei-hai-wei, one from the east and one from

the west.

The forts on the mainland at Wei-hai-wei were captured by the Japanese

on January 30. The taking of the Chinese stronghold was due to skillful

combined movements on the part of the Japanese land and naval forces,

the main attack, however, being made by the troops on shore. The

resistance, considering the strength of the place, was feeble. Some of

the forts, however, were stubbornly defended, and the loss was heavy on

both sides. The Japanese troops of the sixth division were under arms at

two o’clock in the morning, and the advance was at once ordered. As soon

as it was daylight the assault on the enemy’s defensive lines began, and

by nine o’clock the outlying batteries and intrenchments were almost all

in the hands of the Japanese.

Meanwhile the second division was delivering a direct assault from the

southwest on the Pai-chih-yaiso line of forts, a position of great

strength, with precipitous sides about one hundred feet in height. The

attack was made under cover of a furious bombardment from the Japanese

men-of-war. The main point of Chinese resistance was here. After the

fighting on this side had been going on for some hours, the sixth

division, having driven in the enemy before it, made a detour, and

advancing behind Mount Ku which concealed the movement, made a strong

attack from that side on the Pai-chih-yaiso forts. By half past twelve

these forts were in possession of the Japanese. By preconcerted

arrangement the signal was at once given to the Japanese fleet, which

proceeded without delay to take possession of the eastern entrance of

the harbor.

The Japanese fleet had been keeping well off the shore, throwing a few

shots occasionally into the batteries upon Leu-kung-tau island, but the

main attack was upon the eastern forts. The ironclads dropped their long

distance shots into the Chinese position with fair accuracy, but eight

of the smaller Japanese vessels steamed along the shore within easy

range and worked their guns steadily and well. One well placed shell

caused a terrific explosion in Fort Number One, pointing to the

eastward, and that fort took no further part in the fighting. A few

minutes later Japanese troops rushed in and their flag went up. At half

past twelve another deafening roar proclaimed that an explosion had

taken place in Fort Number Two. Whether this was due to Japanese fire,

or whether the Chinese deliberately blew it up, was not known, but the

fort was destroyed. The Chinese firing flagged after this. At last only

one gun in Fort Number Three could be worked, the Chinese fled, and the

Japanese swarmed in. This action evidently discouraged the men in Fort

Number Four for the garrison abandoned the place and joined their

retreating countrymen, while the fort fell into the hands of the

Japanese intact.

The Chinese fleet had been busy throughout the fight, but kept well

under shelter of the island. Their shell fire was mainly directed upon

the masses of Japanese infantry, advancing against the land forts, and

the batteries upon the island were similarly employed. With the capture

of Number Four fort the Japanese were in a position to turn the guns

upon their enemies, a fact of which they were not slow to take

advantage. They opened fire upon the Chinese fleet and upon the land

batteries, doing more damage in a short time than their fleet had been

able to accomplish during the day. This was too much for the Chinamen,

and abandoning their former tactics, the battleship Ting-Yuen steamed

out from her island shelter, and coming in close to Fort Number Four,

hammered away vigorously for a full half hour. By that time every gun in

the fort had been silenced, and the Japanese were fairly shelled out of

it.

The resumption of the fight on Thursday, January 31, by the Japanese

fleet was rendered impossible by a severe northerly gale accompanied by

a blinding snowstorm. The decks of the ships, and also the guns were

covered with ice. Seeing that the position was becoming dangerous for

his ships, Admiral Ito ran to Yung-tcheng Bay for shelter and safe

anchorage, leaving a small squadron to keep watch at the entrance to

Wei-hai-wei harbor. On shore the Japanese made great efforts to

strengthen their position, and for the next few days there was desultory

firing, but no continuous bombardment.

The hardest day’s fighting for the Japanese fleet was Sunday, February

3. The tempestuous weather which prevailed during Friday and Saturday

kept the main squadron in shelter, and while the other ships were

watching the two entrances to the harbor, their work gave greater

opportunities for seamanship than for gunnery. They engaged the island

forts occasionally and exchanged shots with the Chinese war ships, but

the land batteries did most of the firing. Sunday, however, was the

navy’s day although the land batteries were not idle. Almost with

daybreak the fleet opened fire upon the forts of Leu-kung-tau island

which replied vigorously. The bombardment soon became terrific. The

flagship and several other large vessels were in possession outside the

bay, and concentrated their fire upon the eastern island batteries. The

second division rained shell upon Fort Zhih. The bombardment had

scarcely begun when the Chinese fleet joined in very gallantly. The

Ting-Yuen used her thirty-seven ton guns without effect, but succeeded

in drawing some of the Japanese fire to herself. The Lai-Yuen, the

smaller ship, stood towards the Japanese and fought well, suffering

considerable damage and many casualties. Two of the Chinese gunboats

also took an active part in the defense and were not badly damaged.

These four vessels fought with great determination until darkness set in

when the firing ceased on both sides. The bombardment had caused great

damage to the Chinese works, particularly at Zhih, where many men had

been killed and wounded. Several guns were dismounted and towards the

close of the fight the fire from the Chinese batteries slackened in a

marked manner.

The sea was still rough on Sunday night, but the Japanese ships did not

seek shelter. It was confidently expected that some of the Chinese ships

would endeavor to escape during the night, and the harbor exits were

therefore blocked by the Japanese fleet. Admiral Ting however made no

move, and when morning broke his squadron was seen in its old position,

under the shelter of the island. It was learned from a prisoner taken on

shore that Admiral Ting had issued a general order to his captains that

even if the defenses on the mainland should fall into the enemy’s hands,

the war ships must remain inside the harbor and help the island forts to

destroy the Japanese fleet. Every officer was ordered to remain at his

post until the last, under pain of dishonor and death.

Monday morning the bombardment was resumed. The Japanese fleet engaged

both forts and ships, and the land batteries bombarded the Chinese

squadron. The fire from Fort Zhih continued weak, and the Chinese

battleships were so repeatedly and so seriously hit that their guns were

handled with difficulty and with less spirit. Finally, towards the close

of the fight, the Ting-Yuen was disabled. It gradually settled down, and

at length foundered amid loud shouts of triumph from the Japanese on

land and sea. The Chen-Yuen, too, was badly damaged.

When the remaining vessels of the Chinese fleet were captured, they were

in serviceable condition, but badly damaged. The torpedo boats of the

fleet made a rush through the western entrance, of the harbor, to escape

capture. The Japanese flying squadron immediately gave chase, and for

hours maintained a most exciting pursuit. Some of the torpedo boats were

sunk almost before they cleared the harbor, but others managed to get

past the Japanese squadron. They were not however in a condition to make

their best speed, and one by one they were overtaken and either sunk,

driven ashore or captured. The Japanese fleet, on the other hand did not

escape unscathed. The torpedo boat which sank the Ting-Yuen was

destroyed by a hail of shot, eight of her crew being drowned. Another

Japanese torpedo boat had her engineer and all her stokers killed by a

shell bursting in the engine-room, and indeed it was a much damaged

flotilla that returned to Admiral Ito. Only one boat escaped entirely

uninjured. So severe was the cold that on one of the torpedo boats

during the stealthy approach to the bay, a lieutenant and his two

lookout-men were frozen to death at their posts.

Monday on shore was as busy as on sea and the fighting continued without

cessation throughout the day. The guns in the eastern and western forts

that could be brought to bear upon the Chinese fleet and the forts on

the island were worked all day by Japanese gunners and the Chinese

artillery men fought their guns well in reply. On the land side the

infantry of the sixth division moved against some minor lines to the

west still held by the Chinese. The latter did not wait for the Japanese

onslaught, but fled away westward leaving arms and stores behind them.

By noon there was not a single fortress or battery on the mainland

around Wei-hai-wei that the Japanese had not captured.

Marshal Oyama meantime had ordered the fourth division to attack the

town of Wei-hai-wei itself. The place however surrendered without a shot

being fired. The Chinese garrison had fled in the early morning, and the

citizens opened the gates to the Japanese forces. No injury was

sustained by the town or inhabitants. As fast as was practicable, fresh

guns were mounted in place of the disabled ones in the captured forts,

and every hour added to the weight of metal thrown against the Chinese

fleet and island forts. But night set in, and the Chinese fleet fought

with as much determination as ever. Search-lights were kept playing by

both belligerents throughout the night. An occasional shot was fired by

one or the other, but the fierce cannonade of Sunday was not resumed

until dawn. Then the large Chinese war ships, sheltering themselves as

much as possible under the island, shelled the various forts in turn.

The smaller Chinese vessels were scattered about the bay, taking little

part in the fighting, and escaping the attention of the Japanese

gunners. The Chinese had burnt or sunk every junk and boat in the harbor

in order to prevent their being used by any large body of Japanese to

make an effectual landing upon the island. The roar of the big guns

during Monday was incessant. Shells were dropped repeatedly into the

island forts, and the Chinese battleships were hit again and again, but

there was no sign of the fleet giving in or of their ammunition giving

out. At night the firing ceased, and again the search-lights illuminated

land and sea.

On the night of Monday, February 4, the Japanese after many hours’

exertions succeeded in clearing the entrance to the harbor of

Wei-hai-wei of all the torpedoes and submarine mines that had been laid.

And under cover of the darkness torpedo boats stole in and launched

their projectiles at one of the great Chinese ironclads. The torpedoes

took effect, and the vessel sank.

Day after day the shore forts at Wei-hai-wei, aided by the Japanese

fleet, continued their bombardment of the Chinese war ships and the

forts on the island, getting a reply which gradually diminished in

strength. The fleet could not escape from the harbor, owing to the

presence of the Japanese flotilla just outside, so they fought on

bravely, doing much damage indeed to the Japanese, but accomplishing no

final results. The timber obstructions at the eastern entrance to the

bay were destroyed by the Japanese to admit their torpedo boats to that

side, as they had already been admitted to the other entrance. With the

Chinese torpedo fleet escaped and destroyed, there was no adequate

defense against this threat. Finally it seemed that there was no use in

further resistance.

On February 12, a Chinese gunboat flying a white flag came to the

Japanese fleet with a message from Admiral Ting. He proposed to the

Japanese commander-in-chief to surrender all his ships remaining afloat

and all arms and ammunition, and to give possession of the forts still

holding out, upon the sole condition that Admiral Ito would guarantee

the lives of the Chinese sailors and soldiers, and of the European

officers serving under the Chinese flag in the fleet and in the island

forts. Admiral Ito, in reply to the offer, acceded to the terms and

demanded that the naval station should be thrown open. On the morning of

the 13th however, the Chinese messenger returned and informed the

Japanese Admiral that Admiral Ting had committed suicide on the previous

evening, and that his responsibility was transferred to Admiral McClure.

The news was even more startling than that of a single suicide, for

Admiral Ting’s commodore, the general in command of the island forts,

and Captains Liu and Chang had all taken their own lives through grief

and shame at having to surrender. Admiral Ting before committing suicide

wrote a politely worded letter addressed to the Japanese

commander-in-chief explaining his reasons for taking his life and

enclosing letters which he requested might be forwarded to their

destination.

[Illustration: ADMIRAL McCLURE.]

The only officer of high rank left on the Chinese war ships was Admiral

McClure, the Scotchman who had been recently appointed to act as second

in command to Admiral Ting. Admiral McClure sent word by the staff

officer that having succeeded to the command by the death of Admiral

Ting, he was prepared to carry out the surrender and to consult Admiral

Ito’s convenience in the matter. He suggested that Admiral Ito should

give his guarantee to the British Admiral or to some other neutral naval

officer, that as soon as the Chinese war ships and island forts had been

handed over, the soldiers and sailors and the Chinese, and foreign

officers should be set free. Admiral Ito replied that no guarantee was

necessary beyond the Japanese word and he peremptorily declined to

furnish one. This decision was accepted without further demur, the

Chinese flags were everywhere lowered and the transfer of ships and

forts was at once proceeded with.

The soldiers who had held the island first gave up their arms, and then

were put on board Chinese and Japanese boats and taken on shore.

Escorted by Japanese troops, they were marched through the Japanese

lines, out into the open country and there set free. They were treated

with every respect and seemed surprised that their lives were spared. On

the morning of February 15, the officers and sailors of the Chinese

ships were disposed of in similar fashion. The foreign officers, about a

dozen all together waited for a neutral ship to take them away.

[Illustration: JAPANESE SOLDIERS ESCORTING CHINESE PRISONERS.]

During the progress of Chinese reverses at Wei-hai-wei, the excitement

in other Chinese cities was intense, increasing as the distance from

Wei-hai-wei decreased. Chefoo, the nearest treaty port and the home of

many foreigners, was in a tremor of fear. A bombardment or an invasion

of the city was dreaded from the victorious troops to the eastward, and

not the least danger was that from the Chinese troops who had been

disarmed and turned loose to make their way to Chefoo after the

surrender. The emperor was so incensed at the loss of Wei-hai-wei that

he took the unusual course of authorizing the governor of the Shantung

province to behead all fugitives without previously reporting to the

throne.

Wei-hai-wei will be remembered in the history of this war as the only

spot at which the progress of the Japanese was interrupted by serious

and prolonged resistance on the part of the enemy. Admiral Ting’s

bravery could scarcely be questioned, though his strategy might be. His

action in surrendering property was gravely censured, the general

opinion being that if he could no longer hold out he should have found

means to destroy the valuable stores in his control, instead of giving

them up to the conqueror. As a material result of the surrender other

than the strategic and moral effect, the Japanese acquired four large

ships left in serviceable condition, several gunboats and torpedo

crafts, fort artillery, and great stores of ammunition, food and coal.

The work of taking over the arsenal, island forts, and war ships was

completed by the Japanese without the least confusion. The ships which

needed repairs, including the ironclad Chen-Yuen, were temporarily

repaired at Wei-hai-wei, and then sailed for Japan with Japanese crews,

to go into dockyards for refitting. Marshal Oyama and his staff occupied

the Chinese government building. All of the foreigners who took part in

the defense of Wei-hai-wei, except the American Howie, were paroled and

sent to Chefoo in the steamship Kang Chi. This vessel also carried the

bodies of Admiral Ting and his fellow officers who committed suicide.

The Japanese fleet paid a touching tribute to the memory of their brave

opponents. As the Kang Chi steamed out of the harbor all the vessels had

their flags at half mast, and from Count Ito’s flag ship minute guns

were fired for some time after the vessel sailed. The European war ships

at Wei-hai-wei also lowered their flags, as a testimony to the bravery

exhibited by the late admiral.

Several junks arrived at Chefoo bringing soldiers from Wei-hai-wei. The

men all expressed astonishment at the consideration which the Japanese

had shown for them, and the tribute which their enemies paid to Admiral

Ting’s body had created a great impression on them.

It will be remembered that Howie was one of the Americans arrested early

in the war by the Japanese officials at Kobe. He was on his way to

China, under contract to destroy Japanese ships by means of a new

explosive whose secret he possessed. He was released at Kobe at the

intercession of the American minister to Japan, under the promise that

he would not assist the Chinese in the present war. He was detained at

Wei-hai-wei for a trial by court-martial, and it was believed that

unless his government interfered his punishment might be a severe one.

After the capture of Wei-hai-wei all efforts were directed by the

Japanese towards strengthening the land defenses and those on the

island. Fresh guns were mounted in many places. The island forts were

still manned by marines, while the mainland forts were each held by a

battalion of infantry, as well as by artillery men. The amount of stores

seized was so great that the troops had a superabundance of supplies.

The roads were patrolled for miles around. A civil commissioner was

appointed, and Marshal Oyama issued a proclamation assuring the

inhabitants of kind treatment and of his protection so long as they

followed peaceful pursuits. Inasmuch as no atrocities had been committed

and the Japanese did little looting, the confidence of the people was

retained and they continued their usual vocations. The Japanese withdrew

from the advanced positions east and west of Wei-hai-wei, evacuating the

town of Ning-Hai. A large part of the army then left for Talien-wan Bay.

THE END OF HOSTILE OPERATIONS.

--------------

The Armies in Manchooria and their Actions in the Cold of

January—Skirmish and Battle—Assault on Niuchwang and Capture of the

City—Desperate Fighting in the Streets—Taking of Ying-kow—A Threat

Towards Formosa—Attack on the Pescadore Islands—Capture of Hai-chow—The

Island of Thao-hua—Peking thought to Be in Danger From the Japanese.

We left the Chinese and Japanese troops in Manchooria centered about the

region around Niuchwang, trying to pass the cold weather with the least

suffering possible. There was no considerable interruption of time

between hostile encounters, possibly on the supposition that they could

keep warmer by fighting than by remaining idle. On the morning of the

17th of January the Chinese under General Chang and General Twi began

aggressive movements. Some twelve thousand strong they attacked

Hai-tcheng, but were repulsed after a short struggle. Five days later,

on the morning of the 22nd, the Chinese again attacked the Japanese

position, but were repulsed by two o’clock in the afternoon with heavy

loss. This was rather a long distance battle, with a good deal of

artillery practice in it. The Chinese worked their guns fairly well, but

could not compete with the Japanese gunners, who were the better

protected and suffered little. When the Chinese began the retreat, the

Japanese guns were moved forward and played upon the retiring enemy. The

Chinese then became demoralized, and made speedy retreat towards

Niuchwang. The Japanese loss was very slight.

On the same day as the last battle, simultaneously with the attack on

Hai-tcheng, General Seh with ten thousand men and a strong force of

artillery advanced from the port of Niuchwang against Kai-phing. An

artillery engagement ensued on the 24th of January, which ended in a

precipitate retreat of the Chinese.

General Nogi now moved forward his headquarters to Huntsai. The Chinese

army under General Seh was considerably reinforced, chiefly by Tartar

troops with large bodies of cavalry, and skirmishes with the Japanese

scouts were of daily occurrence. The strength of the enemy in the

immediate vicinity of Niuchwang was more than twenty thousand men. On

the 30th of January it was found that the Chinese had occupied Liao-Yang

in force, and that the western contingents were gradually advancing

southward. General Hoi-Pang-Tao was on his way to Ying-kow with a large

force. On the 1st of February the Viceroy Liu arrived at Niuchwang and

assumed the supreme command of the operations in Manchooria. He brought

with him an army said to number nearly twenty thousand, so that his

whole force numbered probably twice that many. It seemed certain that

the viceroy intended to advance against Hai-tcheng in full force. The

Japanese armies were also united, or in close touch with one another, at

Kai-phing and Hai-tcheng, ready for a decisive battle. February 16 a

Chinese army of fifteen thousand men attacked Hai-tcheng from Liao-Yang

and the Niuchwang road. The fighting lasted three hours, and extended

over a considerable tract of country. The attack was successfully

repulsed, one hundred and fifty Chinese being killed and wounded, and

the Japanese loss considerably less than that number.

The news of the capture of Wei-hai-wei reached the Japanese and Chinese

forces in Manchooria, and the Viceroy Liu was evidently disheartened,

for there was an entire absence of activity during the next ten days.

The incessant drilling in the neighborhood of Niuchwang was stopped, and

the forces were steadily dwindling through desertion. On the last day of

February, after a period of comparative inaction, the Japanese troops

began an advance on Niuchwang and its port Ying-kow. On that day General

Nodzu attacked the Chinese positions between the Liao-Yang and the

Niuchwang roads. The Japanese artillery first opened a heavy fire upon

the Chinese. This lasted over an hour, and then the fifth Japanese

brigade threw itself upon the Chinese right wing with such impetuosity

that the enemy scarcely made a stand in that part of the field, but

broke and fled in disorder. While this was going on, the main Japanese

column under General Nodzu marched against the Chinese center, which

rested on the village of Chang-ho-tai. Position after position was

carried by the Japanese infantry, and the enemy was finally driven in

disorderly retreat northwestward towards Kinchow city, at the northern

extremity of the Gulf of Liao-Tung.

The sixth brigade had been told off to clear the Chinese out of the

villages along the Laio-Yang road. This it accomplished without loss,

and then by pre-arrangement it joined hands with the main column, the

combined forces thereafter occupying Tung-yeng-tai and all the villages

and heights near that place, in the direction of Liao-Yang. General

Nodzu’s division extended its line southwestward from Hai-tcheng, so

that the army extended through a very wide front. The Chinese forces

engaged numbered about eighteen thousand men with twenty guns. General

Yih was in command. They lost one hundred and fifty men killed, and

about two hundred wounded. The Japanese losses amounted to about half as

many.

[Illustration: CHINESE SOLDIERS ON THE MARCH.]

Early the next morning the Japanese resumed their advance, this time

without opposition of any sort. The Chinese retired before them, and

when night fell the Japanese limit extended nearly to Maitzu. Throughout

the advance upon Niuchwang there was no opposition offered worthy the

name, and the annals of the march bring little fame to the Japanese

defense.

The reconnoissances eastward and northward made by General Nodzu’s

scouts on Friday, March 1st, brought the information that the main body

of the Chinese forces had fled by the northern road, with the evident

intention of rallying and making another stand at Liao-Yang, the only

place of importance between Hai-tcheng and Mukden. Lieutenant-General

Katsura’s brigade was ordered to pursue the enemy. By that evening the

troops had covered about eight miles of difficult ground, and had got

within a mile of Kan-thouan-phu, where several thousand Chinese were

known to be ready to give battle. The Japanese advanced against the town

at daybreak, only to find that the enemy had fled during the night.

After resting his troops Katsura resumed the pursuit. It was thought

that the Chinese would make a stand at Sha-ho-phu, a small town situated

on the river Sha and commanding the high road to Liao-Yang, but the

place was occupied by the Japanese on Sunday, March 3, without serious

opposition. The next morning Katsura moved on until within five miles of

Liao-Yang, which brought him within forty miles of Mukden.

While Katsura was driving the routed Chinese before him along the Mukden

road, General Nodzu with all the remaining forces at his disposal was

moving towards Niuchwang Old Town. The troops were under arms at dawn on

Monday. The fifth division moved against the town from the southeast,

while the third division came from the north. The movement was admirably

timed, despite the difficulties of the ground. In three hours the men of

both divisions were in position, and at ten o’clock a heavy shell fire

was opened upon the Chinese fortifications. The Chinese appeared to be

confused; their artillery fire was bad, and they kept massing troops at

points which were never threatened. Many of their guns were dismounted,

and after a two hours’ bombardment the Chinese abandoned the walls and

retreated into the town. The Japanese infantry then poured into the

place, both divisions forcing their way into the gates and over the

walls almost simultaneously.

So far the Japanese had suffered very little loss. The leading brigade

of the first division charged several Chinese regiments still standing

their ground, and they at once fled precipitately towards Ying-kow,

followed by the Japanese cavalry. Meantime, in the town the Japanese

infantry were warmly engaged. The main body of the Chinese, when driven

from the batteries and walls, had taken refuge in the narrow streets and

houses. Every window and every housetop was occupied by sharpshooters.

The fighting was of a desperate character. The Chinese seeing all hopes

of escape cut off, fought until they were shot or cut down. The headway

made by the Japanese was painfully slow. Each street had to be

effectually cleared before an advance could be made to the next. Each

house had to be assaulted and taken.

Throughout the day the fighting continued, but slowly the Japanese

cordon was brought more closely around the center of the city, and by

eleven o’clock at night all opposition had ceased. Many of the Chinese,

after nightfall broke through the Japanese lines, and made their escape

into the open country, but a large number accepted quarter and remained

in the hands of the Japanese. The Chinese fought with desperate valor.

Repeatedly they charged the Japanese troops in the streets, and

hand-to-hand fighting was frequent. The officers too, encouraged the men

by their own example, and the defense of the streets was conducted with

some military skill. Nearly two thousand Chinese killed and wounded were

found in the houses and streets, and six hundred prisoners were taken.

The Japanese losses exceeded five hundred in killed and wounded. A large

quantity of stores and provisions fell into the hands of the victors,

beside eighteen cannon, and a large quantity of rifles and ammunition.

After the engagement of the 4th, Lieutenant-General Yamaji’s division of

the second Japanese army advanced upon Peh-mia-totsu, where it had been

reported that the main body of General Sung’s defeated forces had

halted. The enemy, however, did not wait for the Japanese troops, but

fell back upon Ying-kow. General Nogi, following close along the coast

road, came up with the Chinese and attacked them. During the fighting

which ensued the Chinese were reinforced from Ying-kow, but they were

soon driven back under the protection of the town batteries, leaving

many dead upon the field. Most of the Chinese retreated in a

northeasterly direction, but General Sung and troops immediately under

his command made another stand at Ying-kow. The Japanese artillery was

well handled, and the infantry fought with great spirit, driving the

Chinese before them. By the time the town was entered General Sung and

his troops had fled towards Chen-sho-tai. Meanwhile the Japanese

artillery had concentrated their fire upon the shore forts, which

protected the estuary. The Chinese brought their heavy guns to bear upon

the assailants, and held their own for some time, but finally the

Japanese infantry under cover of the fire of their artillery, carried

the forts one after the other, and by nightfall Ying-kow was in

undisputed possession of the invaders.

As soon as the fort had been captured, guards were placed for the

protection of the foreign settlement, and the streets were strongly

patrolled. Scouts were sent out along the Niuchwang road to meet General

Nodzu’s patrol. On the morning of the 6th, General Nodzu sent a brigade

towards Ying-kow, which the second army was to attack that day.

Tung-kia-thun was found destitute of Chinese troops, and the Japanese

advanced nearly to Kao-khan without seeing anything of the enemy. Here

they camped for the night, and before morning the outposts of the two

forces had met and had exchanged the good news of the success of each.

The retreating Chinese, under Generals Sung and Ma, were reported to

have halted at Chen-sho-tai.

The occupation of Niuchwang and its port by the Japanese marked a

distinct phase in the interesting campaign in Manchooria. For many weeks

Niuchwang and Ying-kow had sheltered the Chinese army. From them a

succession of feeble attacks upon the Chinese positions had been

delivered. General Sung’s unwieldy forces were now broken up; the

Japanese front was advanced to the river Liao; and the first and second

armies had joined hands. The third important fortified harbor had fallen

into the hands of the Japanese. The defense of Niuchwang was maintained

with vigor, the Chinese fighting most bitterly to the very end, but

uselessly. The coast defenses too at Ying-kow made some show of

resistance, but being attacked in the rear had quickly fallen in

accordance with all established precedents.

The general situation in Manchooria was now entirely changed. The

Japanese encouraged by the half-hearted attacks to which they had been

subjected, had broken up the forces in their vicinity. The difficulties

of movement in large bodies, combined with the incapacity of commanders,

and general disorganization, had effectually prevented the Chinese from

gaining any advantage from their superior numbers. Niuchwang, a city of

sixty thousand people, a town with an immense annual trade, had fallen

into Japanese hands, and its capture was unquestionably an important

stroke. On the Japanese right Katsura had pushed forward until he was

near Liao-Yang, and after the occupation of Niuchwang relieved some of

the troops there, another brigade moved northward to his support. The

country centering at Niuchwang was practically in undisputed possession

of the Japanese. Thus, after a march of about four hundred miles, the

troops of the first army which landed at Chemulpo were once again on the

sea-board, and in possession of an important port.

[Illustration:

CHINESE SOLDIER LADEN WITH PROVISIONS,

SHOWING WINTER DRESS.

]

On the 9th of March the first division of the first Japanese army

attacked Thien-chuang-thai, on the western side of the river Liao, to

which place General Sung fled after the capture of Ying-kow. A fierce

engagement ensued, lasting three hours and a half. The main body of the

Chinese force numbered seven thousand men with thirty guns, and the

Japanese forces were but few less than that number. General Katsura

commanded the Japanese center, and General Oku the right wing. The left

wing was composed of Yamaji’s troops from Kai-phing. The Chinese fled

towards Kinchow, leaving fourteen hundred dead on the field. For

strategic reasons the village was burned, and the Japanese returned

across the river.

A proclamation was issued by the Japanese commander at Ying-kow urging

the inhabitants to continue their peaceful pursuits, promising all

law-abiding inhabitants justice and protection, and warning them of the

consequences should they commit any belligerent acts or create any

disorders. The commanders of the foreign war ships in the river called

on the Japanese general, and asked him to telegraph to their respective

admirals that all the foreigners in the town were safe. The general

complied with this request, as well as with that of the consuls who

asked him to telegraph in the same way to their governments. All Chinese

were strictly prohibited from entering the European quarter, unless

employed by or having business with the foreign residents. Six hundred

troops were told off to carry this order into effect and to patrol the

streets. English and American officers united to express their thanks to

the commanding general, for the elaborate precautions taken to insure

the safety of foreigners.

It will be remembered that from the very beginning of the war a Japanese

descent upon Formosa was one of the operations expected and frequently

reported. To provide against this threatened danger, a large body of the

famous troops from the south of China known as the Black Flags, were

sent to the island to intrench themselves and arrange for its defense.

They were scarcely settled in comfort when they began a series of

outrages on the native population that made them feared and hated by

every one, and justified their name. Early in February they extended

their outrages from the native population to the British residents.

Disturbances on the island increased, and affairs became so bad that

foreign residents became alarmed and left in haste. The British consul

at the chief treaty-port of the island, sent to Hong Kong an urgent call

for assistance, which was furnished without delay. The war ship Mercury

left for the island in haste, and its presence acted strongly to quell

the disturbances and insure safety for the people. A Japanese squadron

too, which was seen patroling the island on several occasions, acted as

a damper upon the spirits of the rioters, and the Chinese authorities

themselves were able to quell the disturbance. Twenty-five of the ring

leaders were arrested and punished, and peace was restored.

After this time, operations in the south were abandoned until early in

the spring, when a fleet of Japanese transports moved down the west side

of the island of Formosa, to the group of small islands known as the

Pescadores, between Formosa and the mainland. The Chinese feared that an

attack upon Canton was contemplated, but in reality there was at no time

any considerable danger of this. The Japanese desired to be exceedingly

careful of the interest of all foreign nations in the treaty ports, and

so naturally avoided an attack on any city where they might be

endangered. The real point of attack intended by this course, was the

town of Makung, in the southwest of the island of Pong-hu, the largest

of the group. Makung had a large and absolutely safe harbor, capable of

affording accommodations for vessels of large draft, and was protected

by its citadel and a line of defensive works. Admiral Ito was in command

of the squadron, which numbered nine cruisers and two gunboats.

Bombardment was begun March 23, from all the vessels of the fleet, the

fire centering on the east fort, which dominated the others. A thousand

troops from five transports landed simultaneously and attacked the same

fort. The Chinese evacuated the place during the night, and the Japanese

entered at 6:00 o’clock on the morning of the 24th, and turned the guns

upon the other forts. One of the western forts blew up before it was

evacuated. One thousand Chinese prisoners were taken, the rest of the

garrison escaping in junks. Three thousand Japanese troops now

garrisoned Pong-hu, securing a southern base of operations for the

Japanese fleet. Within a few days the Japanese were in entire possession

of the Pescadore Islands.

South of Yung-tcheng Bay, the Chinese coast line had remained inviolate

up to this period of the war, in spite of frequent rumors from startled

Chinese sources, of the appearance of Japanese squadrons and their

threatened attack. The Japanese fleet had been profitably used to foster

a continual state of nervous terror in all the Chinese coast cities, but

attention was now turned suddenly in a very different direction, and

actively developed towards the southward. Simultaneously with the attack

on Pong-hu, the Japanese on the 24th of March made a descent upon

Hai-chow, on the sea-board of the province of Chiang-su, some two

hundred miles north of Shanghai. It was early in the morning when the

Japanese squadron appeared off Hai-chow and at once opened fire upon the

small forts there. Under cover of the bombardment a force of several

thousand Japanese troops, landed and attacked the Chinese positions.

After a few hours’ fighting, the stout resistance of the Chinese proved

unavailing, and they abandoned their works, having lost some three

hundred killed. The island of Yuchow, which lies off Hai-chow had

already been occupied by the invaders. At Hai-chow the Japanese were

less than fifty miles in a direct line from the Grand Canal connecting

Nanking with Peking, which at this point approaches nearest to the

coast. The canal had been the chief route by which supplies were

conveyed to Peking, and had been of invaluable service for the movement

of troops to the capital and to the front by way of Tien-tsin. The

threatened dash of the Japanese upon this main artery of travel startled

those who realized it. This sudden and unexpected descent upon the

Chinese coast served to bring home the realities of war to a section of

the population which probably had never heard of the Japanese successes.

The Viceroy of Nanking awakened to his danger, and hastily ordered

troops to the front to oppose the Japanese advance and recapture

Hai-chow.

A third portion of the Japanese fleet, with war ships and transports,

appeared simultaneously with these other operations, sailing past Taku

into the neighborhood of Shan-hai-kwan. Passing the latter city, which

marks the end of the Great Wall of China where it comes down to the

coast, the fleet left terror behind, and moved upon the island of

Thao-hua. This island lies but a few miles off the mainland, and

fifty-five miles northeast of Shan-hai-kwan, at a point where the main

highway from Manchooria to Peking lies close to the coast line. It was

therefore about half way between Niuchwang and Taku, the port of Peking,

and an excellent base for offensive operations against the capital.

The armies in Manchooria were practically idle during the latter part of

March. The Chinese had nearly all withdrawn to Kinchow, in the north,

while the Japanese contented themselves with restoring order in

Niuchwang and Ying-kow, and in completing the military arrangements

consequent on the junction of the armies. Snowstorms prevented an

intended advanced towards Kinchow.

[Illustration: GAP IN THE GREAT WALL AT SHAN-HAI-KWAN.]

The first of April therefore found the Japanese ready to act on the

offensive at several points, spread over a distance of one thousand two

hundred miles, and extending from the Pescadore Islands in the south to

Niuchwang in the north. On the Liao River the combined forces numbered

nearly forty thousand men, with a further strength of some ten thousand

men on the Laio-Tung peninsula at Kinchow, Talien-wan and Port Arthur.

The whole of these troops could be transported to Shan-hai-kwan in

twenty-four hours, as soon as the port of Ying-kow was free from ice.

There were no troops to be spared from the garrisons at Port Arthur or

Wei-hai-wei, but further levies would undoubtedly be brought from

Hiroshima to these places to await transport. The distance to

Shan-hai-kwan from all these ports were short so that the troops could

be closely packed for the short voyage. In a few days therefore, at

least seventy-five thousand men could be concentrated at Shan-hai-kwan

and the transports would be available for maintaining a supply service.

At the same time the possession of the island of Chao-hua would

facilitate the cutting of the line of Chinese communications between

Manchooria and Peking. With Hai-chow held by the Japanese and

threatening the line of communication from south to north by the Grand

Canal and Japanese forces threatening Formosa and the south, the

possibility of the repulse of an advance in force on Peking seemed very

slight. It was the approach of these dangers and the final certainty

that nothing else could be done to avert them that brought the Chinese

at last to humiliate themselves and sue for peace at the hands of the

Japanese.

THE NEGOTIATIONS FOR PEACE.

--------------

John W. Foster in Japan—Failure of a Peace Embassy—Diplomatic

Discussions—Foolish Pride—Li Hung Chang Again in Favor—His

Journey—The Viceroy Knew China—The Envoy in Japan—Attempted

Murder—The Mikado’s Appeal—What the Assault Indicated—Declaration

of the Armistice—Provisions of the Armistice—Continuing

Negotiations—Signing the Treaty—Its Terms—No Alliance of China and

Japan—The Mikado Proclaims—Peacefulness Enjoined—What of the

Future?—Ultimate Effect of the War.

While the war operations during the first three months of 1895 were in

progress, peace negotiations too were actively under way. The annals of

the hostilities which have occupied the last few chapters might have

been interrupted by paragraphs telling of the progress and defeat of

different efforts to secure peace; but it seemed more intelligible to

the prospective reader to place him in full possession of the

particulars of the military affairs as they developed, without

interruption. Not until the end had nearly come did the peace

negotiations for one moment interrupt hostilities, and there was

consequently no need to interrupt the consecutive record. It now remains

a final task to outline the various peace negotiations after those that

have already been described, and follow oriental diplomacy to its

conclusion.

We left the Chinese peace envoys lingering at Shanghai in January, after

several weeks of idleness resulting from continual postponement of their

departure. At last the imperial government abandoned its hope that

something would intervene to destroy the necessity of a suit for peace,

and the embassy was ordered to start. The Chinese peace envoys arrived

at Kobe January 30, and were received by the Secretary of the Foreign

Department. When the envoys came ashore, a mob greeted them with hostile

demonstrations and they had to be protected by a large force of police.

After consulting with Mr. Foster, their American adviser who had reached

Kobe several days before, the envoys left in a special steamer for

Ujina. The general tenor of Japanese opinion was that the negotiation

would prove fruitless, as China was scarcely ready to accede to the

Japanese demand. It was acknowledged however, that the present embassy

showed a much more sincere desire for peace on the part of China than

did the Detring mission which resulted in such a fiasco.

Ex-Secretary Foster was treated with especial courtesy during his stay

at Tokio and Kobe. Mr. Foster exchanged many telegrams with the Chinese

government in reference to the power and authority of Chang and Shao,

the Chinese peace commissioners, regarding which the Japanese were all

along very doubtful. The diplomatic contest promised to be stubborn.

China did not seem to realize that Japan would demand a cession of

territory, and it was anticipated that the humiliation of losing any of

her continental domain would be more than she was willing to endure. Mr.

Foster was frankly given to understand that unless ample powers were

guaranteed by their credentials the envoys would not even be admitted to

a hearing.

Count Ito and Viscount Mutsu who were appointed to treat with the

Chinese peace envoys, received the credentials which were presented them

as coming from the emperor of China, and found them to read as follows:

“By decree we appoint you our plenipotentiaries, to meet and negotiate

the matter with the plenipotentiaries appointed by Japan. You will,

however, telegraph to the Tsung-li Yamen for the purpose of obtaining

our commands, by which you will abide. The members of your mission are

placed under your control. You will conduct the mission in a faithful

and diligent manner, and fulfill the trust reposed in you. Respect

this.”

It was immediately officially announced that the plenary powers with

which the mikado’s government demanded that the Chinese envoys should be

invested, were found to be utterly defective. The envoys were therefore

refused further negotiations, and were requested to leave Japan without

delay. It was believed by many that the Chinese envoys were quite

ignorant of the trick that had been played upon them by their

government. They supposed that they had been given full powers to treat

for peace, but they found that not only had they no power either to

conclude or sign a treaty, but that their credentials did not even

contain an intimation of the purpose of the mission which they had to

Japan. The ministers, however, told them that Japan was willing to

reopen negotiations with a properly empowered embassy. The envoys

therefore left Hiroshima after two days in the Japanese city, and

returned home via Nagasaki.

The rebuff sustained by the Chinese envoys created some astonishment

among the highest officials in Peking, but not much apparent concern.

Just at this time, early in February, they were having glowing reports

from General Sung in Manchooria. He claimed to have already beaten the

Japanese on many occasions, and promised if well supplied with men and

stores to drive every invader from Chinese soil. Japan’s excuse for

refusing to treat with the envoys, scarcely satisfied some export

diplomats. It was insisted that it would have been very unusual for any

government to endow its agents with final powers as long as it was able

to communicate with them daily and hourly if necessary by cable. The

Chinese government once gave final powers to one of its ambassadors who

went over to Russia to negotiate a boundary treaty, and his head would

have been amputated when he returned to Peking, had it not been for the

intercession of the Russian ambassador, who suggested that his

government would resent such punishment inflicted upon a person so

recently honored by the Czar. He offered at the same time to consider

the treaty suspended, until the Chinese authorities might have an

opportunity to examine it and suggest any changes they might like to

have made. After this experience it was not likely that the emperor of

China would confer final powers upon any ambassador. It was asserted

that since modern forms of communication had been introduced, it has not

been the custom to give final powers to agents who visit civilized

nations. Therefore it was assumed that the objection raised in Japan to

the credentials of the Chinese envoys was a diplomatic ruse for the

purpose of gaining time for the Japanese generals to reach Peking. This

was disproven by the cessation of efforts, which Japan might have made

to reach Peking, but it may have been true that Japan wished to bring

China into still further distress, so that her demands would be more

surely granted.

The very important action was now taken by the Chinese emperor of

restoring to Li Hung Chang all his honors which had been taken away,

because of the succession of defeats in the early weeks of the war, and

appointing him imperial commissioner to negotiate for peace with Japan.

China then requested that the Japanese peace commissioners might meet Li

Hung Chang at Port Arthur to conduct the negotiations at that place. A

prompt reply was received from Hiroshima, in which the Japanese

government absolutely declined to treat anywhere but upon Japanese soil.

The Grand Council of the Chinese empire met on Sunday, February 24, and

deliberated for several hours upon the question, “Shall the war with

Japan be prolonged or shall we treat for peace?” It was resolved that

before the council took a final decision, the same question should be

put to all the provincial authorities, from the first to the third rank

inclusive. Their opinion was urgently demanded by telegraph. The replies

received were nearly all to the effect, that although the war was

unjustly provoked by Japan, it was very desirable that peace should be

concluded. Some of the replies, however, declared that the terms of

peace should not be too exacting. China had learned something by her

failures of two peace missions, Detring’s and the last embassy.

One of the ancient Chinese methods of waging battle was to play “Soft,

voluptuous airs to melt the heart of the enemy.” How far China had

advanced in practical wisdom might be gathered from her latest

diplomatic manœuver which seemed to indicate that the Chinese

diplomacy of the present followed the military usages of antiquity. Ever

since the eventual triumph of the Japanese became a moral certainty,

China had been given vague intimations of a desire to secure peace.

These intimations unaccompanied by any definite terms were steadfastly

ignored by Japan, until the Chinese government gave notice that it had

sent a peace commission to the mikado. When the useless credentials of

these commissioners were examined in Japan, they were turned back

without consideration, and the Chinese pretended surprise at the

treatment, asserting that Japan was simply seeking to further humiliate

the empire. To unbiased observers it seemed quite as reasonable to

believe that the Chinese were playing to gain time, meanwhile assailing

the enemy with the “soft, voluptuous music of peace.” This policy of

antiquated diplomacy was terminated abruptly.

Li Hung Chang’s star was again in the ascendant. Even as he journeyed

towards Peking his calumniators continued their attacks. In Shanghai it

was positively asserted that he was now given a chance to accomplish

what he had long awaited, the overthrow of the Manchoorian dynasty in

China. It was also declared that Kung, the disgraced Ex-Taotai of Port

Arthur, had made a confession showing the traitorous designs of Li. It

was said that Li had been leagued with the officials of the palace at

Peking for the overthrow of the dynasty, ever since he was deprived of

his yellow jacket, his peacock feather, and his various offices. All

this now had no weight. The privy council heartily supported Li’s

mission to Japan. Prince Kung silenced all opposition to it by

presenting papers showing that the previous failure was due to a

backward policy, for which the council were themselves to blame, and

exonerating the viceroy. The emperor completely vindicated Li Hung

Chang, confessing that he had tried others and found him alone

trustworthy. He therefore granted him the fullest powers to deal with

the Japanese. The central government publicly assumed the entire

responsibility for the condition of the national defense, explaining it

as the result of blindness to the progress of other nations. This placed

future reforms in the hands of Li.

The American minister at Peking assumed a personal interest in the

matter at this point, and telegraphed to Japan the text of Li Hung

Chang’s proposed credentials. At last, after a tedious exchange of

messages, the credentials were accepted by Japan and arrangements were

made for the journey of the envoy. Li Hung Chang was received in

audience by the emperor and the dowager empress five times within as

many days, and in his conversations with them spoke frankly of the

condition of the empire. His powers to negotiate were made complete, his

commission bore the emperor’s signature, and on the fifth day of March

he left Peking for Japan.

There were signs at last that the Chinese were beginning to recognize

the imperative necessity of concluding peace with Japan. With their

strongholds in Japanese hands and their fleet practically annihilated,

the sooner they made submission the more easy would be the terms which

they could obtain. It was therefore gratifying to all friends of the

empire to learn that the viceroy had been appointed as envoy to proceed

to Japan to discuss terms of peace. Holding a position second only to

that of the emperor himself, it was impossible that the Japanese should

refuse to treat with him on account of his inferior station, or his

insufficient credentials. His mission was the first genuine attempt that

China had made to open negotiations. It was a proof that Chinese pride

and obstinacy had at length been overcome, and that there was a real

willingness to take steps calculated to bring the disastrous war to a

close.

But for the messenger himself! Surely history, which delights in setting

at naught the hopes and filling the fears of men, never saw a sadder

faring forth than the journey of Li Hung Chang to Japan. He was old now,

paralytic, his side and arm half useless, his eyesight dim, his family

long since gone, and all the fabric of empire to which his life had been

given in ruins about him. He saved it once before in straits as great.

He of Honan, Honan men about him, all come down from the central hills

of China, sturdy and tall above the men of the plains whom they swept

aside, Gordon and Ward aiding, leading and winning the early battles,

but the work in the end done, and the rich harvest reaped by those sons

of Honan whom Li Hung Chang found poor among their fields of tea and

millet, and raised to half the posts of honor in China. That was thirty

years ago. The great work spread and grew. The old boundaries of the

empire were regained. The Russian advance in Asia retired for the first

time in two centuries. On the Amoor it was halted. France retired

discomfited. England treated Chinese frontiers with a new respect. In

Burmah, in Siam, in Nepaul, Chinese aid was sought. The big empire was

never so big, never looked so strong, never had more deference or outer

respect since the days of the great Tai-Tsung, when China ruled from the

Pacific to the boundary of the Roman empire, and the Roman empire

extended to the Atlantic—two realms between the two oceans.

Through it all one man knew how hollow it was, Li Hung Chang. He pleaded

for railroads and telegraphs. He bought war ships and ironclads. He

urged that the old policy be reversed and the military and naval forces

of the empire duly organized. For years he had seen the cloud gathering,

and in the great quagmire of Chinese corruption and conservatism sought

to make ready for it. It had been in vain. Army, fleet, and court had

collapsed. Corea and Manchooria were conquered. If Peking was not

occupied it was because Japan wished to leave some semblance of central

authority with which to treat. Any war-fine could be levied by the

victors; any vassalage exacted of the vanquished. Port Arthur could be

made a Gibraltar. The policy of Peking could be controlled by Japan.

Japan would dominate the Asiatic seacoast. The Japanese ambassador at

Peking would be supreme whenever his government chose to speak.

All this was in the mind of the paralytic old man as he journeyed by

land and sea. For forty years he had greatly ruled, a great empire was

the greater for his work, and it had all come to this. Were the French

tri-color to be near Berlin, and Bismarck wearily seeking peace at

Paris, the tragedy were no less than that with Li Hung Chang as its

central figure in the east.

Li Hung Chang spent a few days at Tien-tsin, and then passed on down the

river to Taku, whence he sailed with his suite on March 15 for

Shimonoseki. The viceroy sailed in royal state, with a suite of one

hundred and thirty persons in two vessels. On the morning of the 19th

they reached their destination in Japan. Shimoneseki is on the extreme

southwestern coast of Japan and it was here that in the early '60s the

foreign powers forced Japan to assent to certain indemnities demanded of

the empire. Upon arriving, the envoy was immediately visited by the

representatives of the Japanese foreign office, and later Li Hung Chang

accompanied by his American adviser, John W. Foster, visited the

Japanese minister of foreign affairs. This was the first time in his

life that the venerable statesman of China had ever set his foot on

other than Chinese soil.

The viceroy and his party were escorted to the foreign office by Mr.

Inouye, who cordially greeted the statesman, and placed his services at

his disposal. The party was received on landing by a guard of honor, and

was taken to the foreign office in carriages under escort. The following

day was spent by the peace envoys in examining each other’s credentials

and powers. Both sides devoted much time and thought to this matter and

were assisted by experts in matters of diplomacy and etiquette.

The Chinese letter of credential proved to be precisely what might have

been expected from Chinese character. The phraseology had been

repeatedly discussed through the ministers of the United States in Tokio

and Peking and a form satisfactory to Japan agreed upon. Whether

intentionally or not the Chinese had given more than one indication of

waywardness in preparing the document. They were very particular in

honoring their emperor with his proper title but they did not insert

that of the emperor of Japan. Moreover they used an expression

signifying that it was in consequence of Japan’s desire for peace that

an ambassador was sent. This was not allowed to pass uncorrected. As

finally amended the paper was virtually in accordance with Japan’s

dictation.

In the end all the documents were found to be in due form, and polite

notes to this effect were exchanged. Subsequently Li Hung Chang and his

suite went ashore.

The viceroy was received with a military salute, and all the honors due

to his exalted rank. He proceeded to the chief hotel, where

accommodation had been prepared for him and part of his suite. Further

communications passed on the morning of March 21, and at half past two

in the afternoon the first business conference in connection with the

peace negotiations began, Li Hung Chang, Count Ito, Viscount Mutsu, and

their secretaries, together with the sworn interpreters being present.

The deliberations which were conducted in secret, lasted for an hour and

a half. There was much diplomatic fencing, Li Hung Chang being evidently

anxious to ascertain at the earliest possible moment the terms upon

which an armistice might be granted. Nothing occurred to suggest the

possibility of a break down of the negotiations, and some gratifying

progress was made towards a general understanding.

It must be remembered that during all this time there was no cessation

in the war operations which were going on in Manchooria and on the

Chinese coast. Fresh troops were being hurried forward from Japan for

active service, and the war spirit gave no sign of subsidence. In

Yokohama the success of the peace negotiations was regarded as doubtful.

The military element, which was all in favor of the continuance of the

war until the victory of the Japanese was made complete by the capture

of Peking, had at that time a predominant voice in Japanese politics,

and this feeling was reflected in parliament. Notice was given in the

house of representatives of a resolution declaring that the time for

peace negotiations had not arrived.

While negotiations were thus progressing, they were interrupted by an

incident that amazed and shocked the civilized world. As Li Hung Chang

was returning to his lodgings on March 24, after having attended a

conference with the Japanese peace plenipotentiaries, he was attacked by

a young Japanese who sought to murder him. The young man’s name was

Koyama Rokunosuki, and he was but twenty-one years of age. The bullet

struck the Chinese envoy in the cheek, and it was believed that the

result would not be serious. The news of the attempt at assassination

created much excitement in Japan, in China, and in the western world.

The ministers of state and other officials visited Li Hung Chang without

delay, to express their deep sorrow at the occurrence. Every precaution

was taken by the police and military to prevent any trouble. The mikado

was deeply grieved at the affair, and sent his two chief court

physicians, Surgeons Sato and Ishiguro, to attend the Chinese envoy. The

bullet entered the cheek half an inch under the left eye, and penetrated

to a depth of nearly an inch and a half. The Chinese plenipotentiary

strongly objected to undergoing an operation for its removal. The

empress of Japan, to show her own regret, sent two nurses to assume the

care of the old man, and from every side letters and telegrams of regret

and sympathy arrived in great quantities.

Beside the physicians, the mikado sent the imperial chamberlain to

convey his condolences to the viceroy, and to the public he issued the

following proclamation:

“A state of war exists between our country and China, but she with due

regard of international forms and usages sent an ambassador to sue for

peace. We therefore appointed plenipotentiaries, instructing them to

meet and negotiate at Shimonoseki. It was consequently incumbent upon

us, in pursuance of international etiquette, to extend to the Chinese

ambassador treatment consistent with the national honor, providing him

ample escort and protection. Hence we issued special commands to our

officials to exercise the utmost vigilance in all respects. It is

therefore a source of profound grief and regret to us, that a ruffian

should have been found base enough to inflict personal injury on the

Chinese ambassador. Our officials will sentence the culprit to the

utmost punishment provided by the law. We hereby command our officials

and subjects to respect our wish, and to preserve our country’s fair

fame from impairment by strictly guarding against a recurrence of such

deeds of violence and lawlessness.”

The would-be assassin belonged to the class known as the Soshis, or

political bravos, who are always ripe for any acts of riot or violence.

When the attack was made, Li Hung Chang was in a palanquin being

conveyed to his hotel from conference with the Japanese negotiators. He

had nearly reached the house, when a young man rushed out of the crowd,

and seizing the hand of one of the carriers in order to stop the

palanquin fired his pistol almost point blank at the Chinese

plenipotentiary. There was little room for hesitation as to his motives.

He was a fanatic who thought to serve his country by murdering the

Chinese statesman. No delusion, it is hardly necessary to say, could be

more gross than such a one. The criminal had done a grievous injury to

his country and its government. Japan had striven long, earnestly, and

successfully, to earn the reputation of a civilized state. Nobody of

course should be unjust enough to upbraid her with the conduct of an

irresponsible and apparently an isolated malefactor. Individuals with

ferocious passions and ill-balanced minds are to be found in all

countries, and such a crime as this, deplorable and unusual though it

was, might have occurred in any European capital or our own capital city

under similar conditions. Nevertheless, there were those who chose to

take it as an index of national feeling condemning the country for the

act of one. The manner of the expressions of regret that came so

universally from every Japanese voice seemed to offer sufficient

disclaimer against the existence of any such a cruel sentiment.

Resolutions were presented in the Japanese diet expressing deep regret

at the attempt upon the life of the Chinese plenipotentiary, and the

native newspapers were unanimous and sincere in the same expressions. It

had to be recognized, however, that an element existed among such people

as the Soshis, inclined to violence under such circumstances, and

precautions were doubled. No government is adequate to control

fanaticism of the extremer sort, and the attempt upon the life of Li

Hung Chang was a symptom of the frenzy which had been engendered in a

large element of the Japanese people by the war. It was now learned for

the first time that Mr. Detring was attacked by a Soshi in November, but

was defended by the police. He kept silence in order to avoid

embittering the situation.

The immediate effect on the negotiations of the attempted assassination

of Li Hung Chang was that the emperor of Japan on March 29, declared an

unconditional armistice. This was avowedly done because of the attack on

the Chinese plenipotentiary and was so declared in notifications which

were sent to all countries and to all Japanese legations. The language

of the notification thus sent out was as follows: “On the opening of the

negotiations the Japanese plenipotentiary proposed armistice, which

Japan was willing to accept on certain conditions. While this

negotiation was going on, the untoward event happened on the person of

the Chinese plenipotentiary. His majesty, the emperor, in view of this

unhappy occurrence, commanded the Japanese plenipotentiaries to consent

to a temporary armistice without conditions. This was communicated to

the Chinese plenipotentiary.”

It was now felt that the power of the Japanese government to execute the

armistice would be put a critical test. The military power of Japan, in

the judgment of many intelligent observers, had almost outstripped the

civil power during the war. This had caused serious concern as it was

feared that the military element backed by the war spirit among the

people would not submit to an armistice even if the civil authorities

ordered one. To meet this emergency a change of army commanders was made

early in March. There had been three army corps operating in different

campaigns and each under a general of supreme authority over his

particular campaign. Prince Komatsu was created commander-in-chief over

all armies in anticipation of an armistice. The purpose of this step was

to concentrate authority in one man in close touch with the imperial

household who could thus execute an armistice by a simultaneous

cessation of hostilities by the three armies. It now remained to be seen

whether Prince Komatsu could execute the important commission given to

him. The splendid discipline shown by the army during the war gave

assurance that there would be immediate acquiescence by the military,

and yet Prince Komatsu had to contend against a war spirit inflamed by

many victories. It had been said that an armistice would be so unpopular

among the people and soldiery that it would insure the political

retirement of Japan’s two chief statesmen, Count Ito and Viscount Matsu,

who had served as peace envoys.

On the opening of the negotiations, after the arrival of Li Hung Chang

at Shimonoseki, the Japanese plenipotentiaries at first proposed the

following conditions for the conclusion of an armistice:—The occupation

of Shan-hai-kwan, Taku, and Tien-tsin by Japanese troops; Japanese

control of the uncompleted railroad from Shan-hai-kwan to Tien-tsin and

custody of the various forts and fortifications, together with the arms

and ammunition; the payment by China of the war contributions required

for such occupation.

Li Hung Chang sought to obtain more moderate conditions, but the

Japanese plenipotentiaries refused, and it was then proposed to continue

the negotiations without a suspension of hostilities. This was the stage

which the negotiations had reached at the third conference, when the

attempt was made on the life of Viceroy Li. In view of this circumstance

the emperor of Japan waiving the conditions previously made ordered the

Japanese plenipotentiaries to consent to an armistice until the 20th of

April. The armistice was to apply to the forces in Manchooria and in the

circuit around the Gulf of Pechili, including the two great

promontories, but did not include any operations to the south of that

region. Neither government was to be prevented from making any new

distribution or disposition of their troops not intended to augment the

armies in the field. The movement of troops and the transport of goods

contraband of war by sea were, however, prohibited and if attempted

would be made at the risk of capture. The armistice was to terminate

should the peace negotiation be broken off in the meantime, and a

convention embodying these terms was signed.

The news of the armistice was received excitedly by the Japanese and

Chinese living in the United States, but only the former found it

possible to concede the truth. A characteristic crowd of excited

Chinamen gathered in front of a Chinese temple in their own quarter of

New York City discussing a flaming red poster, the translation of which

read: “The war between China and Japan has ended and it is time for

every one to rejoice. Our fathers and brothers have fought the old enemy

and those who have not been butchered will be honored at home. China is

a greater country than Japan, and if the war had been allowed to go on

the Japanese would have been whipped out of their boots and China would

have annexed Japan as a colony. It is well for Japan that her people

have been called off by the emperor, but the time will not be long

before the war will be opened again, for it is written in the mystic

language of the shrine that China and Japan cannot dwell forever on the

same earth.”

During the time of Li Hung Chang’s illness resulting from his wound, his

son, Li Ching Fung, acted as his representative in Japan and continued

the negotiations. On April 7th the wound in Li’s face had completely

healed and the bandages were removed. The young man who had committed

the assault was sentenced to imprisonment for life at hard labor, while

the chief of police and the prefect of Shimonoseki, together will all

their staff, were dismissed in disgrace.

After three days of obstinate silence the assassin dropped his air of

bravado and made a full confession to Judge Toyama, who conducted a

private examination at the Bakan court. The prisoner declared that he

had long brooded over the causes leading to the disturbance of peace in

the east, and had reached the conclusion that the evil practices of Li

Hung Chang were accountable for all of them, beginning with the

mismanagement of affairs in Corea. He believed that as long as Li lived

peace could not be restored and resolved at one time to go to China and

kill the viceroy. This purpose was defeated by his inability to raise

the necessary money, but when he learned that Li was coming to Japan as

peace ambassador he felt that his opportunity had arrived. He bought a

revolver in Yokohama, March 11, and the next day started for Tokio,

reaching Bakan, March 24. At 4:15 o’clock that afternoon he approached

the sedan chair in which the ambassador was returning from the

conference hall to his lodgings in Shimonoseki and discharged his

weapon, aiming it at the victim’s breast. Although he endeavored to

steady his right arm by clasping it with the left, he missed his aim

inflicting only a slight wound.

The conditions of the peace which was to be concluded by treaty now

began to interest the civilized world almost as closely as the two

contending nations. The conditions which were demanded by the Japanese

were guessed at by every one who thought himself competent to form an

opinion, and the varying opinions were sent out for discussion in the

press of the world. At one time it was asserted to be arranged that

Japan would conclude on offensive and defensive alliance with China, the

object being to oppose European interests in the far east. This prospect

occasioned considerable excitement among European diplomates. It was

recognized that should China’s numbers and enormous resources be united

to Japanese progression, activity, and administrative ability, the

coalition would be almost impregnable to any assault that might be

delivered upon it, and that it might enjoy excellent success in any

Asiatic aggressions which it cared to attempt.

It will be unprofitable here to discuss the various conditions of peace

that were supposed to be proposed when we have at our command the

settlement that was actually made. Nor is it worth while to consider the

threatened intervention of Great Britain and Russia and France and

Germany, each to protect her own interests in the east, for as a matter

of fact no such interventions were made unless through the most secret

diplomacy. Inasmuch as Japan’s demands did not encroach upon any rights

possessed by those countries in the east, there was no proper reason why

they should intervene.

Finally on Monday, April 15th, a peace convention was actually signed at

Shimonoseki by the plenipotentiaries of China and Japan. The

independence of Corea was recognized. It was conceded that Japan should

retain temporarily the important places that she had conquered. Port

Arthur, Wei-hai-wei, and Niuchwang, including all the territory east of

the Liao River. The island of Formosa was ceded permanently to Japan. An

indemnity was provided for to be paid by China to Japan of 200,000,000

taels in silver, which is equivalent to about $150,000,000 in American

gold. China agreed to no longer impose upon foreigners the odious tax

known as Likin, levied upon all goods and sales, and a uniform standard

tael was required to be adopted by China for her currency. All

foreigners were to be permitted to introduce into China factories and

machinery, and to lease warehouses in the interior. The important

commercial concessions given to Japan were thus extended to all other

treaty nations. The occupation of Port Arthur and Wei-hai-wei and of the

conquered Manchoorian territory were to be temporary, lasting only long

enough to guarantee the payment of the war indemnity by China. The terms

of this payment provided that it should be made in silver in six annual

installments. Japan retained extra-territorial jurisdiction in China,

that is the right to try her own subjects arrested in China on charges

of crime, and on the other hand China gave up the right to

extra-territoriality in Japan.

The Chinese customs were not placed under Japanese control by the terms

of the treaty as had been alleged, and the stipulations provided that on

the payment of the first two installments of the indemnity to be paid by

China, Wei-hai-wei might be evacuated, provided China pledge her customs

revenue in order to insure the payment of the balance due. This it was

officially announced was optional, and might never take effect, while at

the present time there was no intention of touching the customs revenue

of China. It was understood that China conceded practically everything

required by Japan, except making Peking an open port, and this was

strenuously resisted. At the solicitation of the Chinese envoy too, the

indemnity demanded was reduced from three hundred million to two hundred

million taels.

So frequently were reports circulated, that Japan and China had

concluded an offensive and defensive alliance, and that the commercial

advantages secured by Japan were to be exclusive, that the government

felt it desirable to deny those statements and issued the following

announcement regarding the matter:

“Misapprehensions are reported to be current in Europe in regard to the

terms of the Japan-China treaty. It has been represented that Japan has

secured a two per cent ad valorem duty on imports instead of specific

duty and has also formed an offensive and defensive alliance with China.

The commercial concessions obtained by Japan beyond those already

secured by the treaty powers under the favored nation clause comprise

the right to navigate the Yang-tse-Kiang to Chung King, and also the

Woon Sung River and the canals leading to Soo Chow and Hank Chow and the

right to import machinery and certain goods duty free and to establish

factories. These concessions are not exclusive to Japan. They naturally

extended to European powers, in virtue of the favored nation clause. In

securing these privileges for all Japan expects the approval of all the

powers. The reported offensive and defensive alliance does not exist.”

Li Hung Chang and his suite started home to China escorted to their

vessels by a guard of honor, and Count Ito and Viscount Matsu, the

officers who negotiated the treaty of peace were received in audience by

the emperor on their return to Hiroshima. He expressed himself as

entirely satisfied with the principal points of the treaty which added

much to the glory of the empire, and highly pleased at the signal

service rendered by them. On the afternoon of April 22 the following

proclamation was issued by the Japanese mikado:

“Through peace, national prosperity is best promoted. Unfortunately, the

rupture of relations with China forced upon us a war which, after a

lapse of ten months, is not yet ended. During this period our ministers,

in concert with the army, navy and diet, have done all in their power to

further our aims in obedience to our instructions. Our ardent desire,

with the assistance of our subjects, in loyalty and sincerity, is to

restore peace and thereby attain our object—the promotion of national

prosperity. Now that peace is negotiated and armistice proclaimed, a

permanent cessation of hostilities is near at hand. The terms of peace

fixed by our minister of state give us complete satisfaction. The peace

and glory thus secured renders the present a fitting time to enlighten

you as to the course of our future policy.

“We are rejoiced at the recent victories which have enhanced the glory

of our empire. At the same time we are aware that the end of the road

which must be traversed by the empire in the march of civilization is

still far distant and remains yet to be attained. We therefore hope, in

common with our loyal subjects, that we shall always guard against

self-contentedness, but in a spirit of modesty and humility strive to

perfect out military defense without falling into extremes. In short, it

is our wish that the government and the people alike shall work to a

common end and that our subjects of all classes strive each in his

sphere for the purpose of laying the foundation of permanent prosperity.

“It is hereby definitely made known that no countenance will be given by

us to such as, through conceit at the recent victories, may offer insult

to another state or injure our relations with friendly powers,

especially as regards China. After the exchange of the ratifications of

the treaty of peace, friendship should be restored and endeavors made to

increase more than ever before the relations of good neighborhood. It is

our pleasure that our subjects pay due respect to these expressed

wishes.”

Let us now take a hasty glance in conclusion at the condition in which

the three countries with which we have dealt are left at the close of

the war, and the prospects for their future. The Japanese government is

in the hands of a progressive and able emperor, supported by a cabinet

composed of the foremost statesmen of the east, and reigning under

constitutional forms. Naturally elated by the wonderful success of their

arms, it is to be fairly expected that they will continue in the

progressiveness which has marked the island empire’s history since Perry

opened the door for western light to shine in. In the east they should

become by virtue of the abilities the dominant power, unless by chance

the Chinese have learned a lesson which they will put into effect. With

the constant impression of western civilization upon them, it is to be

hoped that the Japanese will acquire a firm moral and intellectual basis

for the manners of life that their intelligence and activity have

adopted, and become in the best sense a civilized nation. What they lack

now to reach this point, are the things that can only come by a

succession of generations of civilization. Wonderful record as the last

forty years have made for the empire, they have not given to that realm

yet a complete and rounded civilization. The best friends of Japan hope

and believe that she will not permit her splendid successes of the war

to make her over lordly and conceited.

China is the enigma of the east. It is certain that the influences of

their defeat will open the Chinese empire very rapidly to modern

civilization and investment. But whether or not China retain her

conservatism and refuse to adopt the things that are interspersed among

her people can scarcely be predicted. The established system has

received a severe shock from the Japanese victory, and surely a new or

civilized and more vigorous one will take its place. It is an actual

fact that so far as can be said by those most familiar with the country,

the knowledge that the war has even been in progress has probably not

yet penetrated to the confines of the empire, so poor are the means of

communication and so indifferent are the people of one region to the

things that are happening to those of another province. An experienced

traveler in China relates that he penetrated from Shanghai southwestward

through China towards India immediately after the destruction of the

summer palace of the emperor by French and English troops, and the

investiture of Peking thirty-five years ago. The expedition was

considered dangerous, as the antagonism of the whole country, smarting

under humiliation and defeat was to be feared. On arriving at Ichang,

eleven hundred miles from the coast, the war news had just come to the

knowledge of the government officials; three hundred miles farther west

there was absolute ignorance that any war had occurred. At the city of

Pingshan, two thousand miles west of the coast, the party heard of a

Mohammedan insurrection of some years’ standing, ranging in the province

of Yun-nan, but the bare fact of such an important disturbance had not

yet reached the coast. Certain it is however, that if China does

assimilate the lesson that she has had a chance to learn, a new power

will exist in the east that will need to be watched by western nations.

As to Corea it is difficult again to prophesy. Should Japan take

stringent pains to provide for civilizing that hermit kingdom, it is

possible that the work may be done, but so difficult are the political

conditions in that peninsula, and so unsympathetic are the Corean rulers

and chief men with all western ideas of progress, that the task will be

a bitter one. If Japan maintains the independence of Corea in its

purity, that must mean that she will keep her own hands out of Corean

affairs. This is scarcely to be expected, for the energetic empire has

imposed upon herself the task of reforming Corea, and it is sure that

she will make strenuous efforts to do it.

As one result of the war between China and Japan must be to increase the

points of contact between the eastern and western worlds, the fortune of

parties and the evolution of domestic politics in those countries must,

in future, command to a greater degree than in the past, the attention

of American and European observers. Political evolution has been rapid

in Japan. Changes which in Anglo-Saxon countries have been the slow

product of centuries, are, in this portion of what has been called “the

unchanging east,” crowded into little more than a single generation.

What may be done in Corea and China cannot be told. But the fairest

prophecy would be that the horrors of war will be utilized, by the

influence of time and a better understanding, to improve and modernize

the Orient.

THE END.

------------------------------------------------------------------------

Transcriber’s Note

Pages 127 and 128 do not exist, but the text flows from page 126 to 129.

The image on page 70 is marked as page 71 in the index.

The image of page 112 is marked as page 111 in the index.

The image on page 186 is marked as 187 in the index.

The image appearing between pp. 170 and 171, captioned “Female Types and

Costumes”, does not appear in the index of illustrations. An entry

has been added, delimited in square brackets, as “facing p. 170”.

A sentence describing the activities of the Red Cross on p. 595 seems to

be missing a verb. The word ‘was’ at 595.17 seems most likely to be

intended.

It was judged that the word ‘contrabrand’, which appears twice on p.

465, is an error. The proper form appears once (p. 666). The two

erroneous instances were corrected.

Other errors deemed most likely to be the printer’s have been corrected,

and are noted here. The references are to the page and line in the

original.

7.15 with European Civ[il]ization Added.

10.2 Chine[r/s]e Barber, Replaced.

25.9 to ann[i]hilate Japan’s influence in Corea Inserted.

44.30 bronchial and p[lu/ul]monary complaints Transposed.

48.38 established a dynasty, short[-]lived indeed Inserted.

62.19 Dante, Petrarch and Boccac[c]io. Inserted.

66.31 with his new auxil[l]iaries Removed.

66.34 the tro[u/o]ps of the rebel leader Replaced.

71.6 England[']s First Embassy to China Inserted.

107.1 proper ice for p[er/re]servation Transposed.

105.7 roughly paralle[d/l] with its fellow Replaced.

146.21 by [sutting] their hair in fringe across _Sic_: putting?

their foreheads cutting?

171.5 steer straight by the[m/ir] co[m]pass Repaced. Inserted.

173.11 i[m/n]flammatory diseases are almost unknown Replaced.

in China

181.8 written in the colloqu[i]al style Inserted.

194.25 whereby his peac[e]ably disposed subjects Inserted.

217.4 the terror of the Chinese and Corean Inserted.

co[a]sts

228.32 before which they once [prayed Comma misplaced.

consume,/prayed, consume] them

232.5 It was the syno[myn/nym] of sorcery Transposed.

233.3 the “corrupt sect” suppos[o/e]d to be Replaced.

eradicated

233.29 their fathers of the seventeenth century.[”] Added.

251.14 made it the cap[ti/it]al of the empire Transposed.

296.1 bits of wood under the t[h/o]e and heel Replaced.

305.7 always bright with ve[n/r]dure and flowers Replaced.

333.14 The Confucian ethics were dil[l]igently Removed.

studied

343.3 the little peninsula been devast[at]ed by Inserted.

mighty invasion

343.21 [In ]1707 the Jesuits in Peking Added.

344.25 by their attemp[t]s to escape Inserted.

349.2 F[i]fteen years later Inserted.

350.10 These records of persever[e/a]nce Replaced.

372.1 GEOGRAPHY, GOVERNMENT, CLIMATE AND Inserted.

PRO[D]UCTS OF COREA.

372.22 or to Great Brit[ia/ai]n Transposed.

401.34 Mourning is of many degre[s/e]s and lengths Replaced.

414.2 the Chinese have not the sligh[t]est idea Inserted.

414.28 has frequently been a potent i[u/n]fluence Inverted.

424.37 Min Yon[k/g] Ik, who after fleeing to the Replaced.

mountains,

451.1 the Japanese expressive of contemp[t] Restored.

458.3 The sq[u]adron at this time, however, was in Inserted.

the north

462.24 before he could reach T[ei/ie]n-tsin Transposed.

465.13 contrab[r]and Removed.

465.17 contrab[r]and Removed.

465.22 that drew upo[m/n] them a severe rebuke Replaced.

492.38 it was evident that she was sinking[.] Added.

493.8 no mean achiev[e]ment Inserted.

501.7 seventeen and one-half knots; [T/t]he Replaced.

Takachiho and the Naniwa

503.19 the prestige of a grea[l/t] moral and Replaced.

material victory

536.22 no ca[lva/val]ry or artillery accompanying Transposed.

them

552.30 The efficien[c]y of a force Inserted.

571.36 and[ and] he chasing them back into their Removed.

own ports

554.2 a[m/n]d they stood shoulder to shoulder Replaced.

578.13 three st[r]ong columns of Chinese Inserted.

595.17 The last activity of the Red Cross society Missing?

prior to the war in 1891, [was ]when

598.20 now a w[ie/ei]rd, characteristic Japanese Transposed.

march

604.31 while vastly important as a stra[get/teg]ic Transposed.

point

614.2 terrorized the people of Ma[u/n]chooria Transposed.

614.22 through the Laio[./-]Tung promontory Replaced.

617.3 to the north of Talien-wan Bay[,] Added.

620.33 and four hundred ca[lva/val]ry cavalry Transposed.

621.10 Jap[a]nese troops turned southward Inserted.

622.35 towards severe [punishment the] military and _Sic._ of? for?

naval officers

625.28 Mor[e]over, he too believed Inserted.

626.1 to hold the regency under pretex[t] Added.

636.19 his squadron was seen in its old posit[i]on Inserted.

648.36 Th[e/s] coast defenses Replaced.

651.6 to the group of small islands know[s/n] as Replaced.

the Pescadores

666.15 On the opening of the negot[i]ations Inserted.

668.8 he endeavored to st[u/ea]dy his right arm Replaced.

670.3 a two per cent ad v[o/a]lorem duty Replaced.

671.15 fr[i]endship should be restored Inserted.