THE STRAIT GATE
Since the days when the cosmic energy of coal was first harnessed to the
looms of England, mechanical contrivances of almost miraculous ingenuity
have followed one another in such rapid succession that men have come to
place undue reliance upon machinery for the solution of the difficult
human problems that impede progress toward the good life and a worthy
civilization. Just as the earlier generations failed in the spiritual
preparedness necessary to the conversion of the technical triumphs of
Newcomen and Watt, Fulton and Stephenson, and a host of others to the
higher ends of civilization, so our generation shows a similar
disposition to rely upon the wonder workers of mechanical science to
save us from the disastrous consequences of muddling along in the field
of human relations whether in industry, in the nation, or among the
nations. But the good life is not to be won by mechanical invention
alone. One of the outstanding lessons of the World War was that great
inventions in the realm of the physical and chemical sciences may be
destructive of the very civilization which it is their higher mission to
serve. Unless we have the spiritual capacity to make the technique of
science obedient to the commandment to love our neighbor as ourselves,
superpower systems, high-voltage transmission, the internal-combustion
engine, may again intensify the exploitation of man by man, the clash
of groups for power, the brutality of international wars for
possession.
We men and women of the twentieth century have developed a complacent
habit of priding ourselves upon our scientific open-mindedness, our
respect for facts, our eagerness to accept the revelations of authentic
scientific investigation and experiment. As we mount into the clouds on
the wings of the aeroplane or catch the voice of the radio operator out
of ethereal space, we have a tremendous sense of intellectual
emancipation, a thrill of escape from ancient bigotries and
superstitions. There is some warrant for this self-congratulatory
attitude in so far as it relates to the physical sciences. We have
reason to be proud that we have banished the primitive fears that led an
earlier age to persecute men like Galileo for telling the truth with
respect to the place of the earth in the stellar universe. We are
sufficiently emancipated to know that the inventors of the dynamo, the
turbine engine, the spectroscope, wireless telegraphy, and high-voltage
electrical transmission are not guilty of heresy. When Steinmetz forges
a thunderbolt and sends it crashing across his laboratory, we do not
burn him for witchcraft. The inquirers into the nature of the atom, the
structure of the cerebral ganglia, or the chemical composition of the
nebulae in the Milky Way are free from medieval taboos.
But unfortunately we have not developed an equally enlightened attitude
toward the inquirers into the nature of human relations in politics or
industry, or toward those who would apply the experimental method to the
development and scientific reconstruction of industrial or political
government. Terms like _trusts_, _the money power_, _trade unions_,
_industrial autocracy_, _collective bargaining_, _socialism_,
_bolshevism_, _private monopoly_, _public ownership_, stir all our
ancient fears, resentments, and hates. Men may be unorthodox in the
physical sciences; we are growing tolerant of unorthodoxy in religious
opinion. But unorthodoxy in the realm of politics is still frowned upon.
We still imprison men for their political and economic opinions when
they challenge the finality of accepted institutions and especially when
they advocate the fundamental reconstruction of accepted forms of
political and economic government. Yet it is quite as true in the realm
of human relations, as in that of the physical sciences, that the truth
and the truth only can make us free. Human brotherhood can be achieved
only through human understanding.
It is a commonplace to say that the vigorous growth of democracy depends
upon education. But much repetition has dulled the vital implications of
the assertion. We tend to forget that a democracy that permits essential
knowledge to be withheld from general circulation digs its own grave;
that while men talk of emancipation and freedom, ignorance may forge
chains for their enslavement. When any group within the community is
permitted to treat facts essential to the development of right human
relations as "trade secrets," education itself becomes stereotyped and
sterile. Text-books and "lessons" become spiritually and intellectually
empty, like the prayers which certain Eastern cults pin to wheels that
spin idly in the wind.
The authentic prophets of democracy have constantly striven to keep the
channels of popular education free from the clogging muck of
selfishness, superstition, and prejudice. They have had faith in the
essential justice and ultimate wisdom of informed public opinion. Such
men have appeared in government, among the coal owners, among the
miners, who are the commoners of the coal industry.
In 1914 the coal operators of Illinois and Indiana issued a _Statement
of Facts_ for the enlightenment of the Government and the people. The
normal state of the coal industry, they declared, was such as to
"endanger the lives of the miners, waste the coal reserves, and deprive
the operators of any hope of profit." They therefore appealed for
"appropriate and definite governmental control" to the extent "at least
of permitting all their activities to be known to the public." They thus
approved of the action of Congress in creating the Federal Trade
Commission "to gather and compile information concerning, and to
investigate from time to time the organization, business, conduct,
practices, and management of any corporation engaged in commerce ... and
to make public from time to time such portions of the information
obtained by it, except trade secrets and names of customers, as it shall
deem expedient in the public interest." The coal operators went further
than Congress since they made no reservations with respect to trade
secrets. But after the armistice, the organized operators of the nation,
through one of their members, secured an injunction restraining the
Federal Trade Commission from prosecuting its work of investigation and
publicity, the effect of which was to render the Federal Trade
Commission Act null and void so far as the education of the public with
respect to the coal industry was concerned. In the language of a
senator, this action "tied the Government's hands and poked out its
eyes."
With a view to remedying certain of the major evils that interfered with
the service of the coal industry to the nation, Senators Calder,
Frelinghuysen, and Kenyon introduced bills and conducted public
hearings. They had concluded that what Congress and the public needed to
know if they were to legislate fairly and intelligently was the full
truth about "ownership, production, distribution, stocks, investments,
costs, sales, margins, and profits in the coal industry and trade." But
in 1921, the organized operators of the country, feeling that they could
conduct the industry most successfully without governmental supervision
or the scrutiny of informed public opinion, opposed all attempts at
legislation designed to accomplish the precise ends which in 1914 the
operators of Illinois and Indiana regarded as essential to the best
interests of all concerned. In reviewing the history of the efforts
which he and his colleagues had made to get at and publish the facts,
Senator Frelinghuysen reported to Congress that "though we made every
concession that we felt justified in making, we find, after two years of
conference and the price of coal still high, that practically all of
these operators, organized and unorganized, are bitterly opposing the
principle of these two bills--first, the season freight rate bill, and
second the bill 'to aid in stabilizing the coal industry'--and have
organized an elaborate propaganda with a view to bringing about their
defeat.... The National Coal Association has been the chief defender of
the coal trade since I became interested in the subject.... For a time I
looked upon the men of this organization as fair and reasonable and I
sympathized with their demand that the coal trade be permitted to work
out its own salvation without Government interference, provided full
statistics were obtainable regarding cost of production, transportation,
and delivery to the humblest consumer. For a time they seemed willing
to concede this. But I am finally and reluctantly convinced that my
hope in that direction has always been a delusion."
After devoting two years to a vain attempt to get at "full statistics,"
Senator Frelinghuysen lost patience with the operators. But he forgot
that many of their leaders still sincerely adhere to Mr. Baer's faith
that God has entrusted the interests of the community to the owners of
property and that congressional interference, even when limited to the
ascertainment of statistics, is subversive not only of the status of the
owners as trustees of the nation's fuel resources, but also of the
public interest itself. This conviction of the operators is a fact that
must be weighed without impatience like any fact in chemistry or
physics.
The position of many labor leaders is fundamentally the same as that of
the operators. They have the traditional fear of the autocratic power
which they believe to be inherent in the state. Like the operators, they
are convinced that the public interest is best served when each and all
of the groups within industry are left free to pursue their special
interests with utmost aggressiveness, on the theory that the clash of
many selfishnesses results, as by a law of nature, in the neutralization
of selfishness and its conversion into public advantage. It is utopian
folly, they say, to attempt to change "human nature," the dominant
characteristic of which they hold to be the acquisitive instinct, and
equally vain to attempt to modify the natural operation of the "law of
supply and demand," which, in their judgment, transcends the
"idealistic" law of service. They agree that it is unfortunate that this
should be so, but since it is so, does it not behoove practical men to
act accordingly? There are many men of this mind among the leaders and
rank and file of the miners, as well as among the operators.
But the creative impulse back of the organized labor movement is by
virtue of necessity the democratic impulse, and where the democratic
impulse is vigorous it feeds upon the consciousness of kind whose
principal channel of growth is knowledge. In their national convention,
held in Cleveland, Ohio, in 1919, the miners adopted a resolution
calling upon the Government, "through Act of Congress, to acquire title
to the coal properties within the United States now owned by private
interests; by purchasing said properties at a figure representing the
actual valuation of said properties, as determined upon investigation by
accredited agents of the federal Government." They asked that "the coal
mining industry be operated by the federal Government and that the
miners be given equal representation upon such councils or commissions
as may be delegated the authority to administer the affairs of the coal
mining industry...." The stated object of the resolution was to secure
the operation of the industry "in the interest of, and for the use and
comfort of all of the people of the commonwealth ..." and "to prevent
the profligate waste that is taking place under private ownership of
these resources by having the Government take such steps as may be
necessary providing for the nationalization of the coal mining industry
of the United States."
As to the relative merits of the policy of national ownership as
advocated by the United Mine Workers of America, and the policy of free
competition and unrestrained private initiative advocated by the
organized operators, it is for the informed public ultimately to judge.
For two years, the miners' nationalization resolution stood as the
expression of a more or less vague aspiration, a more or less vague
faith that public ownership would check overdevelopment and so eliminate
the humanly demoralizing effects of intermittent production and
irregularity of employment. Nationalization, the miners believed, would
go far to correct the disastrous moral and physical effects of a
situation which on an average of ninety-three days in each working year,
deprives them of the opportunity to work.
At their next national convention, held in Indianapolis in 1921, they
themselves recognized the controversial nature of their nationalization
policy. So they moved to less debatable ground. They created a
Nationalization Research Committee to get at and secure the publication
of facts. In his first public address as chairman of this
Nationalization Research Committee, Mr. John Brophy, president of the
organized miners in district No. 2, Central Pennsylvania, instead of
dogmatizing about the miners' policy of public ownership and democratic
administration as the infallible remedy for the evils of the coal
industry, appealed to the public, the operators, and the miners "to stop
theoretical squabbling and cooperate with us in making all facts about
the industry available to the public. We believe in intelligently
planned industry. We believe that the only method for the intelligent
organization of the industry is nationalization. The employers disagree.
In order to arrive at a decision we ask them to submit the facts to the
American people, the only jury that has a right to pass judgment on the
case.... We ask immediate legislation for centralized, continuous, and
compulsory fact-finding in the coal industry."
A democracy that acquiesces in its own ignorance of the elementary facts
respecting an industry upon which, not only its own economic life, but
also the economic life and civilized progress of the entire world so
largely depends, betrays the high privilege and responsibility of a
self-governing citizenship. Today neither the public nor the Government
knows whether the coal industry is fairly capitalized, what the extent
and value of the coal reserves are, whether depreciation and depletion
charges are reasonable, or what are the profits and losses of the
industry. Nobody knows whether the prices which the consumer is required
to pay are fair and reasonable. Nobody knows precisely what the
preventable wastes of the industry are. The annual wages of the miners
are not subject to precise statistical statement, nor does anyone know
the number of hours the miners work when the mines are in operation or
the number of hours they are given opportunity to work. The statements
we have are for the most part large averages based upon inductions from
small cross-sections of the industry. The working conditions of the
miners, the technical state of the organization of work underground, the
cost of living at the more than eleven thousand mines, remain in the
foggy realm of guesswork, estimate, and speculation. In the face of
conditions which, as the operators of Illinois and Indiana stated in
1914, "endanger the lives of the miners, waste the coal reserves, and
deprive the operators of any hope of profit," the people, like the
people's government, are ignorantly helpless. In the absence of
essential information, the public especially at times of controversy
within the industry is left to the mercy of prejudiced and partisan
propaganda.
"I think it is plain folly," Dr. Garfield, formerly head of the Fuel
Administration, testified before the Senate Committee on Manufactures,
"not to provide for a continuous finding of the facts as to the cost of
production, as to the stocks of coal on hand, as to the working
conditions in the mines, and as to the cost of living.... We cannot get
along as a Government or as an industry, whether you think of it from
the standpoint of the operators or mine workers, without knowing the
facts, and the public is also vitally interested in these facts."
The U. S. Geological Survey has in the past issued:
1. Annual report on the production of coal by counties and by producing
fields. 2. Annual report on the movement of coal, showing the state or
locality to which coal produced in each district is shipped; and the
origin, by producing fields, of the coal consumed in each state or
locality. 3. Current reports at frequent intervals, showing production
of coal, operating conditions at the mines, and the movement of coal by
rail and by water to various consuming districts. 4. Occasional reports
on stocks of coal in the hands of representative consumers. 5. Annual
reports on consumption by the larger users. 6. Special reports.
But while the methods to be used in these reports have been worked out,
not all of them are being carried on permanently, the reason being lack
of funds. The latest detailed annual report on the movement of coal is
for 1918, and it is uncertain when another can be prepared. The current
reports are inadequate and the reports on stocks and consumption are
issued only at irregular intervals.
Even the annual reports of production leave untouched many subjects of
vital importance. We have no quantitative information, on a national
scale, as to the amount of coal cleaned; the amount of mine-run, slack,
and prepared sizes produced; the mechanical equipment of the mines; the
depth of the coal workings; the distance the miner must traverse from
mine mouth to working face; the dip of the coal seam; the tonnage
produced by long-wall or room-and-pillar methods; the quantity of coal
in the ground lost to the nation each year, in the roof, in pillars,
because of squeezes; or the quantity lost in thin seams not now minable
which are broken and fractured by the mining of lower seams. We do not
know accurately how fast electrical haulage is replacing animal haulage
underground, what progress the loading machine is making in relieving
human backs of the labor of shoveling coal into cars. Of course, any
operator and any miner knows of these things in a general way in his own
locality, but such scattered, hazy, local knowledge will not suffice. We
must have accurate information, national in scope.
In the realm of the financing of coal companies the ignorance of the
public is almost complete. We do not know the capital value of the coal
deposits, nor the degree of concentration and control of ownership of
mines or mineral. We do not even know who owns the coal beds. There is
no list of the landholding companies who as landlords absorb in many
districts the economic rent paid by the mines working favorable seams.
We do not know the prevailing royalty rates, we do not know whether or
not there is a soft-coal trust. The most basic of our American
industries moves in fog by day and blackness by night.
The social creeds of the Christian churches will remain the expressions
of vague aspirations until they are supplemented by the knowledge
essential to their concrete definition. Men and women who profess
allegiance to the Great Commandments of Jesus have come to realize that
the Kingdom of God on Earth, the Brotherhood of Man, cannot be built by
fiat or verbal proclamation. The building of a worthy civilization is as
definitely an engineering enterprise as the building of the Panama
Canal. It demands a scientific procedure and a patient devotion as
thoroughgoing as that which during the past two hundred years has gone
into the development of the steam engine, the aeroplane, or high-tension
electric transmission. The theory of nationalization, like the theory of
collective bargaining and the traditional theory of progress by free
competition, must each be tested, as the existing social and industrial
order must be tested, in the light of painfully ascertained facts, and
in terms of their effect upon the individual personality.
For it is only in the light of the truth that we shall be able to build
a civilization in which the individual personality may find full
fruition. It is only by the aid of knowledge and human understanding
that we shall be able to resolve the drama of civilization into a
victory of the consciousness of kind over the warfaring acquisitive
instinct. It is only by making the technique of science obedient to the
Great Commandments of Jesus that we shall be able to build a
civilization worthy of a world that moves through infinite space with
the sun and the marching stars.
WHAT TO READ
A SELECT LIST
_American Economic Review_. New Haven, Conn. Supplement. March, 1921.
ARCHBALD, HUGH
$Four-Hour Day in Coal.$ N. Y. H. W. Wilson Co. 1922. 148 pp.
BLOCH, LOUIS
$Coal Miners' Insecurity;$ Facts about Irregularity of Employment in
the Bituminous Coal Industry in the United States. N. Y. Russell Sage
Foundation. 1922. 50 pp.
BROPHY, JOHN
See United Mine Workers of America, District No. 2, and United Mine
Workers of America, Nationalization Research Committee.
CAMPBELL, M. R.
$Coal Fields of the United States.$ Wash. Govt. Printing Office. 1917.
33 pp. (U. S. Geological Survey. Prof. paper. 100-4.) Map, tables,
diagrams.
COMMONS, J. R., ed.
$Trade Unionism and Labor Problems,$ 2d series. Boston. Ginn & Co.
1921. 838 pp.
Contains:
Edgar Sydenstricker. Settlement of Disputes under Agreement in the
Anthracite Industry. pp. 495-524.
Ethelbert Stewart. Equalizing Competitive Conditions. pp. 525-533.
COMMONS, J. R., and others
$History of Labour in the United States.$ N. Y. Macmillan Co. 1918.
2 vols.
ECKEL, E. C.
$Coal, Iron and War;$ A Study in Industrialism, Past and Future. N. Y.
Henry Holt & Co. 1920. 375 pp.
EVANS, CHRIS.
$History of the United Mine Workers of America from the Year 1860 to
1900.$ Indianapolis. United Mine Workers of America. 1920. 2 vols.
GIBBINS, H. DE B.
$Economic and Industrial Progress of the Century.$ Phila.
Bradley-Garretson Co., Ltd. 1903. 524 pp.
GIDDINGS, F. H.
$Principles of Sociology.$ N. Y. Macmillan Co.
GILBERT, C. G., and POGUE, J. E.
$America's Power Resources;$ the Economic Significance of Coal, Oil and
Water Power. N. Y. Century Co. 1921. 326 pp.
GREAT BRITAIN. Coal Industry Commission
$Reports and Minutes of Evidence.$ London. H. M. Stationery Office.
1919. 3 vols. (Cmd. 359-361.)
HAMMOND, J. L., and BARBARA
$Skilled Labourer, 1760-1832.$ N. Y. Longmans, Green & Co. 1919.
397 pp.
$Town Labourer, 1760-1832.$ N. Y. Longmans, Green & Co. 1918. 346 pp.
$Village Labourer, 1760-1832;$ A New Civilization. N. Y. Longmans,
Green & Co. 1921. 342 pp.
HAPGOOD, POWERS
$In Non-Union Mines;$ the Diary of a Coal Digger. N. Y. Bureau of
Industrial Research. 1922. 48 pp.
HODGES, FRANK
$Nationalization of the Mines.$ N. Y. Thomas Seltzer. Prof. d. 1920.
LANE, W. D.
$Civil War in West Virginia;$ A Story of the Industrial Conflict in the
Coal Mines. N. Y. B. W. Huebsch. 1921. 128 pp.
LAUCK, W. J.
$Summary, Analysis and Statement Before the United States Anthracite
Coal Commission.$ Wash. United Mine Workers of America. 1920. 44 pp.
$The Trade Union as the Basis for Collective Bargaining,$ a Compilation
of Sanctions and Experiences. Wash. United Mine Workers of America.
1920. 171 pp.
$What a Living Wage Should Be as Determined by Authoritative Budget
Studies.$ Wash. United Mine Workers of America. 1920. 7 pp.
MITCHELL, JOHN
$Organized Labor, Its Problems, Purposes and Ideals and the Present and
Future of American Wage Earners.$ Phila. American Book and Bible House.
1903. 436 pp.
MOORE, E. S.
$Coal;$ its Properties, Analysis, Classification, Geology, Extraction,
Uses and Distribution. N. Y. John Wiley & Sons. 1922. 462 pp.
MURRAY, W. S., and others
$Superpower System for the Region between Boston and Washington.$ Wash.
Govt. Printing Office. 1921. 261 pp. (U. S. Geological Survey,
Professional Paper. 123.)
ROY, ANDREW
$History of the Coal Miners of the United States, from the Development
of the Mines to the Close of the Anthracite Strike of 1902.$ Columbus,
O. J. L. Trauger Printing Co. 1907.
SAWARD, FREDERICK W.
$Saward's Annual;$ a standard statistical review of the coal trade, by
Frederick W. Saward. N. Y. 1922. 254 pp.
SHALER, N. S.
$Man and the Earth.$ N. Y. Chautauqua Press. 1907. 240 pp.
SPUR, J. E., ed.
$Political and Commercial Geology and the World's Mineral Resources$;$
A Series of Studies by Specialists, 1st ed. N. Y. McGraw Book Co. 1920.
$Coal.$ By G. S. Rice and F. F. Grout. pp. 22-54.
SUFFERN, A. E.
$Conciliation and Arbitration in the Coal Industry of America.$
Boston. Houghton Mifflin Co. 1915. 376 pp.
_Survey Graphic_. New York
$Coal Number.$ April, 1922.
UNITED MINE WORKERS OF AMERICA, DISTRICT NO. 2
$Facts!$ Clearfield, Pa. 1921. 16 pp.
$Government of Coal.$ Clearfield, Pa. 1921. 24 pp.
$Miners' Program.$ Clearfield, Pa. 1921. 6 pp.
$Why the Miners' Program?$ Clearfield, Pa. 1921. 10 pp.
UNITED MINE WORKERS OF AMERICA. Nationalization Research Committee
$Compulsory Information in Coal;$ a Fact-Finding Agency. Clearfield,
Pa. John Brophy, President, U. M. W. of A., District No. 2. 1922.
28 pp.
U. S. BITUMINOUS COAL COMMISSION
$Majority and Minority Reports.$ Wash. Govt. Printing Office. 1920.
120 pp.
U. S. CONGRESS. HOUSE. COMMITTEE ON LABOR
$Investigation of Wages and Working Conditions in the Coal-Mining
Industry.$ Hearings on H. R. 11022. Wash. Govt. Printing Office. 1922.
Vol. 1. 443 pp. Nolan Committee on Bland Bill.
U. S. CONGRESS. SENATE. COMMITTEE ON EDUCATION AND LABOR
$West Virginia Coal Fields.$ Hearings pursuant to S. Res. 80. Wash.
Govt. Printing Office. 1921. 2 vols. (67th Cong., 1st Sess.)
$West Virginia Coal Fields.$ Personal views of Senator Kenyon and views
of Senators Sterling, Phipps, and Warren. Wash. Govt. Printing Office.
1922. 30 pp. (67th Cong., 2d Sess. S. Report No. 457.)
U. S. CONGRESS. SENATE. COMMITTEE ON INTERSTATE COMMERCE
$Increased Price of Coal.$ Hearings Before a Subcommittee Pursuant to
S. Res. 126. Wash. Govt. Printing Office. 1919. 4 vols. (66th Cong.,
1st Sess.) Frelinghuysen Committee.
U. S. CONGRESS. SENATE. COMMITTEE ON MANUFACTURES
$Publication of Production and Profits in Coal.$ Hearings on S. 4828.
Wash. Govt. Printing Office. 1921. 3 vols. (66th Cong., 3d Sess.) La
Follette Committee.
U. S. CONGRESS. SELECT COMMITTEE ON RECONSTRUCTION AND PRODUCTION
$Reconstruction and Production.$ Hearings pursuant to S. Res. 350.
Wash. Govt. Printing Office. 1921. 3 vols. (66th Cong., 3d Sess.)
U. S. FEDERAL TRADE COMMISSION
$Cost Reports. Coal.$ June 30, 1919. Wash. Govt. Printing Office.
1919-1921.
$Report ... on Anthracite and Bituminous Coal.$ Wash. Govt. Printing
Office. 1917. 420 pp.
U. S. GEOLOGICAL SURVEY
$Mineral Resources of the United States.$ Wash. Govt. Printing Office.
1881-date.
$Weekly Report of Production.$ Wash. Geological Survey. 1917-date.
U. S. IMMIGRATION COMMISSION
$Reports; Immigrants in Industries.$ Wash. Govt. Printing Office.
1911. Vols. 6, 7, 16.
WARNE, F. J.
$Coal-Mine Workers;$ a Study in Labor Organization. N. Y. Longmans,
Green & Co. 1905. 252 pp.
WEBB, SIDNEY and BEATRICE
$History of Trade Unionism.$ Rev. ed. extended to 1920. N. Y. Longmans,
Green & Co. 1920. 784 pp.
WEBB, SIDNEY
$Story of the Durham Miners (1662-1921).$ London. Fabian Society. 1921.
145 pp.
COAL INDUSTRY--PERIODICALS
_Coal Age_. (Weekly.) McGraw-Hill Publishing Co. N. Y. 10th Ave. and
36th St. C. E. Lesher, editor.
_Coal Review_. (Weekly.) Official organ of National Coal Association.
Wash., D. C., Commercial National Bank Bldg., 14th and G Sts. John B.
Pratt, editor.
_United Mine Workers' Journal_. (Bi-monthly.) United Mine Workers of
America. Merchants Bank Bldg. Indianapolis. Ellis Searles, editor.
INDEX
PAGES
Accidents 44-47, 81
Acquisitive instinct 9-12, 16, 18, 38
Agriculture 23-24
America 23-33
American Federation of Labor 57-58
American miners' association 53
Anthracite industry 54
Anthracite strike, 1902 48, 62-64, 66-71
Arbitration and conciliation 48-49, 54-56, 58-59, 63-65
Associations 18-19
(See also Miners' unions; Operators' associations.)
Avondale disaster 45-46
Baer, George F. (quoted) 63, 107
Blossburg, Pa. 41-42
Brophy, John 109
By-products of coal 96-99
Calder, William M. 106
Central competitive field 66
Child labor 13-15
Church and industry 50, 113
Civil War (U. S.) 37, 41, 53
Civilization 11-21
Clearfield, Pa. 56
Coal resources of U. S. 26, 79
Coal resources of world 8-9, 78-79
Collective bargaining 54, 59-77
Committee on war and the religious outlook 50
Company stores 40-43
Consciousness of kind 9-12, 16-21
Consumption of coal 80-81
Economic surplus 2, 10-12, 15
England 22, 23
Exploitation of coal 24, 27, 38
Fact finding 35, 68, 105-107, 110-113
Federal trade commission 35, 105
Finance 112
Frelinghuysen, Joseph S. 106-107
Fuel administration 29-36, 90-91
Garfield, G. A. (quoted) 30, 111
Geological survey 79, 111
Geology of coal 4-6
Giddings, F. H. (quoted) 17
Gilbert, Chester G. (quoted) 83-84, 97
Gompers, Samuel 57-58
Government investigations 106-107
Government regulation 27-36
(See also Fuel administration; Nationalization.)
Hammond, J. L. and Barbara (quoted) 13-15
Hanna, Mark 55, 63
Hawkins, Sir John 13
Hazards 44-47, 81
Hoover, Herbert (quoted) 34
Immigrant miners 42
Imperialism 25
Industrial democracy 50-53
Industrial revolution 2, 6-9, 22-23
Inventions 8, 102
Isolation 40
Kenyon, William S. 106
Knights of labor 57, 61
Lane, Franklin K. 91
Leeky, W. E. H. (quoted) 13
Lesher, C. E. (quoted) 31-32
Lloyd, Thomas 53
Management 76
McBride, John 59
Mine inspection 44-48
Miners 13-15
Miners' job 43-44
Miners' national association 54-58
Miners' unions 20, 38-49, 52-65
Mining law 44-48
Mining towns 40
Mitchell, John 61-65
National civic federation 63
National coal association 72, 107
National federation of miners and mine laborers 59
Nationalization 77, 108-110
Natural gas 87-88
Operators 46-47, 105
Operators' associations 72-75, 106-107
Overdevelopment 27-28, 59
Parsons, Floyd W. (quoted) 79
Pennsylvania, Secretary of internal affairs 43
Petroleum 83-87
Pogue, Joseph E. (quoted) 83-84, 97
Population and coal 7-8
Power 80, 88, 90-101
Power distribution 80
Public opinion 42, 44
Public utility, coal as a 31-32, 64
Railroad administration 31-32
Railroads 28, 31-32, 80
Rend, W. P. 59
Roosevelt, Theodore 48, 63-64, 66-67
Roy, Andrew (quoted) 39, 42, 44-45
Rushmore, D. B. (quoted) 79
Scrip 42
Sherman law 73, 77
Shortage of coal 29
Siney, John 54-56, 58
Smith, G. O. (quoted) 80
Solar power 1
"Statement of facts" 105
Steel industry 65-66
Steinmetz, Charles P. (quoted) 88
Strikes 40-41, 48, 62-64, 66-71, 75
Superpower plan 92-96, 100-101
Transportation of coal 28, 31-32, 80
Tryon, F. G. (quoted) 27, 77
Unemployment 81
United mine workers of America 61-77, 108-109
War 2, 26
Wastes 26, 38, 59, 76, 80-82, 96
Water power 88
Weaver, Daniel 52-53
Webb, Beatrice and Sidney (quoted) 50-51
West Virginia 40, 48, 61, 65-66, 74
Wilson, William B. 63
Wilson, Woodrow 71
Workingmen's benevolent association 54
* * * * *
The table below lists all corrections applied to the original text.
p 42: But curious sports -> sorts
p 60: that the wide-spread -> widespread
p 115: HAMMOND, J. L., -> [comma added]
p 115: Town Labourer, -> [semicolon changed to comma]
p 121: Naturalization -> Nationalization
p 121: McBride, John -> shift after Management
p 122: Parsons, Floyd W. -> shift after Overdevelopment