signatories to Ainslie’s band, 177
‘Relation,’ the, cited on Riccio’s murder, 65
Reres, Lady, alleged confidant of Mary’s amour with Bothwell, 33, 48,
82, 83;
telepathic story assigned to her, 82;
Paris’s account of her as a go-between, 162;
rails at Mary’s marriage with Bothwell, 184
Reres, Laird of (son of Lady Reres), 83
Riccio, David, his intimacy with Mary, 58, 59;
complained of as a foreign upstart by Scots nobles, 58, 65;
reasons for discrediting his amour with Mary, 60;
Darnley’s hatred and jealousy of him, 63, 64, 65, 66;
‘band of assurance’ for his murder, 67;
nobles and others concerned, 67;
murdered, 69
Ridolfi plot, the, 6
Robertson, Dr. Joseph, on Lady Reres as wet nurse to Mary’s baby, 83;
on the Paris deposition, 158;
on the Glasgow Letter, 296
Rogers, William, informs Cecil of Darnley’s design to seize the Scilly
Isles, 108 note
Ronsard (poet), quoted, 314;
on the Casket Sonnets, 344, 349
Ross, Bishop of. _See_ Lesley
Ruthven Earl of, his account of Riccio’s murder, 17;
presents Mary with a ring as an antidote to poison, 17;
conspiring with Darnley, 67;
seeks refuge in England, 70;
his dying vision, 37;
death, 73
Sadleyr (one of Elizabeth’s commissioners), at the York inquiry, 246
St. Andrews, in Mary’s time, 40
St. Mary in the Fields. _See_ Kirk o’ Field
Sanquhar, signs the band for delivering Mary from Loch Leven, 275, 276
Scarborough, Darnley’s designs on, 108
Schiller’s ‘Marie Stewart,’ cited, 2
Scilly Isles, Darnley’s designs on, 108 note
Scots Parliament, Casket Letters produced before, 241
Scottish Guards (in France), Bothwell captain of, 54
Scott’s ‘Abbot,’ cited, 2
Scrope, quoted, on Captain Cullen, 151-3
Sebastian (Mary’s servant), his marriage at Holyrood, 136, 148
Sempil, John, husband of Mary Livingstone, 356
Sepp, Dr., on the Casket Letters, 242
Seton, Mary (Mary’s attendant), ‘the finest busker of a woman’s hair,’
3, 4
Seton, Mary’s conduct at, 175
Skelton, Sir John, on Bothwell’s age, 14;
his ‘Maitland of Lethington’ cited, 23;
on Mary’s knowledge of the plot against Darnley, 116, 117;
on Mary’s submissive attitude to Bothwell, 315
Sorcery, belief in, in the sixteenth century, 36
Spens (Black Mr. John), 175
Standen (brothers Anthony), one of them boasts that he saved Mary from
assassination, 38;
Darnley’s companions, 60;
their immorality put to Darnley’s account, 75;
romantic memoirs of one of them imprisoned in the Tower, 75;
assist Darnley in his schemes, 108;
the younger, 137, 319 note
Stewart, Christian (heiress to the Buchan earldom), contracted in
marriage with Lord James Stewart, 19;
legal inheritress to Buchan estates, 20;
married to Lord James, 20
Stewart d’Aubigny (Duke of Lennox), James’s banished favourite, 367
Stewart, Lord James (Moray’s brother), contracts himself in marriage to
the Buchan child-heiress, 19;
secures the right of redemption of the Buchan estates, 19;
marries the heiress but loses the estates, 20
Stewart of Periven (Lennox’s retainer), 226
Stewart of Traquair, escorts Mary to Dunbar, 69
Stewart, Sir William (Lyon Herald), burnt for sorcery, 17, 36, 156,
374-379
Stirling, Mary at, 80;
baptism of James VI. at, 105, 106, 107;
full of ‘honest men of the Lennox,’ 109
Strickland, Miss, on Darnley’s signature to State documents, 60 note
Stuart, Lord Robert (Mary’s brother), account of him drawn from a Casket
Letter, 135;
concerned in Darnley’s murder, 162, 165, 166;
Mary’s alleged attempt to provoke a quarrel between him and Darnley,
323, 327
Sussex, Earl of (one of Elizabeth’s commissioners), on Mary’s defence,
245;
believes in an intended compromise, 263;
doubts in judicial proof of Mary’s guilt, 264;
on Mary’s proofs, 287
Sutherland, Earl of, marries Bothwell’s divorced wife, 27;
member of council, 172
Tala. _See_ Hay of Tala
Taylor (Darnley’s servant), killed at Kirk o’ Field, 132, 137, 139, 148
‘The Purpose’ or talking dance, 39
Throckmorton, Sir Nicholas (English envoy), visits Mary in prison, 29;
in communication with Lords of Council, 203, 204;
Lethington acquaints him with Casket Letters, 205, 237;
mentions them to Elizabeth, 355
Throndssön, Anne (Norwegian lady), Bothwell’s treatment of her, 47;
alleges breach of promise of marriage against Bothwell, 48
Tombs of the Kings, the, 39
Tulchan bishops, the, 30
Tullibardine, Mary at, 112
Tullibardine, signs band for releasing Mary from Loch Leven, 276
Walker (Archbishop Beaton’s retainer), on Darnley’s plot to kidnap the
infant James, 108, 110, 111
Walsingham, Sir Francis, and the Casket Letters, 365
Westminster Conference, proceedings at, 240, 266, 270-276
Westmorland, Earl of, in arms for Mary, 277
Whithaugh, Laird of, holds Ker of Faldonside prisoner, 101;
shelters the Ormistouns, 101
Wilson, Dr., asks Cecil for Paris’s confession, 168;
on Mary, 247
Witchcraft and sorcery, 17, 36
Wood, John (Moray’s secretary), helps Lennox in his case against Mary,
150;
hears Paris testify to his deposition, 157;
bears letters to Moray and Cecil, 209, 226;
in custody of the Casket Letters, 196, 227, 228, 229;
on Lethington as a commissioner at Mary’s trial, 244;
slain by Forbes of Reres, 33
York, Commission of Inquiry at, 101, 226, 227, 230, 233, 246, 250 et seq.
Zytphen-Adeler, Baron, his care of Bothwell’s remains, 372
PRINTED BY
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FOOTNOTES:
[1] _Blackwood’s Magazine_, December, 1889.
[2] Bond.
[3] Laing, ii. 284.
[4] See Murdin, p. 57.
[5] Among the mysteries which surround Mary, we should not reckon the
colour of her hair! Just after her flight into England, her gaoler, at
Carlisle, told Cecil that in Mary Seton the Queen had ‘the finest busker
of a woman’s hair to be seen in any country. Yesterday and this day she
did set such a curled hair upon the Queen, that was said to be a perewyke,
that showed very delicately, and every other day she hath a new device of
head dressing that setteth forth a woman gaily well.’ Henceforth Mary
varied the colour of her ‘perewykes.’ She had worn them earlier, but she
wore them, at least at her first coming into England, for the good reason
that, in her flight from Langside, she had her head shaved, probably for
purposes of disguise. So we learn from Nau, her secretary. Mary was
flying, in fact, as we elsewhere learn, from the fear of the fiery death
at the stake, the punishment of husband-murder. Then, and then only, her
nerve broke down, like that of James VIII. at Montrose; of Prince Charles
after Culloden; of James VII. when he should have ridden with Dundee to
the North and headed the clans.
[6] The papers used by Lennox in getting up his indictment against Mary
are new materials, which we often have occasion to cite.
[7] Mr. Henderson doubts if Darnley knew French.
[8] M. Jusserand has recently seen the corpse of Bothwell. Appendix A.
[9] _Actio_, probably by Dr. Wilson, appended to Buchanan’s _Detection_.
[10] Teulet, ii. p. 176. Edinburgh, June 17, 1567.
[11] See a facsimile in Teulet, ii. 256.
[12] Appendix B. ‘Burning of the Lyon King at Arms.’
[13] The private report is in the Lennox MSS.
[14] See the sketch, coloured, in Bannatyne _Miscellany_, vol. i. p. 184.
[15] See description by Alesius, about 1550, in Bannatyne _Miscellany_, i.
185-188.
[16] Information from Father Pollen, S.J.
[17] This gentleman must not be confused with Ormistoun of Ormistoun, in
Teviotdale, ‘The Black Laird,’ a retainer of Bothwell.
[18] Riddell, _Inquiry into the Law and Practice of the Scottish Peerage_,
i. 427. Joseph Robertson, _Inventories_, xcii., xciii. Schiern, _Life of
Bothwell_, p. 53.
[19] Randolph to Cecil, Edinburgh, Sept. 23, 1560. Foreign Calendar,
1560-61, p. 311.
[20] Hay Fleming, _Mary Queen of Scots_, p. 236, note 32.
[21] Cal. For. Eliz. 1561-62, iv. 531-539.
[22] Knox, Laing’s edition, ii. 322-327. Randolph to Cecil _ut supra_.
[23] Knox, ii. 347.
[24] Knox, ii. 473.
[25] Hay Fleming, p. 359, note 29.
[26] Knox, ii. 479.
[27] See Cal. For. Eliz. 1565, 306, 312, 314, 319, 320, 327, 340, 341,
347, 351.
[28] Calendar, Bain, ii. 223.
[29] Bain, ii. 213.
[30] _Ibid._ ii. 242, 243.
[31] Hosack, i. 524.
[32] Cal. For. Eliz. 1564-5, 464.
[33] Bain, ii. 222-223.
[34] Bain, ii. 225. Cal. For. Eliz. 1564-5, 464, 495. Hay Fleming, pp.
380, 381.
[35] Miss Strickland avers that ‘existing documents afford abundant proof,
that whenever Darnley and the Queen were together, his name was written by
his own hand.’
[36] October 31, 1565. Bain, ii. 232.
[37] Bain, ii. 234.
[38] Randolph to Cecil, Nov. 19, Dec. 1, 1565. Bain, ii. 241, 242.
[39] Bain, ii. 242.
[40] Buchanan, _Historia_, 1582, fol. 210.
[41] Bain, ii. 247.
[42] The Foreign Calendar cites Randolph up to the place where _amantium
iræ_ is quoted, but omits that. The point is important, if it indicates
that Randolph had ceased to believe in Mary’s amour with Riccio. Cf. Bain,
ii. 248.
[43] Nau, p. 192.
[44] The subject is discussed, with all the evidence, in Hay Fleming, pp.
379, 380, note 33.
[45] _Ruthven’s Narrative._ Keith, iii. 260. There are various forms of
this Narrative; one is in the Lennox MSS.
[46] Goodall, i. 274.
[47] Bain, ii. 255.
[48] Printed in a scarce volume, _Maitland’s Narrative_, and in Tytler,
iii. 215. 1864.
[49] Bain, ii. 259-261.
[50] Goodall, i. 266-268.
[51] Hosack, ii. 78, note 3.
[52] See Dr. Stewart, _A Lost Chapter in the History of Mary Queen of
Scots_, pp. 93, 94.
[53] This is alleged by Mary, and by Claude Nau, her secretary.
[54] Goodall, i. 264, 265.
[55] Bain, ii. 289.
[56] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 51.
[57] Bain, ii. 276. Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 52.
[58] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 62.
[59] Bain ii. 278.
[60] _Ibid._ ii. 281.
[61] See Joseph Robertson’s _Inventories_, 112.
[62] Bain, ii. 283.
[63] Melville, pp. 154, 155.
[64] Bain, ii. 288, 289.
[65] Bain, ii. 290.
[66] Bain, ii. 294.
[67] Nau, 20, 22.
[68] Bain, ii. 296.
[69] _Detection_, 1689, pp. 2, 3.
[70] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 118.
[71] Stevenson, _Selections_, pp. 163-165.
[72] Cheruel, _Marie Stuart et Catherine de Médicis_, p. 47.
[73] Robertson, _Inventories_, p. 167.
[74] Bain, ii. 300.
[75] _Detection_ (1689), p. 4.
[76] Bain, ii. 440.
[77] Bannatyne, _Journal_, p. 238. This transference of disease, as from
Archbishop Adamson to a pony, was believed in by the preachers.
[78] Teulet, _Papiers d’État_, ii. 139-146, 147, 151. See also Keith, ii.
448-459.
[79] Frazer, _The Lennox_, ii. 350, 351.
[80] Cal. For. Eliz. ix. 354, 355.
[81] Laing, ii. 331, 334.
[82] Nau, p. 35.
[83] Bain, ii. 599, 600.
[84] Bain, ii. 276.
[85] _Diurnal_, p. 99.
[86] See the evidence in Hay Fleming, 414, note 61.
[87] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 139. _Diurnal_, 101.
[88] Teulet, ii. 150.
[89] Laing, ii. 72.
[90] Hay Fleming, 418, 419.
[91] _Queen Mary at Jedburgh_, p. 23.
[92] Bain, ii. 597-599. Anderson, iv. pt. ii. 186. Keith, iii. 290-294.
[93] Goodall, ii. 359.
[94] _Historia_, fol. 214.
[95] Keith, iii. 294. Bain, ii. 600.
[96] Laing, ii. 293, 294.
[97] The original MS. has been corrected by Lennox, in the passages within
brackets. The italics are my own.
[98] Bain, ii. 516, 517.
[99] De Brienne came to Craigmillar on November 21, 1566, _Diurnal_.
[100] Nau, p. 33.
[101] Bain, ii. 293, 310.
[102] Melville, p. 172. (1827.)
[103] Crawford, in his deposition against Mary, says that she spoke sharp
words of Lennox, at Stirling, to his servant, Robert Cunningham.
[104] Keith, i. xcviii.
[105] Bain, ii. 293. This Rogers it was who, later, informed Cecil that
‘gentlemen of the west country’ had sent to Darnley a chart of the Scilly
Isles. If Darnley, among other dreams, thought of a descent on them, as he
did on Scarborough, he made no bad choice. Mr. A. E. W. Mason points out
to me that the isles ‘commanded the Channel, and all the ships from the
north of England,’ which passed between Scilly and the mainland,
twenty-five miles off. The harbours being perilous, and only known to the
islesmen, a small fleet at Scilly could do great damage, and would only
have to run back to be quite safe. Darnley, in his moods, was capable of
picturing himself as a pirate chief.
[106] Hay Fleming, p. 415, note 63.
[107] Labanoff, ii.
[108] Labanoff, i. 396-398. Mary to Beaton, Jan. 20, 1567.
[109] Hosack, ii. 580. Crawford’s deposition.
[110] Hosack, i. 534.
[111] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 163, 164. January 9, 1567.
[112] See Appendix C, ‘The date of Mary’s visit to Glasgow.’
[113] The ‘undermining and’ are words added by Lennox himself to the MS.
They are important.
[114] _Maitland of Lethington._
[115] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 167-168.
[116] On July 16, 1583, she wrote from Sheffield to Mauvissière, the
French Ambassador, bidding him ask the King of France to give Archibald
Douglas a pension, ‘because he is a man of good understanding and
serviceable where he chooses to serve, as you know.’ She intended to
procure his pardon from James (Labanoff, v. 351, 368). She employed him,
and he betrayed her.
[117] Laing, ii. 223-236.
[118] Bain, ii. 599, 600.
[119] _Registrum de Soltre_, p. xxxv, Bannatyne Club, 1861.
[120] Records of the Burgh of Edinburgh, March 14, 1541.
[121] _Registrum de Soltre_, xxxvii.
[122] Burgh Records, Nov. 5, 1557.
[123] Burgh Records, Feb. 19, 1560, March 12, 1560.
[124] Burgh Records.
[125] Keith, ii. 151, 152. Editor’s note.
[126] _Registrum de Soltre_, p. xli.
[127] Burgh Records, Feb. 19, March 12, 1560.
[128] Laing, ii. 254.
[129] Lennox MSS.
[130] See Hay Fleming, p. 434.
[131] Lennox’s sources must have been Nelson and the younger Standen, to
whom Bothwell gave a horse immediately after the murder. Standen returned
to England four months later.
[132] _Diurnal_, 105, 106.
[133] Keith, i. cii.
[134] Register Privy Council, i. 498.
[135] Melville, p. 174, Bannatyne Club.
[136] Labanoff, vii. 108, 109, Paris. March 16, 1567.
[137] Hosack, i. 536, 537.
[138] Spanish Calendar, i. 635, April 23.
[139] Hosack, i. 534. The ‘Book of Articles,’ of 1568, was obviously
written under the impression left by a forged letter of Mary’s, or by the
reports of such a letter, as we shall show later. Yet the author cites a
Casket Letter as we possess it.
[140] Bain, ii. 393.
[141] This is not, I think, a letter of September 5, but of September 16,
but in Foreign Calendar Elizabeth, viii. p. 342, most of the passage
quoted by Mr. Hosack is omitted.
[142] Laing, ii. 28.
[143] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. p. 392.
[144] Laing, ii. 256.
[145] _Diurnal_, 127, 128. Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 393.
[146] Hosack, ii. 245.
[147] This was obvious to Laing. Replying to Goodall’s criticism of verbal
coincidences in the confessions, Laing says, ‘as if in any subsequent
evidence concerning the same fact, the same words were not often dictated
by the same Commissioner, or recorded by the Clerk, from the first
deposition which they hold in their hands.’ It does not seem quite a
scientific way of taking evidence.
[148] See the Confessions, Laing, ii. 264.
[149] Bain, ii. 312, 313.
[150] Arnott and Pitcairn, _Criminal Trials_.
[151] Buchanan, _History_ (1582), fol. 215.
[152] _Maitland Miscellany_, iv. p. 119.
[153] French Foreign Office, _Registre de Depesches d’Ecosse_, 1560-1562,
fol. 112.
[154] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. p. 7, No. 31.
[155] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 229. Drury would not here add to our
confidence by saying that ‘Sir Andrew Ker’ (if of Faldonside) ‘with others
were on horseback near to the place for aid to the cruel enterprize if
need had been.’ Ker, a pitiless wretch, was conspicuous in the Riccio
murder, threatened Mary, and had but lately been pardoned. After Langside,
he was kept prisoner, in accordance with Mary’s orders, by Whythaugh. But
the Sir Andrew of Drury is another Ker.
[156] Bain ii. 321, 325.
[157] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 252.
[158] Bain, ii. 394. Cullen is spelled ‘Callan,’ and is described as
Bothwell’s ‘chalmer-chiel.’
[159] Bain, ii. 355.
[160] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 500. Hosack, i. 350, note 2, and Schiern’s
_Bothwell_.
[161] Laing, ii. 269.
[162] Bain, ii. 698.
[163] See Appendix B, ‘The Burning of the Lyon King at Arms.’
[164] Bain, ii. 667, 668.
[165] Laing, i. 256, 257.
[166] Laing, ii. 253.
[167] Murdin, i. 57.
[168] Laing, ii. 286, 287.
[169] Laing, ii. 259.
[170] Laing, ii. 254.
[171] Laing, ii. 267, 268.
[172] Laing, ii. 287.
[173] Anderson, 1, part II., 76, 77.
[174] Nau, Appendix ii. 151, 152. The Jesuits’ evidence was from letters
to Archbishop Beaton.
[175] Murdin, p. 57.
[176] In the ‘Book of Articles,’ and in the series of dated events called
‘Cecil’s Journal.’
[177] Hay Fleming, p. 444.
[178] Spanish Calendar, i. 628. For Moray’s dinner party, cf. Bain, ii.
317.
[179] Spanish Calendar, i. 635.
[180] Laing, ii. 244.
[181] Labanoff, ii. 2-4.
[182] Venetian Calendar, vii. 388, 389. There were rumours that Lennox had
been blown up with Darnley, and, later, that he was attacked at Glasgow,
on February 9, by armed men, and owed his escape to Lord Semple. It is
incredible that this fact should be unmentioned, if it occurred, by Lennox
and Buchanan.
[183] Hay Fleming, pp. 442-443.
[184] Robertson, _Inventories_, p. 53.
[185] Anderson, i. 112. Bain, ii. 322.
[186] Keith knew a copy in the Scots College at Paris, attested by Sir
James Balfour as ‘the authentick copy of the principall band.’ This copy
Sir James sent to Mary, in January, 1581, after Morton’s arrest. The names
of laymen are Huntly, Argyll, Morton, Cassilis, Sutherland, Errol,
Crawford, Caithness, Rothes, Boyd, Glamis, Ruthven, Semple, Herries,
Ogilvy, Fleming. John Read’s memory must have been fallacious. There are
eight prelates in Balfour’s band, including Archbishop Hamilton, the
Bishop of Orkney, who joined in prosecuting Mary, and Lesley, Bishop of
Ross (Keith, ii. 562-569). On the whole subject see a discussion by Mr.
Bain and Mr. Hay Fleming, in _The Genealogist_, 1900-1901. Some copies are
dated April 20. See Fraser, _The Melvilles_, i. 89.
[187] Spanish Calendar, i. 662.
[188] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 213.
[189] Bain, ii. 323, 324.
[190] Melville, p. 177.
[191] Melville, p. 178.
[192] Drury to Cecil, Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 222.
[193] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 223-224.
[194] May 6, Drury to Cecil.
[195] Drury to Cecil, May 6. Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 223, 224.
[196] Undated letter in Bannatyne, of 1570-1572.
[197] See Stewart’s _Lost Chapter in the History of Queen Mary_ for the
illegalities of the divorce. The best Catholic opinion is agreed on the
subject.
[198] Melville, 182. Teulet, ii. 153, 170.
[199] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 235.
[200] Drury to Cecil, Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 240.
[201] Dates from James Beaton’s letter of June 17. Laing, ii. 106, 115.
[202] Nau, 46-48.
[203] Laing, i. 113. June 17, 1567.
[204] Melville, p. 183.
[205] Teulet, ii. 179.
[206] Teulet, ii. 169, 170. June 17.
[207] Bannatyne’s _Memorials_, p. 126.
[208] Nau, 50-54.
[209] Laing, ii, 115.
[210] Bannatyne, _Journal_, 477, 482.
[211] Chalmers, _Life of Mary, Queen of Scots_ (1818), ii. 486, 487, note.
I do not understand Randolph to bring these charges merely on the ground
of Mary’s word. _That_ he only adds as corroboration, I think, of facts
otherwise familiar to him.
[212] Mr. Froude has observed that the Lords, ‘uncertain what to do, sent
one of their number in haste to Paris, to the Earl of Moray, to inform him
of the discovery of the Letters, and to entreat him to return
immediately.’ Mr. Hosack says that Mr. Froude owes this circumstance
‘entirely to his imagination.’ This is too severe. The Lords did not send
‘one of their number’ to Moray, but they sent letters which Robert
Melville carried as far as London, and, seventeen days later, they did
send a man who, if not ‘one of their number,’ was probably Moray’s agent,
John Wood (Hosack, i. 352).
[213] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. p. 261.
[214] Spanish Calendar, i. 657.
[215] Cal. For. Eliz. ix. pp. 354, 355.
[216] Fénelon, _Dépêches_ (1838), i. 19, 20.
[217] Fénelon, i. 22. To this point we shall return.
[218] La Mothe Fénelon, vii. 275-276.
[219] Cal. Span. i. 659.
[220] Bain, ii. 336.
[221] Bain, ii. 338.
[222] Bain, ii. 339.
[223] Bain, ii. 341.
[224] Melville to Cecil, July 1. Bain, ii. 343.
[225] Bain, ii. 350, 351.
[226] Bain, ii. 322, 360.
[227] _Ibid._ 358.
[228] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 297, 298. Keith, ii. 694, 700.
[229] Already, on July 16, Mary had offered verbally, by Robert Melville,
to the Lords, to make Moray Regent: or, failing him, to appoint a Council
of Regency, Châtelherault, Huntly, Argyll, Atholl, Lennox, and, ‘with much
ado,’ Morton, Moray, Mar, and Glencairn. But she would not abandon
Bothwell, as she was pregnant. Throckmorton does not say that she now
promised to sign an _abdication_. A letter of Mary’s, to Bothwell’s
captain in Dunbar, was intercepted, ‘containing matter little to her
advantage.’ It never was produced by her prosecutors (Throckmorton, July
18. Bain, ii. 355,356). Robert Melville, visiting her, declined to carry
such a letter to Bothwell. See his examination, in Addit. MSS. British
Museum, 33531, fol. 119 _et seq._
[230] Bain, ii. 367.
[231] Bain, ii. 328.
[232] _Ibid._ i. 346-348.
[233] Bain, ii. 346.
[234] _Ibid._ 354. July 16.
[235] Alava to Philip, July 17. Teulet, v. 29.
[236] De Silva, July 26, August 2. Spanish Calendar, i. 662, 665. I have
occasionally preferred the Spanish text to Major Hume’s translations. See
also Hosack, i. 215, 216.
[237] Froude, iii. 118. 1866.
[238] Lennox MSS.
[239] The words within inverted commas are autograph additions by Lennox
himself.
[240] Ogilvy of Boyne, who married his old love, Lady Bothwell, after the
death of her second husband, the Earl of Sutherland. See pp. 26, 27,
_supra_.
[241] _A Lost Chapter in the History of Mary Stuart._
[242] Throckmorton to Elizabeth, July 18. Bain, ii. 355.
[243] Throckmorton to Elizabeth, July 31, 1567. Bain, ii. 370.
[244] _Maitland Miscellany_, vol. iv. part i. p. 119.
[245] Teulet, ii. 255, 256.
[246] Labanoff, ii. 106.
[247] Bain, ii. 423.
[248] _Ibid._ 441, 442.
[249] I do not know where the originals of these five letters now are.
They were among the Hamilton Papers, having probably been intercepted by
the Hamiltons before they reached Moray, Lethington, Crawford, and the
others.
[250] Bain, ii. 514.
[251] _Ibid._ 523, 524.
[252] For. Eliz. viii. 478, 479. Bain, ii. 426, 427.
[253] Bowton’s confession. Laing, ii. 256, 257.
[254] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 331.
[255] Cal. For. Eliz. viii. 363.
[256] Moray, Morton, Glencairn, Errol, Buchan, Home, Ruthven, Semple,
Glamis, Lindsay, Gray, Graham, Ochiltree (Knox’s father-in-law),
Innermeith, the treacherous Bishop of Orkney, Sir James Balfour (deeply
involved in the murder), Makgill, Lethington, Erskine of Dun, Wishart of
Pitarro, Kirkcaldy of Grange, and others of less note.
[257] Nau, pp. 71-73.
[258] Teulet, ii. 247.
[259] Act in Henderson, 177-185.
[260] Nau, 74, 75.
[261] Goodall, ii. 361. B. M. Titus, c. 12, fol. 157 (_olim_ 175). ‘And
gif it beis allegit, yat hir ma{tz} wretting producit in pliamẽt, sould
proiff hir g, culpable. It maybe ansrit yat yäre is na plane mentione maid
in it, be ye quhilk hir hienes may be convict Albeit it wer hir awin hand
wreitt, as it is not And als the same is cuttit (cullit?) be yame selfis
in sum principall & substantious clausis.’
[262] Sepp, _Tagebuch_, Munich, 1882.
[263] Bain, ii. 441, 442.
[264] _Maitland Club Miscellany_, iv. 120, 121.
[265] Teulet, ii. 248.
[266] Bain, ii. 517.
[267] Bain, ii. 434.
[268] Nov. 8, 1571. Murdin, p. 57.
[269] State Trials, i. 978.